Northern Ireland Assembly, 29 June 2026

343 contributions from 64 members. The official report.

Executive Committee Business

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

The Insolvency (Amendment) Bill has received Royal Assent. The Insolvency (Amendment) Act (Northern Ireland) 2026 became law on 24 June 2026. It is chapter 6.

Matter of the Day

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

Deirdre Hargey has been given leave to make a statement on further revelations about inappropriate behaviour by Jeffrey Donaldson and failures to address those, which fulfils the criteria set out in Standing Order 24. If other Members wish to be called, they should rise in their place and continue to do so. All Members who are called will have up to three minutes to speak on the subject. I remind Members that interventions are not permitted, and I will not take any points of order on this or any other matter until this item of business has finished.

Deirdre Hargey (Sinn Féin, Belfast South)

One week ago today, Jeffrey Donaldson was found guilty of 18 child sexual offences, including rape. That conviction was made possible only by the strength and resilience of the two victims who came forward and reported the abuse. Donaldson was an abuser. He abused children, but he also abused his position in politics and faith. Involved in the most sensitive of political negotiations, with access to political power and influence, how was an abuser able to rise to the highest ranks of political office as an MLA and an MP at Westminster and to become the leader of the largest unionist party, the DUP?

Since the court case, more shocking information has come to light regarding a pattern of behaviour that was kept hidden from the public by his colleagues, who worked with him, socialised with him, promoted him and followed him. They now say that they knew about his behaviour, but, crucially, they did nothing to expose his inappropriate hypocrisy and double life. The 'Spotlight' programme and other reports have shown that senior members of the DUP — its most senior figures, including the then leader, Edwin Poots — were aware of serious issues and allegations about his behaviour — behaviour that compromised him and raised serious questions about his character. Not only were those serious red flags ignored but, incredibly, Donaldson was elected as DUP leader — the leader of unionism — and protected by a culture of cover-up and promoted as a paragon of morality. We need to hear how that happened, given that the truth was very different.

His abuse has caused lasting hurt and trauma to his victims. His double standards, including his condemnation of and opposition to equality and rights for our LGBTQ+ citizens, have caused real harm to others. The revelations about his double life expose the staggering hypocrisy of the DUP's moral facade. We need to know whether failing to act sooner left more vulnerable people at risk.

There are also serious questions to answer for others in positions of authority and power in religious institutions to which the allegations of abuse were disclosed. Why were those allegations not reported to the authorities? Why was the victim placed in front of the perpetrator? Moreover, questions must be asked of policing and of the British Government and their intelligence agencies. Donaldson was a member of the Privy Council. He had access to British Prime Ministers and highly classified material. It is therefore not credible to suggest that the intelligence agencies were blind to his compromised double standards and double life.

Those questions demand answers from the DUP leadership. They demand answers in the House from the deputy First Minister, who was closely associated with Donaldson. They demand explanations from every one of his colleagues who sits muted on the foreign Benches. The public have a right to know —

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

The Member's time is up.

Deirdre Hargey (Sinn Féin, Belfast South)

— the answers.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Jeffrey Donaldson is an abuser, and he — no one else — is responsible for his abuse. His victims have experienced pain that few of us can imagine and shown courage that few of us would be capable of. Although Donaldson alone is culpable for his actions, all institutions are responsible for protecting vulnerable people. Abusers can manipulate in any organisation. That is why safeguarding policies exist and need to be followed, and it is why further revelations about Donaldson's actions must be explained and investigated.

'Spotlight' and the 'Belfast Telegraph' have reported that a young woman complained of being exploited by the former DUP leader. The allegations were serious enough for the former MP and MLA for North Antrim to describe that young woman as a "victim" of Donaldson and pass her complaint on to the then party leader, who is now the Speaker. We are told that that woman's wishes were followed up on but not whether a safeguarding policy was followed or whether the matter was referred to the police. Given, as I said, that the party leader in question is now the Speaker of the Assembly, it is of the utmost importance that urgent and specific clarity be brought to the matter. What was the nature of the complaint? What safeguarding policy was followed? What action was taken? The convention in the House is that we do not challenge the Chair, but such conventions pale in comparison to questions of safeguarding, so I ask for clarity on what processes were followed, and, yes, that goes for the DUP more broadly. An internal review will not be enough, given the gravity of the issues. We also need to understand whether any concerns were raised about Jeffrey Donaldson when he was an MLA, including when he served as a junior Minister with specific responsibilities for young people. The public must have confidence that those of us who wield power are following safeguarding processes.

Distinct from specific questions of safeguarding is the issue of divergence between the public and the private. That also touches on public confidence. To be clear, I do not believe that public figures should have their lawful private lives policed when it comes to sexual conduct or alcohol intake. I am not a moralist. I do not seek to sit in judgement of others or to constrain others' private lives. The DUP does, however, and has done for all its existence. It is of no consequence to me what people do privately, so long as it is legal and consensual, but it becomes a matter of public interest when a party political leader whose party is blocking basic rights for gay people and blocking relationships and sexuality education (RSE) for young people is engaged in grotesquely hypocritical conduct.

There is a whole range of questions that need to be answered. We have scarcely time to touch on them in the short time available today. One such question concerns the defamation regime in Northern Ireland. We need to understand whether it serves to protect powerful people here. At the heart of this, however, is the fact that the DUP needs to reflect on what has happened —

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

The Member's time is up.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

— and explain —

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

The Member's time —.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

— what actions have and have not been taken.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

The Member's time is up.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

We need to know what it —

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

Mr O'Toole.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

— knew about Donaldson, when —

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

Mr O'Toole.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

— it knew it and what —

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

Resume your seat, Mr O'Toole.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

— it did about it.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

You know that Members are restricted to three minutes. No Member will be given any longer than that.

Michelle McIlveen (DUP, Strangford)

The guilty verdicts returned against Jeffrey Donaldson one week ago represented justice being delivered following the most serious and disturbing of criminal offences. No sentence can undo the harm that has been caused, but, at least, the victims can know that the truth has prevailed and the law has taken its course. Our thoughts remain with the victims and their families. For the courage that they demonstrated in coming forward and the strength that they showed throughout a lengthy and traumatic legal process, they deserve the respect of the entire House and the wider public.

When Jeffrey Donaldson was first charged, the Democratic Unionist Party acted immediately, because we believe in the rule of law and in allowing criminal proceedings to take their proper course. In recent days, further allegations regarding inappropriate behaviour have emerged, and there have been suggestions that others may have been aware of aspects of that behaviour. Those matters are deeply concerning. That is precisely why our party leadership has commenced the process of commissioning a specialised independent review. We intend to follow the facts, wherever they lead.

We could seek to deflect and to use today's debate to remind people of how Sinn Féin and the First Minister dealt with the McMonagle conviction or the scandal regarding Gerry Adams's brother Liam — about the cover-up and protection that was given to them. Indeed, the mover of the Matter of the Day is in no place to talk about truth and transparency: we all remember her timely trip to the toilet in Magennis's bar. Before seeking to occupy the moral high ground, others would do well to reflect on their own records. The DUP is clear that, when legitimate questions are raised, they must be answered. Openness, not evasion, is the only way to rebuild public confidence. We will not deflect, hide or shrink from scrutiny. We will follow the facts wherever they lead, because that is what victims deserve and what the people of Northern Ireland have every right to expect.

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

This is about victims: two women who had the courage to come forward. I trust the fact that they got a measure of justice last week will encourage others to come forward and give them confidence in the belief that, irrespective of who their abuser is or how historical the abuse is, there can still be justice for victims.

Since that, it has become apparent that senior members of the DUP were made aware of other potential victims. While it should always be for an individual victim to decide whether to pursue a criminal prosecution, that does not absolve those who knew of those cases of their safeguarding responsibilities. Some of those people are still in high office in politics, including as Speaker of the Assembly. Questions about what was known, when it was known and what actions were taken must be asked and answered transparently. From the 'Spotlight' programme, it appears that, by people's own admission, no action was taken in those cases.

There are questions not only for political parties but religious and faith-based organisations. Serious disclosures were made to people in pastoral positions, and, again, nothing was done to safeguard the victims or other vulnerable people. It is long past time that faith-based counselling was properly regulated and subject to the same standards as other counselling, including in respect of safeguarding.

This also raises again the issue that relationships and sexuality education in Northern Ireland is fundamentally flawed. The fact that a victim came forward and said that could not even find the words to describe what had been done to her because she was not aware that it was as wrong as it was represents a failure of relationships and sexuality education.

Jeffrey Donaldson is not the first and will not be the last closeted gay or homosexual person to have felt the need to live a closeted life because of the sanctimonious, puritanical and judgemental environment that has been fostered in this place by politicians and religious institutions. That is separate and distinct, however, from accusations of sexual assault and paedophilia. Let us never conflate the two, because that trope has been used to damage many people whose sexuality is private and their own business and who are entirely engaged with consenting adults, as is right. We cannot create and the DUP should not contribute to the kind of repressive environment where people are fearful of being open about their sexual orientation on the basis that, even when they come to the House —

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

Time is up.

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

— appalling things are said and done —

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

OK. Time is up.

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

— on a homophobic basis and are rarely challenged.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

The Member's time is up.

Jon Burrows (UUP, North Antrim)

I praise again the victims who gave evidence against Jeffrey Donaldson, and I hope that it sends a message to everyone in our society that, no matter who you are, you can be held to account. It is the time for higher standards of integrity and honesty in our politics, and I hope that the rest of the Members join in my call for forfeiture mechanisms to be put into our pension scheme so that those who are convicted of sexual crimes can have their pension stripped from them. It is an abiding scandal that Jeffrey Donaldson will get up to £60,000 a year in prison having been convicted of rape and that, if anything happens to him, the survivor's pension will go to the lady who aided and abetted that rape. That has to end. There are people who are having their assets stripped so that they can pay for nursing homes and care homes at the end of their life, having done the right thing for their whole life. That needs to be addressed.

There are two aspects to this. There is the criminality of Jeffrey Donaldson. I take it in good faith, unless it is proved otherwise, that nobody knew that he was abusing those young girls. However, his behaviour was in plain sight, it seems. He was leading a double life. He was hypocritical. He was telling people to do as he said, not do as he did. That cannot be acceptable. It cannot be acceptable that that was not brought to the attention of the electorate. It cannot be acceptable that he was a blackmail risk in the United Kingdom. If he was acting in the way that was portrayed in the 'Spotlight' programme, he was extremely vulnerable to anyone trying to extort him or make him vulnerable to any form of blackmail. That needs to be addressed.

If someone makes an allegation of sexual assault or any other crime against anybody, there is not just a responsibility to deal with it criminally, if the victim wishes, but a safeguarding responsibility that falls on any organisation. It is unforgivable if safeguarding was not discharged in the case where allegations were made.

The need for a full inquiry into this is so important that I am calling on the Government. I have written to the Prime Minister today. We need a proper inquiry. This goes to the heart of what aspects of the Church knew, what politicians knew and what political parties knew; indeed, there is an allegation about what different police services knew or what the security services knew. Therefore, we need facts. We need to make sure that whoever is doing that review has access to all of the information and material. We need to learn lessons here. Someone who was a senior parliamentarian, who was knighted, who was on the Privy Council and who had grace and favour and access was acting in a way that would see you thrown out of a job in Tesco. There can be no excuse for his getting away with that.

My thoughts are with the victim. This needs to be a defining moment in our politics. I will do my own rapid review in our party if we need to look at things, but the Prime Minister needs to grip this. This was a privy counsellor and a senior politician. People in Westminster will have seen this behaviour, and it cuts across all parties. We need a proper inquiry, and we need it now.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

The revelations that have come to light since dirty Donaldson's conviction and the red flags that his colleagues ignored raise profound and troubling questions for the DUP, but for Sinn Féin generally and Deirdre Hargey in particular to come to the Chamber and pontificate about safeguarding is utter hypocrisy. There was not much safeguarding the night that Miss Hargey hid in the toilet as Robert McCartney was being murdered.

If there is one thing that we must learn from this sad and vile tragedy, it is that we must listen to victims. I would like to put on record some facts that have been drawn to my attention by two victims of abuse in the past 24 hours. Gerry Adams covered up his father's abuse and ensured that he was given a full republican funeral. He covered up his brother's abuse of his niece for years. Adams knew —

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

Mr Gaston.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

— about Máiría Cahill's case.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

Mr Gaston. You will be aware, as others are, of the subject of the Matter of the Day, and you must address that.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

Thank you very much, Mr Deputy Speaker, but it is important that we look at those who have brought forward the Matter of the Day. They are more than willing to direct the eye and point the finger —

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

Address the Matter of the Day.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

— at other people, who deserve to have the eye directed at them, but they have to look through the prism of what they have done in their past.

Today, we heard from Miss Hargey that a victim should not be forced to face their abuser. That is exactly what the IRA did to Máiría Cahill.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

Mr Gaston, for the third time, I ask you to address the Matter of the Day. The topic is abundantly clear. If you cannot address it, desist, and we will move on.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

Mr Deputy Speaker, thank you very much. I take your guidance.

Let us look at the red flags that were missed. A victim came forward to the former MP for North Antrim Mr Paisley. The concerns raised were serious enough for Mr Paisley to send a text message to somebody outside his party. My question to the Democratic Unionist Party is this: who else was that text message shared with? Who else was leant on when it came to the leadership race, and was it used then? It is clear from the timeline of events that, back in March 2023, Donaldson was compromised. There needs to be a full and transparent explanation of who knew what, when they knew it and, indeed, when that information was passed among and talked about within the party.

I have serious concerns and reservations when it comes to safeguarding. We all have to look at this as something that requires a victim-centred approach, but there are parties sitting in the Chamber that do that only when it suits. Those who tabled this special Matter of the Day turned a blind eye when it suited them. I think of all victims: I think of Máiría Cahill and those who suffered at the hands of Sinn Féin. The hypocrisy that Sinn Féin has shown cannot be let slide. I pay tribute to the victims of Jeffrey Donaldson. Sadly, I believe that more will come forward as a result of the red flags that were missed. He was allowed to live a double life. I hope that —

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

Time is up.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

— in future, that will not be allowed —

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

Time is up.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

— to happen with anyone else in political life.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

Mr Gaston, your time is up.

Emma Sheerin (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I thank my colleague Deirdre Hargey for bringing this matter before the House. It is a matter of huge public interest. Anyone who knows Deirdre knows that she has always been and is still a powerful advocate for the most vulnerable, including all who have been subject to abuse.

Last week, the news that Jeffrey Donaldson had been found guilty of the sexual abuse of children, including rape, shocked and horrified us all. The details of his crimes are disgusting and invoke profound sympathy for the brave women who had the tenacity to tell their story in court. None of us can imagine how they feel and what they have gone through, but we send them our sincere support and respect. What has made their ordeal even more disturbing is the level of hypocrisy involved. For many years, Donaldson used his position of power to abuse and to escape justice. He presented himself as a role model. We now know that that was bogus and that his public persona was a deception. He deployed his faith not only to cover his horrific behaviour but to promote a false and harmful morality in, as others have said, the most sanctimonious of manners.

In the days since the guilty verdict, many in the DUP have admitted that they knew that Donaldson was not what he pretended to be. It is now obvious that many at the most senior levels of the DUP leadership, including former leader Edwin Poots, were aware of the alarmingly inappropriate behaviour by Donaldson, yet they did nothing. Knowing about his deceit and deception, his double life and double standards, the DUP elected him as its leader. That decision defies any reasonable or rational explanation.

Eóin Tennyson (Alliance, Upper Bann)

Jeffrey Donaldson and Jeffrey Donaldson alone is responsible for his heinous abuse. We know that abusers lurk in the shadows and that this could have befallen any organisation, community or political party. The allegations that came to light in the 'Spotlight' documentary, however, go beyond the actions of one individual. It is now clear that senior members of the DUP were aware of other potential victims of exploitation and abuse, and that rather than bring those allegations to the attention of the authorities, they appeared to use them for party political purposes. That raises profound questions, including for the Speaker of the Assembly, that go to the heart of public confidence in these institutions and political parties. Those who have come forward only now, saying that they are not surprised or that they always suspected that something was wrong, simply to use this as part of a grudge match and settle old scores, should hang their heads in shame, as should those who have attempted to use this matter for party political point-scoring in the Chamber today.

We must not conflate salacious elements of Jeffrey Donaldson's private life with the fact that he was a paedophile and a predator. That trope has been tried and tested, and has done untold harm to members of our LGBTQ+ community. I do not care whether Jeffrey Donaldson visited a gay sauna or projectile vomited over the Mayor of Beijing. What I do care about is the gross hypocrisy that those issues have exposed. Scandal after scandal has shown that those who push puritanical, sanctimonious and hostile rhetoric towards the LGBTQ+ community are guilty of nauseating hypocrisy. All Members, including those in the DUP, should reflect on that, on the harm caused, apologise to the LGBTQ+ community and change course.

This must be a turning point not just for the parties in the Chamber but for society. It is clear that the two victims at the centre of the original case were grossly failed, and it is through their bravery that these issues were brought into the light. We owe it to them to ensure that, never again, will an institution be prioritised over the protection of victims and to make policy change to ensure that faith-based counselling is regulated, safeguarding procedures are followed and, importantly, that reforms are made to our RSE system so that, never again, will a child or young person not have the words or not know where to turn when they are a victim of abuse. That is the least that we owe the victims at the centre of this case.

Robbie Butler (UUP, Lagan Valley)

This has to be one of the most difficult topics that any of us will ever speak on because we have to be incredibly careful with our words so that we do not deflect from the pain and horror that was inflicted on the victims in this case, and in every case of sexual violence against women, girls and boys.

After last week's judgement on Jeffrey Donaldson and the horrific acts for which he was found guilty, we must consider recent revelations about inappropriate behaviour and the way that concerns were raised and handled, and the questions that were asked and, perhaps, brushed aside. That does not reside only with other political parties, however. It concerns how the PSNI acted, how things happened in Westminster and how the statutory agencies and counselling services, whether faith-based or not, reacted. Why is that important? It is important because we must not revisit the issue in the House. It is a stain on every political party.

First, at every juncture, our focus must be on the victims, who are actually survivors. They deserve to be heard, supported and taken seriously from the moment they raise concerns. Secondly, we need accountability. When warnings or complaints are made, the public deserves to know how they were handled and whether the processes were fit for purpose. If they were not, we all must learn from that. Thirdly, this is about safeguarding. No organisation, including political parties, should treat safeguarding as optional. That should also be the case in a church or other faith setting, and I say that as a person of faith. Those should be places where children and adults are most safe and secure. Procedures must be clear, enforced and acted on without delay. Fourthly, public trust is at stake. Confidence in our institutions depends on transparency and the principle that no one is above scrutiny, regardless of position or status. At times, the rank hypocrisy in this place is nauseating, and it has been nauseating to many victims over decades. Finally, we must recognise the need for culture change, whereby inappropriate behaviour is challenged early, whistle-blowers are protected and silence or deference to power is never allowed to override integrity. That is what rebuilding trust requires: truth, accountability and a system that puts people before reputation.

I say one thing in response to Miss Hargey: Mr Donaldson was not the leader of unionism; he did not lead my party.

Members' Statements

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

If Members wish to be called to make a statement, they should indicate that by rising in their place. Those Members who are called will have up to three minutes to make their statement. I remind Members that interventions are not permitted. I will not take points of order on this or any other matter until the item of business has finished.

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

I will speak in solidarity with the workers at Haldane Fisher in Newry who have almost completed their third week of industrial action at the site. I recently met the workers on the picket line.

Haldane Fisher is an institution in Newry — a leader in the building industry — to which many of the workers on the picket lines have given decades of service. In fact, many of those workers, some of whom have worked there for over 40 years, say that they had never had to take industrial action. That is telling about the situation that they find themselves in. They feel that they have no other choice and that industrial action is, indeed, a last resort.

My message to senior management at Haldane Fisher today is this: come to the table; engage with the union; support the workers; and come to a conclusion that will achieve a positive outcome for workers and the organisation. No one wants to be in such a situation. The workers deserve fair pay and an outcome that is proportionate to what they are facing. I say, "Solidarity" to the workers. I respect their decision to take action, but I hope that a resolution can be found as soon as possible.

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

This week, I will travel to France to pay my respects to all those who fought and the many who fell at the Battle of the Somme as we mark its 110th anniversary.

From across Northern Ireland, generations have served their country. They have stood against tyranny, defended democracy, provided humanitarian aid in times of crisis and represented the very best of this place. Many of the men — the boys — who fought at the Somme were ordinary sons, fathers, brothers and friends: tens of thousands of ordinary men and boys who lived through a truly extraordinary thing. They fought for our freedoms. They fought against aggression. They fought, and many, many died, in the defence of others. Such courage and sacrifice deserve not only our gratitude but our enduring support.

"No greater love hath a man than this, that he lay down his life for his friends".

One of the men who fought was James Sandford, my great-grandfather. He fought, he survived, he went on to fight again, and he was seriously injured in another battle. I am deeply proud of him, and I am proud of all those who stepped forward with such honour in the face of the horror of that war. Another was Robert Hillen, who, aged just 20, lost his life on the first day of the Somme. He was my great-grandmother Margaret's brother. The 36th (Ulster) Division and so many others suffered so many thousands of casualties on that first day.

At a time when the world remains uncertain and when freedom cannot be taken for granted, we are reminded that the security that we enjoy today was secured through the dedication and bravery of others. When I stand there this week, looking at the gravestones of so many who made the ultimate sacrifice to defend our freedom, I will also remember — we must always remember — the responsibility that we carry forward. Remembrance is not only about honouring the past; it is about shaping the future. It is about ensuring that the sacrifice of those young men who gave everything that they had and that they might have become was not in vain. Their legacy lives on in the freedoms that we enjoy, the values that we uphold and the choices that we make as a society.

It falls to us all to be worthy of that sacrifice. We must stand firm for peace, defend democracy and ensure that, even in the darkest of times, we never forget the cost paid for the world, the peace and the freedom that we so often take for granted.

Paula Bradshaw (Alliance, Belfast South)

This time last year, the First Minister and the deputy First Minister received research reports on clerical child sexual abuse. Unfortunately, 12 months on, questions remain about what has been done with the research and what actions have been or are being taken. Last week's revelations are only the most recent in a series that shows the clear and obvious necessity for urgent and transparent action on safeguarding in faith-based settings.

Members will recall that the Executive Office commissioned three separate reports to examine victims' experiences, historical record-keeping and safeguarding practices in religious organisations. I am not coming at the issue as a result of last week's revelations. On 27 January this year, we debated a motion on the matter in the Chamber, and assurances were given that we would see progress shortly. At the end of May, the Committee for the Executive Office demanded the release of the reports, but we have not seen them. My most recent public call for their publication was just three weeks ago.

Frankly, victims and survivors have waited long enough. They have made clear their desire to see the publicly funded reports published. It is outrageous that they should have to wait a second longer. Endless delay does nothing for victims and survivors, who should be central to the process. That is hardly the trauma-informed approach that we in the Assembly have promised them. They and we need to hear how the First Minister and the deputy First Minister have decided to proceed, including whether there will be a public inquiry. Victims and survivors have made the case for such an investigation to look at the extent of systemic institutional cover-up, the practice of the movement of perpetrators, the failures to report abuse and the use of secrecy agreements. What about the historical policing response, including refusals to take statements and the lack of insight into institutional complicity? That has to be interrogated as well.

Other questions remain, such as whether regulatory changes will be put in place to provide independent oversight of Church safeguarding measures to stop abuse happening now and in the future, because we know that such abuse is not just historical but continues today. In comparison, even the simple question of whether specialist support services similar to those accessible by victims of historical institutional abuse and mother-and-baby institutions will be put in place for victims and survivors of clerical child sexual abuse remains unanswered.

We have to be clear that a failure to see action in the area a full year on from receipt of the research will be looked on as —

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

The Member's time is up.

Paula Bradshaw (Alliance, Belfast South)

— an institutional cover-up.

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

Members will be aware of the sad, sudden and untimely passing of Dr Tom Frawley CBE, the chair of the Western Health and Social Care Trust. Tom had a long and extremely distinguished career as a public servant that began in the health service. I am told that he became the youngest person ever to be appointed as chief executive of any public body throughout the United Kingdom when he became CEO of the Western Health and Social Services Board. After that, he was both the Assembly Ombudsman for Northern Ireland and Northern Ireland Commissioner for Complaints. Following that, he was vice chair of the Northern Ireland Policing Board, before returning to his first love: the health service.

(Mr Speaker in the Chair)

Tom was ombudsman when I was Chair of what was then the Committee for the Office of the First Minister and deputy First Minister, which is now the Committee for the Executive Office. He promoted the idea of amalgamating the positions of ombudsman and commissioner, because, depending on which hat he wore, he had significantly different powers, and, unsurprisingly, that was confusing for the public. For Tom, serving the public always came first. That Committee remains the only Committee, I believe, to successfully pass legislation in the Assembly, and I am forever grateful to Tom for understanding how to advise without interfering.

His CV is impressive, but more impressive was Tom the person.

Think public service, wisdom, generosity and courtesy. Think integrity, insight and curiosity, the lack of which is a key criticism of the two public inquiry reports of recent days. I have had the privilege to meet a number of wonderful, passionate and compassionate public service leaders, such as Maurice Hayes, Sir George Quigley and Professor Sir Desmond Rea, who passed recently. Tom Frawley is a member of that elite.

I share this thought: anybody considering a leadership role in public service would do well to study not just his career but the values that Tom Frawley cherished and, more important, how he put them to work for the public good. Be curious. Ask questions not just about what is in place but about how it is working, and ask for proof. Celebrate the success of others more than basking in your own achievements. Adopt a simple policy: be human.

At requiem Mass on Saturday, some of his friends and colleagues reminisced about how he would hold you to account — no excuses — but, when it was over, he was still your friend, courteous and with a wicked sense of humour. My condolences to his wife Marie, children Rachel, Joe and Dan and the broader family. They will miss him the most. I shall miss him selfishly because I do not know where I will find another mentor to match him.

Sinéad McLaughlin (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

I want to speak about a deeply disappointing and completely unnecessary decision. Last weekend, Dublin celebrated Pride with the participation of every Irish government Department. More remarkably, last weekend, Pride was celebrated in Hungary. They celebrated diversity, equality and inclusion in the face of growing challenges, yet in Belfast — in Northern Ireland — the Civil Service has quietly withdrawn from Pride without discussion or debate. That sends an entirely wrong message at the wrong moment in time.

I want to make three points. First, the legal justification simply does not stand up to scrutiny. The Civil Service has pointed to what it describes as:

"the current legal and case law context".

However, that appears to rest largely on a High Court judgement in England involving Northumbria Police. That judgement is not binding here. Northern Ireland has its own legal framework and its own equality obligations. For years, the Northern Ireland Civil Service took part in Pride because it recognised that it was an inclusive employer, committed to supporting all its staff and demonstrating those values publicly. Nothing has changed fundamentally in Northern Ireland to justify abandoning that position.

Secondly, accountability matters, as we know. The Civil Service does not decide government policy; Ministers do. The Minister of Finance has responsibility for the Northern Ireland Civil Service. This is ultimately a policy decision and, with that, comes political responsibility. I ask Minister O'Dowd to look at that decision again and, please, reverse it.

Finally, this is about the kind of society that we want to build. Government should never be used to impose a particular moral or religious world view on everyone else. Our role is to serve citizens equally regardless of who they are or whom they love. Too often, in this place, we have seen equality treated as something to be resisted rather than embraced. We should have moved beyond that by now. LGBTQ+ people are part of every community across Northern Ireland. They contribute to our economy, our public services and our civic life. They deserve to know that their Civil Service stands with them, not that it steps back when doing so becomes politically difficult.

Pride has always been about visibility, dignity and inclusion. The Northern Ireland Civil Service should be there, proudly demonstrating that those values matter. I hope that the Minister shows leadership, reverses that action and ensures that the Civil Service once again stands alongside our communities, whom it exists to serve.

Aisling Reilly (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

I want to speak about a remarkable little four-year-old girl from my West Belfast constituency called Ciarla Herron. Ciarla is a bright, happy and determined wee girl whom I recently had the opportunity to meet at one of her fundraisers. Like any four-year-old, she just wants to play with her friends and siblings. She wants to learn and do everything that comes with being a child of four years old.

Ciarla was born with a rare form of cerebral palsy that is commonly known as "bilateral cerebral palsy". She uses a Kaye walker, a wheelchair and, sometimes, crutches day by day because she cannot walk or stand unaided. She tires easily and lives with pain in her wee limbs, but she meets every day with courage, resilience and a smile that inspires everyone around her. What stands out most about Ciarla is the determination that she shows every day. She has undergone specialist physiotherapy that has already transformed her strength, confidence and movement. She has completed two intensive therapy programmes and is currently in London going through another extensive round of treatment. With the right support, she has every opportunity to keep progressing. Her dream is simple: she just wants to be able to walk by herself, unaided.

Like too many families, Ciarla's parents have had to travel outside Ireland to access that specialist treatment. Alongside the emotional strain comes the financial pressure of therapy costs, travel, accommodation and time away from home and family life. Families should not have to fundraise simply to give their child the best possible chance. We also have a responsibility here to ask what more we can do so that families are not forced to leave home or shoulder enormous financial burdens to access life-changing therapies for their children such as Ciarla.

Ciarla has captured the hearts of so many people, who have come together to stand behind one little girl and one little family, helping them to continue along that journey. I finish by paying tribute to Ciarla's mummy and daddy, their entire family and everyone who has supported or contributed to her campaign. Most important, I pay a huge tribute to Ciarla herself, who continues with such determination every day just so that she can walk by herself.

Julie Middleton (DUP, Foyle)

I speak on the return of the Maritime Festival to my constituency of Foyle, an event that has rightly become a jewel in the crown of our events calendar. The festival is of immense importance to our city. It brings tens of thousands of visitors to our historic quayside and injects vital revenue into our local hospitality, retail and tourism sectors. It showcases the very best of our warmth and civic pride to the world.

It is precisely because the festival is such a positive and unifying showcase for our city that I must highlight my disappoint at the treatment from some quarters of the presence of the Royal Navy vessel gracing our shores. It is deeply regrettable that a vocal minority attempted to cast a shadow of negativity and intolerance over the event. That opposition is not just tiring; it is completely divorced from the history of Londonderry. We are a city built on maritime heritage. During the darkest days of the Second World War, our city was the vital nerve centre for the Battle of the Atlantic. At the peak of the battle, the Royal Navy base at HMS Ferret hosted tens of thousands of British and Allied servicemen, serving as a shield against tyranny. Let us never forget that it was to the waters of the Foyle that the German U-boat fleet was ordered to sail to offer its historic surrender in May 1945. That pivotal moment in global history happened right on our doorstep, delivered by the courage and strategy of the Royal Navy and its allies.

We are seeing the fantastic development of the new maritime museum at Ebrington Square, a site steeped in naval and military history. I say to those who tried to protest against a visiting ship over the past few days that history cannot be rewritten to suit a narrow political agenda. The stones of Ebrington and the waters of the Foyle bear testament to our true past. True tolerance means respecting all aspects of our shared history, not trying to airbrush out the parts that you find politically inconvenient. The Royal Navy is a vital part of who we are, where we come from and what we have achieved on the global stage.

I commend the organisers of the festival and thank the crew of the visiting vessel for their service. I urge everyone in the House to reject the petty intolerance that seeks to diminish a proud historical legacy.

Danny Baker (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

On Saturday, I was in Lisburn with a number of my colleagues to take part in a leaflet drop across Lisburn and Lagan Valley to promote our Assembly candidate and councillor Declan Lynch. Declan, his wife and mother and I were all subjected to intimidation and sectarian abuse by a number of loyalists. Some followed us into the shop to ask, "Do you like the flags? Do you like being up here? We know that you come up here. You are not welcome up here". Sadly, they even asked, "Where do you live? We will find out where you live". Then, as we proceeded with the leaflet drop, Declan's mother, his wife and his toddler son were subjected to the vilest sectarian abuse. I cannot say the words in the Chamber, but they were preceded by the word "Fenian". That has all been reported to the police.

The days of no-go areas are over. Every Member of the Assembly must be able to go about their job without threats, intimidation or sectarian abuse. The people responsible for that type of behaviour want to drag us back in time. They want to divide us and want hate and fear to dominate, but they will not win. Sinn Féin has the right to go anywhere to speak to people and work with them to improve their lives. It has the right to work with communities to improve areas and develop community resources and services to make this a better place for all of us, no matter our background, to live and raise our families. We will be told by no one where to go or what we can and cannot do. Those days are over. They are done. We will keep moving forward, and we will not be deterred. Our commitment and that of Declan Lynch is to work for everyone in Lagan Valley, and that is what he will do every day.

I conclude with this: the silence from political leadership in that community is deafening. I see the deputy First Minister in the Chamber: I call on her to condemn the sectarian abuse that a grandmother and mother were subjected to in Lagan Valley on Saturday.

Alan Robinson (DUP, East Londonderry)

As the school year comes to a close, 2026 will see the loss of two high-profile educators in Roe Valley. Those two individuals have given many valuable years of service to the education system.

Marshall Kilgore MBE, principal of Drumachose Primary School in Limavady, will walk out the door for the last time having given over a quarter of a century of service as a principal and spent over 35 years working in primary education. He started his teaching career in 1989 at Londonderry Model Primary School and had been a teaching principal at Donemana Primary School in Strabane before becoming principal of Drumachose . Mr Kilgore is fondly known as the beating heart of the school. He is a man who openly talks about how sport has influenced his life from an early age to the present day. His love of sport has inspired so many others. He has been an incredibly popular head of school and has the respect of many across the education system in the Province. I wish him well and trust that he will enjoy having more time for the sports that he is so deeply fond of, including rugby.

I also pay tribute to Nicola Madden, who steps down as head of Limavady Grammar School having served in that role for a decade. Her educational role began in Dunluce School in Bushmills as head of geography. She then joined Dalriada School in 1998 as a teacher of geography. As an educator, she was deeply involved in the Duke of Edinburgh's Award scheme and coached various junior hockey teams. In her role, she led in high-quality teaching and learning that led to impressive pupil achievements.

While the two individuals led very different schools, they shared a calling: to provide the best education for young people and to inspire those around them. They have been a steady, reassuring presence for generations of children and trusted colleagues to their staff. They leave an enduring legacy: countless pupils began their educational journey under their care. They have guided their schools with distinction, maintaining high academic standards while ensuring that pastoral care remained at the heart of everything that they did. Both understood that education is about so much more than examinations and qualifications; it is about building character, creating opportunities and believing in young people, often before they believe in themselves.

Marshall and Nicola, I hope that you begin your well-earned rest with immense pride in all that you have accomplished. Your schools will undoubtedly miss you, but your legacy will continue through every pupil whose life was enriched because of your years of service. While this is the end of one chapter, it opens the door to exciting new opportunities. I hope that you both have more time to spend with your families and friends, having new adventures, doing long-postponed hobbies and perhaps even having the chance to enjoy a morning without an alarm clock. I thank you for your years of faithful service to education. Thank you for the difference that you have made not only to your schools but to the wider Roe Valley area. I wish you both much happiness, good health and many wonderful years ahead.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Time is up.

Alan Robinson (DUP, East Londonderry)

May your retirement be as rewarding and fulfilling as the careers that you have left behind.

Robbie Butler (UUP, Lagan Valley)

Everyone will agree with me that there can be no compromise when it comes to protecting children and those who have suffered from sexual abuse. The law is absolutely clear: the anonymity afforded to complainants in sexual offence cases is not an optional courtesy but a legal protection that exists to safeguard victims from further trauma, encourage others to come forward and uphold confidence in our justice system.

We have heard many warnings from the Attorney General and the PSNI that anyone who seeks to identify or facilitate the identification of protected complainants may be committing a criminal offence. While those warnings are welcome, warnings are not enough. If there is credible evidence that individuals have deliberately breached those protections or have used social media or other platforms to encourage others to do so, the public are entitled to expect that those entrusted with enforcing the law will act. Justice must not only be done but be seen to be done. Law that is enacted but not enforced risks becoming law that will be ignored. This is not about any one individual, nor is it about politics. It is about public curiosity. It is about ensuring that victims of sexual offences can have confidence that the protections that the Assembly and Parliament have provided are real and meaningful.

My question to the Attorney General and the PSNI is this: having rightly warned of the consequences of unlawfully identifying protected complainants, will they now ensure that those warnings are backed up by robust investigation and, where the evidence meets the legal test, appropriate prosecution? If we stay silent and fail to ask that those protections be upheld, we risk sending a chilling message to future victims that speaking out may expose them to public identification and harassment. We owe them better than that. The law should be applied fairly and consistently without fear or favour.

Cheryl Brownlee (DUP, East Antrim)

I want to recognise three outstanding East Antrim candidates for this year's BBC 'Make a Difference' awards. Their passion, dedication and commitment has made a lasting impact on East Antrim. First, I congratulate the Eco Rangers NI, who have inspired people of all ages to take pride in their environment through clean-ups, environmental education, conservation projects and activities that encourage people to engage with nature. Eco Rangers NI have helped to improve public spaces and promote environmental responsibility. Their efforts demonstrate how local action can make a meaningful difference, and I know that East Antrim would be lost without them.

Secondly, I acknowledge Iris Tweed from Islandmagee, whose commitment to helping others has earned her a well-deserved recognition for her fundraising. Individuals such as Iris often work quietly behind the scenes and give their time and energy without seeking any recognition. Iris has become the backbone of community life. Her nomination reflects the esteem in which she is held in Islandmagee, where everybody loves her.

Finally, I pay tribute to Carrickfergus Hub Improving Lives Locally (CHILL), which has become an important source of support and connection for many people in Carrickfergus. The organisation tackles loneliness and provides a welcoming space alongside counselling and support for so many individuals. The extent to which it has grown and thrived shows the power that a community organisation can have.

All three finalists represent the best of East Antrim. They continue to show us the importance of community and the invaluable work of the community sector and the impact that it has. I congratulate all three as they await the 'Make a Difference' final. I am incredibly proud of them, and I wish them all the best.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

I have repeatedly raised in the Chamber and in the Executive Office (TEO) Committee the failure of the Irish Government to play their part in delivering justice for victims of terrorism. To date, Dublin has sought to portray itself as some form of neutral third party whose role is merely to equality-proof proposals that have been brought forward by the UK Government. That position bears no resemblance to the reality of the Troubles.

It ignores the fact that the Irish Republic provided a safe haven from which IRA terrorists were able to operate. It ignores the fact that murderers could escape across the border and evade justice. It ignores the fact that, for decades, terrorists sought to justify their campaign of murder and mayhem by claiming that the Irish constitution gave them a right to wage war in Northern Ireland. It also ignores the fact that, before the widespread importation of Semtex, much of the IRA's explosive material originated in the Irish Republic.

As a result of evidence given by the Independent Commission for Reconciliation and Information Recovery to the Executive Office Committee two weeks ago, we know that requests for assistance sent to an Garda Síochána on Troubles-related investigations are simply being ignored. For Peter Sheridan to reveal that correspondence relating to murders in Northern Ireland with a cross-border element are receiving no responses from the Southern authorities is an astonishing indictment of the Irish Government's attitude towards victims. Dublin cannot continue to demand a seat at the table when dealing with the legacy of the Troubles and simultaneously refuse to assist investigations of terrorist crimes. Such an approach demonstrates a lack of commitment to truth, justice and, indeed, accountability for thousands of innocent people whose lives were devastated by terrorism.

I also challenge the Executive Office. The Veterans Commissioner told us on the same day that correspondence about veterans' issues never receive a substantive reply from the First Minister and deputy First Minister other than an acknowledgement, in spite of TEO's being in charge of victims' issues. That situation does not exist when it comes to groups representing the interests of terrorists.

My challenge to the DUP is this: what is the deputy First Minister doing to change that scandalous situation to ensure that veterans' correspondence is being responded to, and being responded to in a timely manner?

Assembly Business

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

On a point of order, Mr Speaker. You will be aware that, over the past few days, revelations have been published by BBC's 'Spotlight' that touch on grave matters, including some that concern you. Standing Order —.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Please take your seat for a moment. I was about to announce that I intend to make a statement in about four minutes' time, after Mr Chambers has presented his public petition and the business motion has been moved. You will be able to raise your issue then.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Mr Chambers has sought leave to present a public petition in accordance with Standing Order 22. The Member has up to three minutes to speak.

Alan Chambers (UUP, North Down)

It is my pleasure and privilege to present a petition signed by more than 1,500 people calling on the Department for Infrastructure to drop plans to chop down a number of mature street trees in Main Street, Groomsport.

Groomsport is a beautiful village with a strong community spirit. It is a perfect place to live, work or visit. It has two busy community groups that have volunteers out and about in the village, weekly, carrying out litter picks and tasks such as clearing weeds.

The original Irish name for Groomsport meant "the port of the gloomy servant". It is now anything but gloomy. It is a bright and welcoming seaside resort; a vibrant village that regularly comes out on top in best-kept village competitions and has had many successes in Ulster in Bloom inspections. Indeed, in the past week, it has been adjudged to be the best-kept town on the island of Ireland. It has many outstanding characteristics, including three lovely beaches with clean and pollution-free bathing water; a well-sheltered harbour that is reputed to have been first constructed by the Vikings; a modern children's playground; and tennis courts. Many years ago, the community ensured that two remaining fishermen's cottages with thatched roofs were spared the demolition ball. They are now a tourist attraction that has displays of old artefacts of the period and hosts community activities during the summer months. The village is a haven for water sports, birdwatching, recreational walks and as a place to simply relax.

A relatively recent piece of important character that was added to the village some years ago was the addition of a number of trees along Main Street. The variety of tree planted was chosen after great thought had gone into finding a member of the maple tree family that was considered to be best suited to withstand the storms and conditions that proximity to the sea can bring. They have matured into healthy trees that give the village a continental feel, especially when the sun shines.

In the past five years, the Department has received a few complaints about damage to footpaths that is allegedly caused by the trees' roots. One householder has raised concerns that the tree closest to their home is causing dampness to their property. That will have to be fully investigated. The Department's approach to the problem, however, has been to fire up the chainsaws. That is a shameful and unacceptably lazy plan. There are many engineering solutions that do not involve such crude environmental vandalism. Government policy, rather than to chop down healthy mature specimens, is to encourage more tree planting. The petition's message is clear:

"We the undersigned strongly object to the proposal from the Department for Infrastructure to fell the trees along the Main Street in Groomsport."

Mr Chambers moved forward and laid the petition on the Table.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

I will forward the petition to the Minister for Infrastructure and send a copy to the Committee for Infrastructure.

Paula Bradshaw (Alliance, Belfast South)

I beg to move

That Standing Orders 10(2) to 10(4) be suspended for 29 June 2026.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Before we proceed to the Question, I remind Members that cross-community support is required.

Question put and agreed to.

Resolved (with cross-community support):

That Standing Orders 10(2) to 10(4) be suspended for 29 June 2026.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Members, I indicated that I was going to make a statement to the House. Although I am not in the Chair in a party capacity, I have heard the comments from Members in the House, so I will make some brief remarks.

When Jeffrey Donaldson and I were campaigning to be elected leader of the DUP in 2021, a party colleague brought to my attention the fact that a young adult woman had told him that Mr Donaldson had shown her unwanted attention. Nothing of a criminal or safeguarding nature was raised. That colleague offered her support to take the matter forward as a complaint to several bodies, but she declined.

I have asked the Clerk to the Assembly/Chief Executive to conduct an investigation on behalf of the Assembly to ensure that any member of staff or any Member who has issues to raise will have the opportunity to do so. I also call on the head of the Civil Service, given that complaints about inappropriate behaviour were raised about Mr Donaldson during his time as a junior Minister, and the Speaker of the House of Commons, Sir Lindsay Hoyle, to do likewise.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

On a point of order, Mr Speaker. These are clearly matters of the gravest importance. I welcome the fact that you have given us some indication and clarification today. I need to ask you these questions, because, under Standing Orders, there is no formal accountability provision for your office: are you confident that no safeguarding procedure was engaged? Have you taken advice from any statutory agency or from the PSNI on that? Moreover, will you provide a detailed written response either to the Assembly Commission or in some other form, including making copies available via the Assembly Library? It would be helpful to have detailed clarity on those points.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

I understand that the PSNI investigated the matter during its investigation of the issues that led to the conviction of Donaldson and that there was nothing to take forward. I am absolutely confident that there was not a safeguarding issue at any point, because the person was an adult. Donaldson behaved inappropriately to that person — I understand that that has happened to other people, given the 'Spotlight' interviews — so I want to open this up to ensure that people, should they have experienced inappropriate behaviour from that source as Members or as members of staff, have the opportunity to have it addressed. That is why I call on the head of the Civil Service to do the same, particularly given Donaldson's role as a junior Minister, and I encourage Sir Lindsay Hoyle to do the same at Westminster. We do not know the extent of his activity.

Sinéad Ennis (Sinn Féin, South Down)

On a point of order, Mr Speaker. Given the severity and gravity of the situation and the accusations in hand, will you be recusing yourself from adjudication on any issues relating to the matter?

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Yes, that would always be the case. When the question for urgent oral answer and Matters of the Day were tabled for today, Mr Blair dealt with them, because he does not have any skin in the game, as such. At all points, I will follow due process. I will ensure that I am not engaged in any decision-making or adjudicating on anything to do with Sir Jeffrey Donaldson's — or Jeffrey Donaldson's — misdemeanours.

Eóin Tennyson (Alliance, Upper Bann)

On a point of order, Mr Speaker. This is an unconventional intervention, but we are in unprecedented times. I ask for your assurance that you will engage fully with any investigations or inquiries that come about as a result of matters that were raised over the weekend. Will you provide clarity on why, it appears, no internal party action was taken under your tenure? Although the matters were not criminal, it is clear from your remarks that they were deeply inappropriate.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Absolutely. That is why the colleague offered to do something on that front. The person declined to take that forward. We cannot force a person to do that, but she received the offer to take the matter to DUP party officers, with the support of the individual to whom she went in the first instance. All that and more was on the table, but the individual declined to take it forward. The individual merely wanted us to know how he had behaved, because she did not want him to be the leader of unionism. That is what she requested — nothing more, and nothing less.

Deirdre Hargey (Sinn Féin, Belfast South)

On a point of order, Mr Speaker. I would like clarity. You mentioned the Speaker's Office, as well as, potentially, the head of the Civil Service, doing a review. Will the terms of the Speaker's Office's review be made public?

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

It would certainly not be carried out by the Speaker's Office, because that would draw me into it. The Chief Executive's office will deal with the review, and it will be for the Chief Executive to set the terms of that review. I see no reason why, in the interests of probity and accountability, that would not be made public.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

On a point of order, Mr Speaker. I appreciate the Speaker's allowing these points of order to provide clarity. So that we can understand, I ask whether the Chief Executive's review will be of the circumstances of your involvement in the matter in 2021; broader issues surrounding Donaldson's time as an MLA and junior Minister; or both. I think that we now have clarity about the fact that both the terms of reference and the report will be published, but will you clarify precisely what the Chief Executive is being asked to review and publish on?

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

The Chief Executive will look at Donaldson's behaviour between 2003 and 2010, when he was a Member here. I do not have anything to answer for, because I did not engage in misbehaviour of any kind. It is an investigation that will allow people who were potentially victims of abuse by Jeffrey Donaldson — those in the House or among the staff of the House or anything else associated with the House — if there are any, to come forward. Let us be very clear that this is about the criminal — the paedophile — Jeffrey Donaldson and nothing else.

Sinéad Ennis (Sinn Féin, South Down)

On a point of order, Mr Speaker. Would it not be more appropriate for you to recuse yourself while your party does its internal investigation of whether there was any impropriety during your time as leader, as it indicated this morning it will do?

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

I have made absolutely clear that there are no safeguarding or criminal issues involved. Not one iota of evidence has been presented to me, or, indeed, to the public, of wrongdoing on my part. It is not necessary for me to recuse myself at this point, because there is nothing to answer for. As I said, there was nothing criminal or related to safeguarding. Support was offered to the woman involved, and the woman declined to take the matter further. If any Member has something to say about my having done anything wrong, I want to hear it.

Philip McGuigan (Sinn Féin, North Antrim)

On a point of order, Mr Speaker. Further to my party colleague's point of order about the DUP's internal investigation, what is the point of doing an investigation if you are telling us that you have nothing to answer for? You were the leader of the DUP at a time when accusations were levelled against Jeffrey Donaldson. In the absence of that inquiry, I think that it would be appropriate for you to recuse yourself.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

I am not here to speak on behalf of the DUP. The DUP's decision to carry out an investigation is a matter for that political party, as it would be for any other political party. Remember, Mr Donaldson was a member of the DUP from 2003, but he was a member of another political party before that. It a matter for the Democratic Unionist Party what it does.

I am laying it clear to the House this afternoon that at no time did I not act on a safeguarding issue or a criminal issue. That is something that I would have had to do, irrespective of the consequences. A safeguarding issue was never brought to me, and a criminal issue was never brought to me. That is very clear. I will be able to deal with that at any point, and, if someone wants to bring evidence of me not doing that, I will be happy to hear from them.

Paula Bradshaw (Alliance, Belfast South)

On a point of order, Mr Speaker. Six months ago, my party colleague Sian Mulholland approached Clerking and Member Support (CAMS) in this Building and asked that safeguarding training be provided to MLAs so that they know exactly what to do when they are presented with information. Can the Speaker's Office please chase that up? Given the circumstances, we all need either training or refresher training on what we should do in those circumstances.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Thank you for that, Ms Bradshaw. I will certainly ask the Chief Executive to follow that issue up.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

On a point of order, Mr Speaker. I do not think that anybody is conflating the actions of Jeffrey Donaldson with your response, and I do not think that that is what is at issue here. The question is of providing confidence because, under Standing Orders, we have no other means of holding the Speaker's Office to account. The Speaker's Office is the symbolic head of this institution. We all elect the Speaker, so we need to understand and we all need to have confidence.

If you are saying that the review by the Clerk pertains only to the time when Mr Donaldson was a Member of this Chamber, are there any other means of clarifying the processes that were followed in 2021 in that brief period when you were leader? We understand that certain processes were followed. People will question whether it is, as it were, good enough simply to have your assurance. That is not to impugn you; it is simply to say that we will want more clarity. Will there be any other process, whether it is a written statement provided to the Assembly Library for Members to study or any other formal process via an Assembly Committee or the Assembly Commission? Can you offer us the opportunity to satisfy ourselves around your actions in 2021, not to impugn you but merely so that we can all have confidence and, much more important, that the public of Northern Ireland can have confidence?

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

There is nothing new coming forward there. A jury of 12 people found Mr Donaldson guilty last week of paedophile behaviour and sexual behaviour against children, something that is utterly repugnant to me. I have spoken out on those issues, whether that has been about Liam Adams or about William Walker, who was a member of the DUP. I have consistently spoken out on those issues over the years and defended victims. If I had any authority from someone to act on their behalf, I would do it immediately, irrespective of the consequences. I had no authority to act on behalf of an adult to take the matter further. The matter was not a safeguarding matter. The matter was not a criminal matter. The police have investigated it as part of the Donaldson inquiry, and therefore I have nothing to answer for.

My integrity has been impugned by someone who leaked to the 'Belfast Telegraph'. I believe that that was Baroness Kate Hoey, who gave part of a picture. I believe that she knew at the time. What did she do about it? The 'Belfast Telegraph' sought to impugn my integrity on this issue. I have nothing to answer for, because I did not engage in any activity to cover up anything or to do anything that was untoward. I did not have a safeguarding issue to deal with, and I did not have a criminal issue to deal with. It was an adult lady who indicated the nature of Jeffrey Donaldson, but she only wanted us to know about his nature, given that he was standing for the leadership of the Democratic Unionist Party. It was not my role to do something that, she clearly and specifically said, she did not want taken further.

Ministerial Statements

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

I wish to make a statement to the Assembly setting out the next steps in my ambition to reform rating policy and bring about a more progressive, transparent and fair taxation system. I have been consistent in my support for local businesses and have publicly recognised their contribution to the local economy. Equally, I have listened to the concerns raised around sustainability, growth and how challenging the operating environment has become. That is why I am announcing a public consultation on two significant proposals designed to support business growth while addressing longer-term issues in the rating system: first, the introduction of a business growth accelerator and, secondly, changes to non-domestic vacant rating.

(Mr Deputy Speaker [Mr Blair] in the Chair)

I want the rating system to support rather than constrain development, improvement and investment. The proposal to introduce a business growth accelerator would see temporary targeted relief offered to businesses that are taking tangible steps to expand their operations. That support is designed to reduce the upfront financial pressure on businesses investing in their property; allow businesses to recoup investment costs; and encourage development that might otherwise not proceed. The business growth accelerator would give businesses a specified grace period after making improvements. During that time, they would continue to pay rates based on the property's value before the improvements, delaying an immediate increase. That will help to create better conditions for construction activity, business expansion and wider economic regeneration.

Alongside the business growth accelerator, I want to examine how non-domestic vacant rating operates and how increases in liability levels can be best implemented. At present, vacant properties are liable for up to 50% of occupied rates. The consultation proposes increasing that liability on a staged basis to 75% and then 100% to encourage the use of vacant space. We will seek views on introducing a phased approach to increases in vacant rating liability rather than a single-step change. I outlined my intent to take that approach in my statement on 18 November, alongside the fact that reform of rating policy should support growth, make better use of property and ensure that the system is fair, proportionate and aligned with wider economic objectives. The current 50% rate, which is lower than that which applies in other jurisdictions, is perceived as reducing incentives to bring properties back into use.

The proposed change aims to encourage occupation; reduce long-term vacancy; align more closely with other jurisdictions; and increase revenue up to an estimated £20 million annually. The case for change is grounded in the need to strike the right balance between encouraging productive occupation, tackling long-term vacancy and avoiding unintended consequences for businesses and property owners. I am particularly keen to hear from those impacted by vacant commercial units and especially about how any phased increase can be implemented in a sustainable way that is fair, proportionate and sustainable within the tax system.

The proposals on the business growth accelerator and changes to non-domestic vacant rating are, in my view, an important step forward, especially as they underpin my previously stated commitments, removing disincentives to expansion by ensuring that businesses that invest in their physical footprint are not unfairly penalised by immediate increases in rates and unlocking future tax-base growth. By supporting businesses to grow today, we are expanding the economy, which, in turn, will secure long-term, sustainable revenue for our public services. They will also complement existing support. The accelerator will operate alongside our highly successful Back in Business scheme, which has helped to bring over 100 vacant high street properties back into use since May 2024. Those issues have been the subject of considerable interest and comment in the Assembly, and it is right that we grasp the nettle now. Consideration of those matters sits alongside other important strands of rating reform on which I will continue to update the Assembly.

I turn now to the strategic review of rates supports. It might be helpful to remind Members of the progress to date. As set out in my statement to the Assembly in November, I intend to look across the existing support landscape and consider how it can better reflect and positively respond to present-day economic conditions and policy priorities. This announcement represents the next step in that. That said, I also put on record my intention to strengthen support for small businesses. In that vein, £10 million has been set aside in the draft Budget to broaden the impact of the small business rate relief scheme in order to increase the number of businesses that can benefit from it. I also remind Members that the review process has assessed four measures: the early payment discount; the maximum cap; small business rate relief; and the non-domestic vacant rating policy. Recommendations for Executive consideration, following full public consultation, have already been made in relation to the maximum cap, the early payment discount and small business rate relief, with the latter included as a costed intervention in my Budget proposals. As I said, non-domestic vacant rating is due to be consulted on in the coming weeks alongside the business growth accelerator proposals.

I indicated to the Assembly in November that the review process would be expedited, with the target for completion the end of the 2027-28 rating year. Looking ahead, there is a clear case for examining the rating of empty homes, and that will be my next priority. Considering the rating of empty homes provides an opportunity to understand and assess two related issues that are often raised in the same context, namely, second homes and holiday homes. Importantly, given the link to the Executive's housing strategy, taking forward our own review during this financial year will permit better alignment with that important programme of work.

Alongside those significant policy reviews, in line with my commitment to expedite the process, I have asked my officials to continue to work at pace to scope the remaining rate reliefs. That would allow for the implications, sequencing and resource requirements of any further review work to be assessed, including an assessment of the willingness of others to make decisions about reform and an equitable rating system before decisions are taken on how best to proceed.

In closing, I reiterate how important it is to me, as Minister of Finance, that our businesses are supported to thrive. I want to see additional support directed at those businesses, which provide vital employment, supporting workers, families and communities. The measures that I have set out reflect my ambition to enable business expansion, tackle vacant properties and help to revitalise towns and high streets while unlocking future growth in rates revenue for local and central government. My focus is clear: to support our public services, strengthen our local businesses, back workers and families and grow our economy for the benefit of everyone.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Minister, I welcome the business growth accelerator proposal, but it is a proposal that will be consulted on, and I have genuinely lost count of the number of proposals and consultations we have had on ratings policy. We have had countless consultations on changes to rating — you mentioned vacant properties, and we have had them on non-domestic vacant relief and the maximum cap for domestic properties — but have had no policy change, so "accelerator" is a bit of a misnomer because nothing has moved more slowly than change on rates. Will there be a single change to the rates system before the end of the mandate?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

On that point, Mr O'Toole, I share your frustration. There is an obligation on all parties in the Executive to be minded to enhance support for businesses, to look at how we can have a modern, fair and equitable rating system and to move beyond responding to or being behind the last lobby to walk through your office door. We need a better way of doing things.

I have set out in the statement measures that, I believe, will support small businesses, enhance business activity, sustain and grow employment and grow our economy. It is up to others whether they are prepared to back that. If there is no further movement at the conclusion of this consultation process, I will take a decision on whether it is worth our time to move ahead with any of the rates reforms if there are those at the Executive table who are not prepared to take the necessary decisions.

Jemma Dolan (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

Minister, what support is the rating system providing for small businesses?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

As I mentioned, we have a successful Back in Business scheme supporting businesses that are moving into properties that have been vacant for over 12 months. I visited a number of those, and the ingenuity of people in bringing businesses and life back into vacant properties is remarkable. We have a small business rate relief scheme, which provides a huge boost to businesses, giving them up to 50% rates relief. Therefore, a number of successful measures are in place, and I want to see them increasing. In recognition of the pressures, challenges and opportunities that exist for our businesses, there is a duty on us in this place to offer what support we can in a fair and equitable way.

Diane Forsythe (DUP, South Down)

Minister, you say that you want to avoid unintended consequences for businesses and property owners, but those measures do nothing for existing long-term businesses that are struggling on, already occupy premises and cannot afford to invest in their properties, and there will be consequences for them.

Minister, what are you doing for the businesses that have been in our communities and on our high streets in the long term that are also struggling?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

As I set out in response to the previous question, we have in place the vacant property rate relief scheme and the small business rate relief scheme, which are very successful. I set aside £10 million in the draft Budget for small business rate relief to be invested. Today's proposals could raise up to £20 million for councils and the Executive. We will see what happens as the consultation on increasing the tax liability for vacant properties goes on. Some in the sector argue that they cannot afford to bring such properties back into use. Could we use the money raised as a grant to those businesses to facilitate their bringing properties back into use through physical improvements etc? That is a worthy debate to have. However, to do any of those things, you have to make decisions. That is what politics is about: making decisions.

Eóin Tennyson (Alliance, Upper Bann)

Minister, rating relief is, of course, related to revaluation. I ask for an update on that process.

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

I have to be mindful of and await the outcome of an ongoing court case. There is engagement with the sector at official level, and I await a report from the sector on how it believes that rate reviews should proceed and what that would look like, which I look forward to seeing.

Steve Aiken (UUP, South Antrim)

I thank the Minister for his statement. Minister, as well as the move to reduce the cost to the Assembly of vacant non-domestic properties and to increase liability so that we will not have so many vacant properties, you will be aware of the Dilapidation Bill and of the conversations that have been taking place in Wales and Scotland about bringing together the issues of dilapidation and vacant property rate relief. Have you had any discussions with the Agriculture Minister about how those matters can be more joined up?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

My officials have been engaging on how the Agriculture Minister's Bill impacts on the work that we are trying to do: there is common cause in that. We need legislative and fiscal intervention to bring, in many instances, our town centres and villages back to life. The proposals that I have put forward today complement what the Agriculture Minister is trying to do.

Colm Gildernew (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

I thank the Minister for his statement. I have been working with Dungannon Chamber of Commerce and Industry. It will welcome this work, particularly in light of its concerns about vacancy and protecting the retail heart of towns such as Dungannon. How impactful is the Back in Business scheme in supporting start-ups and encouraging expansion?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

It has been very useful in encouraging new businesses in particular. Giving them that rate relief allows them to invest the moneys saved in their property and business. It does not help only those businesses, however. Reopening a vacant property brings footfall to that part of the street. Businesses either side of such properties have commented to me on my visits that they welcome businesses opening in those properties, because that means more people coming into the town or village. If they drop into such a business, they might drop into the business next door. It is all about increasing footfall on the high street and in our villages.

Brian Kingston (DUP, Belfast North)

Although the Minister notified us a week ago that he would make his statement, it was disappointing that we received the text of it less than an hour before he was scheduled to give it in the Chamber, which did not help us with scrutiny.

I welcome all initiatives to reduce the blight and waste represented by domestic and business premises that are not in use. Will the Minister clarify the terms of the Back in Business scheme? Will the discount still be 50% for 24 months? How will he cooperate with other initiatives such as the Vacant to Vibrant scheme in Belfast, which provides grants with support from the Department for Communities and what was the UK Shared Prosperity Fund?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

Your party colleagues on the Executive have had proposals before them for over a year without being able to substantively respond to them, so I am not sure whether, had I given you this statement a year ago, you would have been in a position to respond.

As for how the system will work, I look forward to seeing the consultation responses. We will listen carefully to those responses and learn from them in order to shape how the final proposals will look.

Colin McGrath (Social Democratic and Labour Party, South Down)

Minister, climate change is happening, and extreme weather events are taking place. We saw that in Downpatrick a number of years ago when the town centre was ravaged by flooding, and it has taken the businesses affected many years to try to get over that flooding. Has any consideration been given to looking at what can be done through the rating system to try to help businesses that struggle to get back on their feet after such extreme weather events?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

Where businesses feel that their circumstances have changed to such a degree that their rates cannot be met, there are opportunities. For example, they can engage directly with their local evaluator. There is a process in place for doing that.

I have announced today a number of programmes to continue the small business rate relief scheme. It is about raising revenue for reinvestment in a fair and equitable way. We can therefore look at imaginative schemes. One of the barriers for the entire Executive at the moment is the lack of resources to be able to invest. First, we need a proper and fair funding settlement from the Government, and, secondly, we need to look at the measures that we have at hand, one of which is the rating system. If we use it in a fair and equitable way to raise revenue, we can develop schemes beyond what is currently available to businesses that are affected by extreme weather conditions, or whatever it may be, but we need the funds in order to do that.

Harry Harvey (DUP, Strangford)

Thank you for your statement, Minister. I am pleased to see the non-domestic rates element of the review, which we have called for as a party, progressing.

On the sustainable implementation of any changes, as noted in your statement, will the consultation consider views on the need for there to be targeted support and regeneration measures alongside any rates increase?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

Of course we will give due regard to the consultation responses, regardless of the sector or individual from which they come. We are open to ideas on how to improve our rating system and how we use it to raise revenue and increase our economic activity and business support. The two things go hand in hand.

Claire Sugden (Independent, East Londonderry)

Minister, non-domestic vacant rates are a significant burden on many businesses across the board. What you have announced today will not support all those businesses. I appreciate that your proposals will raise revenue that, as you say, can be used by councils, but they are not getting that support, nor are they getting support from your colleague in the Department for the Economy. Will you therefore outline how we can better support businesses on the high street, using the opportunity available through the rating system, so that our town centres stop becoming ghost towns?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

Rates are a tax. I understand that nobody likes paying tax. Perhaps a better way of putting it is that they certainly do not like paying unfair tax. What I am trying to do is to ensure that our rating system is fair and equitable. Around 30,000 businesses receive support from the small business rate relief scheme. That is a huge number. Under my proposals, and through the utilisation of the £10 million that has been set aside in the draft Budget, we could probably increase that number to 33,000. We provide around a quarter of a billion pounds in rate relief to small to medium-sized enterprises in particular and to other businesses.

There are measures afoot. I want to use the proposals that I have set out today to allow businesses to think about physical expansion. Through the accelerator scheme, a business can expand and not have a rates liability for x amount of time. A year has been suggested, but it may be longer than that. Doing that will allow a business to stabilise after its initial investment in construction works etc. Yes, we have supports in place. Can we do more? Let us look and see. I am open to proposals on all those matters, but they have to be fair and equitable, and we have to make decisions.

Deirdre Hargey (Sinn Féin, Belfast South)

Thank you for your statement, Minister. Anything that encourages local businesses to grow is important. Will you outline when the changes to non-domestic vacant rating will be introduced?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

As I announced today, there is a requirement for us to go through a consultation process, engage on the responses to it and prepare a report, which then has to go to the Executive. The accelerator scheme will, I believe, require primary legislation. The vacant property measure will probably require regulations. All that would have to be followed through. With goodwill, we could have the vacant property measure pushed through before the end of the mandate. The other measure may require primary legislative change.

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

I thank the Minister for his statement. We have all seen the deterioration of our high streets and streets in our towns and villages with the shift to online shopping. Vacancy and dilapidation are now sadly the norm. Will the review act as a stimulus for businesses on those streets in our towns and villages?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

It will play an important role in that. One of the reasons why I am looking to move the non-domestic vacant rating policy from 50% to 75% to 100% is to encourage businesses that are not generating any income at the moment to be brought back into viability. Now, that will present challenges. It will depend on how the market is at the time. There is an argument to be made that, where we raise revenue through that measure, we should look at a grant scheme or support scheme for businesses — particularly those that require physical investment in their structure — to bring them back into usable shape, whether that be for business purposes or non-business purposes.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

Before I call the Minister, I remind Members that questions should be concise and that long introductions will not be allowed.

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

In compliance with section 52 of the Northern Ireland Act 1998, I wish to make the following statement on the twenty-fifth meeting of the North/South Ministerial Council (NSMC) in special EU programmes sectoral format, which was held at Black Mountain Shared Space on 10 June 2026. As Finance Minister, I represented the Executive and was accompanied by junior Minister Bunting. The Irish Government were represented by Minister Jack Chambers TD, who is responsible for the Department of Public Expenditure, Infrastructure, Public Service Reform and Digitalisation. The statement has been agreed with junior Minister Bunting, and I am making the statement on behalf of us both.

Before the meeting started, the Council received an informative tour of Black Mountain Shared Space and saw first-hand the positive impact that £7 million of Peace IV funding has had on bringing communities together. The meeting commenced with an update from the Special EU Programmes Body (SEUPB) chief executive. Ministers noted the successful closure of the Peace IV and INTERREG Va programmes, with reports submitted to the European Commission in February 2026. The Council was encouraged to hear that the delivery of PEACE PLUS is progressing well, with all investment areas having opened for calls. However, the Council noted the challenging financial target to be met in 2026. To date, 121 projects have been approved under the main programme and 65 projects have been approved under the Change Maker funding programme, which is the small grants initiative for investment in grassroots organisations. In total, approximately €1 billion has been committed across the PEACE PLUS programme, representing 94% of the commitment. Calls for funding are currently open under investment area 6.1, strategic planning and engagement, and investment area 2.3, programme area skills development, of the Change Maker funding programme. I encourage any eligible organisations to apply.

On matters of corporate governance, Ministers noted that the Special EU Programmes Body is nearing completion of its recruitment of a full complement of staff, as approved by NSMC in May 2024. The Council noted that the 2024 annual accounts are being reviewed by the Comptroller and Auditor General in both jurisdictions, and will be laid before the Assembly and Oireachtas as soon as possible following certification. The draft 2025 accounts will undergo the same process this year.

Looking ahead, Ministers received an update on the development of a future PEACE PLUS programme and welcomed the fact that engagement between stakeholders is under way. That ongoing collaboration is important in shaping a successful programme.

To conclude the meeting, the Council received an engaging presentation on the PEAT+ project, which is focused on restoring more than 12,000 hectares of peatlands across the programme area, with funding of approximately €19·2 million committed. The project will deliver environmental benefits and support rural jobs and skills. The Council agreed to hold its next special EU programmes meeting in late 2026.

Patsy McGlone (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Mid Ulster)

Gabhaim buíochas leis an Aire.

[Translation: I thank the Minister.]

Minister, do you have any idea when we will get clarification on the next programme?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

I understand that there have been positive engagements between the British and Irish Governments, who are also working with the EU Commission on, hopefully, agreeing a future funding programme under Peace. At this stage, it is fair to say that all indications are positive, but nothing will be guaranteed until it is signed off. Obviously, the Executive will have to contribute to any future programme as well.

Jemma Dolan (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

Thank you, Minister, for your statement. You have outlined the current position with the PEACE PLUS programme. How does that link in with rural communities and deprived communities?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

The huge benefits that the PEACE PLUS programme has had over the past number of years has been identified across a wide range of rural communities. Again, it is also targeted at tackling social deprivation and making change across communities through a wide range of projects and meeting the demands and needs of local communities and wider society. Thus far, the programme has been positive. I look forward to continuing to work with the stakeholders in it and continuing to see positive change as a result.

Diane Forsythe (DUP, South Down)

The Minister will not be surprised by my question on the delay of the accounts certification on SEUPB, as we are in June 2026, 18 months after the end of financial year 2024. Those accounts have still not been certified in both jurisdictions, and a full further financial year has since passed.

Minister, are there any plans to move forward and speed up the process in the interest of financial accountability, noting that, for the financial year ending in March this year, the accounts mainly will be laid before summer recess here for the Departments in that size?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

I raised that matter at the meeting, and I proposed that we write to the Audit Office about those matters to see whether there is a way that we can ensure that accounts are laid in a timely fashion, as they should be, in the time frames that we all expect. Minister Chambers and I will hopefully agree a letter in the near future to forward to the Audit Office about that matter.

Deirdre Hargey (Sinn Féin, Belfast South)

Minister, you outlined some of the benefits of the Peace and INTERREG programmes. How can those be improved, particularly in terms of economic development outputs for socially deprived communities as well?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

We want to ensure that we see programmes that deliver sustainable change across communities and are not one-off events funded for the time frame of the programme, where communities see long-lasting, real change to the outcomes of this generation and future generations in those communities. The Peace programme has been largely successful. It has not only brought huge amounts of money into communities but delivered significant change. However, we want to ensure that that change is sustainable, meets the needs of those communities and creates lasting change for future generations.

Harry Harvey (DUP, Strangford)

Thank you, Minister, for your statement. You highlighted the Change Maker funding programme and support for 65 grassroots organisations. I am sure that you will agree that it is vital that the benefit of schemes is seen at a grassroots community level. In light of that, is it your view that similar small grants mechanisms should be prioritised in any future Peace programmes?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

It should certainly be part of any future Peace programme. While there are places and, indeed, a need for, perhaps, multimillion-pound projects, there are also needs in communities for smaller amounts of funding that make real and deliverable change within a time frame that many community groups can work to. Therefore, I would like to see a similar Change Maker programme in the next round of funding.

Brian Kingston (DUP, Belfast North)

Certainly, the Peace funding has been a substantial extra financial boost for Northern Ireland, particularly when it comes to capital projects. How do Ministers ensure that funding decisions by the SEUPB align as much as possible with the Northern Ireland Executive's Programme for Government?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

The funding programme and the decisions made by the board have to meet the criteria set out by the Commission, agreed between the Irish and British Governments and, indeed, supported by the Executive. In some sense, decisions might have been out of kilter with the previous Programme for Government. We have to ensure that, in our engagements with the two Governments and the European Commission on any future programme, the decisions meet our priorities as much as possible and are tied in with them. That is part of an ongoing engagement and will have to take place over the time ahead.

Diana Armstrong (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

Much is said about working towards regional balance in our economy. What assessment has been made of the geographical spread of PEACE PLUS funding? Can you provide assurances that rural communities are not being left behind in favour of urban centres, which have much more capacity to apply for that funding?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

I do not have a full assessment in front of me. I am happy for officials to share with you any assessments that are available, but there has been a particular emphasis on the border corridors, which have large rural communities, as you will be aware. The investment along those corridors has been significant and has made tangible changes in those communities. In tackling poverty and inequality, urban and rural settings have both different and common challenges. Thus far, the Peace programme has been flexible enough to identify those and ensure that it works in tandem with the needs of local communities. I will share whatever information we have with the Member.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Minister, I welcome the statement. I hope that you can take advantage of the Irish presidency and use your influence to push the need for a successor programme. My question is specifically about an issue that affects the border, which was asked about before. Clearly, the programme aims, in particular, to help border regions on both sides of the border that have dealt with the legacy of partition, division and all those things. A concerning poll came out this weekend, and there has been lots of concerning chatter about people reimposing a hard border on people, as it were, on the island of Ireland. I assume that you will want to join me in saying clearly that the worst possible thing for the communities that benefit from PEACE PLUS funding is any suggestion of hardening that border; it needs to be kept open, free and smooth. You and I do not want it to be there in the first place, but do you agree that, while it is, it needs to be as open and smooth as possible?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

There are no circumstances in which a hard border would be good for the people of Ireland; it would not be good for anyone. Those who suggest that are being naive at best and dangerous at worst, in the sense of not understanding this society.

Rural communities along the border are one and the same. The people in them live a singular life, and that is the same in business, farming or any aspect of their lives. It is the same existence. PEACE PLUS has ensured that communities along the border that were left behind for many years have begun to see the investment that they deserve.

The misunderstanding or the use of mistruths around borders on this island needs to be challenged on every occasion. We also need to challenge racism where it exists and the myths about migrants. They deliver public services, work in local businesses and deliver change in this society, which is good for the economy across the island of Ireland.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

That concludes questions on the statement.

Members, the next item of business in the Order Paper is Question Time. I therefore propose, by leave of the Assembly, to suspend the sitting until 2.00 pm.

The sitting was suspended at 1.55 pm and resumed at 2.00 pm.

(Mr Speaker in the Chair)

Oral Answers to Questions — Health

Colm Gildernew (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

1. Mr Gildernew asked the Minister of Health to outline any action he is taking to reduce the waiting time for urgent diagnostic tests for patients with suspected cancer. (AQO 3804/22-27)

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

Significant action is being taken to increase capacity across diagnostic imaging and endoscopy services, which are central to many cancer pathways. Recent management information shows encouraging progress. Between 31 March and 11 June this year, the number of patients waiting more than 28 days for a suspected cancer diagnostic test reduced by 41%, falling from 1,452 to 852. Variation between trusts has also been reduced. That has been supported by regional approaches to service delivery. Regional endoscopy centres in the South Eastern Health and Social Care Trust and the Western Health and Social Care Trust are treating suspected cancer patients from across Northern Ireland, while rapid diagnosis centres in the Northern Health and Social Care Trust and the Southern Health and Social Care Trust are providing regional cancer imaging services and helping to reduce variation across a number of cancer pathways.

Colm Gildernew (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

I thank the Minister for his answer. Minister, you said that there has been an improvement. However, recently, there were reports of over 1,400 patients waiting more than 28 days. How will you ensure that trusts consistently meet the targets for suspected cancer appointments in particular?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

Part of the answer is funding and resource. The elective care framework implementation and funding plan includes £13 million for endoscopy services and £12 million for diagnostic imaging. When the plan is fully implemented, the investment will deliver approximately 16,500 additional endoscopy procedures and 7,800 imaging sessions each year.

It is about having a regional service that is consistent across the five geographic trusts. To encourage that, we have introduced a committee in common, bringing the five trusts together and saying to them, "In many ways, as a Department, we should look on you as one trust. Let us deal with the variation, where it is not appropriate, and make sure that we have consistent regional services".

Diane Dodds (DUP, Upper Bann)

Minister, that is a brilliant segue into the question that I will ask. Just over 5% of women who are now seen within the 14-day target for a suspected breast cancer in Northern Ireland. That has happened since the list was regionalised. I get the fact that cancer cases are rising, but —

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Can we get to the question, Mrs Dodds?

Diane Dodds (DUP, Upper Bann)

— that is the same across the UK and across the world. What can be done to make sure that women are seen in a timely manner and that that wait of seven, eight or nine weeks is done away with?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

The current waiting time is, I believe, just over five weeks, which is down from 12. That is cold comfort, given that the target is 14 days, but I will point out two issues to the Member. The first was the unacceptable variation between trusts. The Western Trust and the Southern Trust were the best and the worst. If you were living in the Southern Trust area, you might have had a wait that was three months longer than that of your best friend who was living in the Western Trust area, despite only living half a mile from them. In getting rid of the variation and having a consistent service with a single booking system, progress has been achieved. The second objective, which is to drive down the waiting time, is being achieved but is not complete yet. As I said, we started at 12 weeks. We are now at just over five weeks, and pressure continues to be applied to get down to the target time.

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

Minister, given that thousands of patients have died while on waiting lists in recent years, why should people have any confidence that delays in cancer diagnoses are not simply creating tomorrow's cancer treatment crisis?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

The statistics that I have quoted suggest that we are moving in the right direction. It is cold comfort for anybody who is waiting beyond the stipulated waiting time to know that other people may have benefited from the work that has gone into that, but I do not buy into the idea that there is total despair in the system. The system is working very hard. The pathways need to be improved, but, by and large, if Members speak to anybody who has had healthcare recently, they will tell them that, once they get through the pathway, they get first-class care.

Claire Sugden (Independent, East Londonderry)

Minister, what impact do you anticipate the industrial strike having on waiting times? I am aware of a patient who was sent home today after urgent testing because there would not be a doctor to interpret their results.

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

It is a little early to be definitive about the statistical analysis of the disruption from the strikes, but some elective procedures will undoubtedly be postponed, which is a matter of deep regret for me. The doctors know that all that I am empowered to do is implement the 3·5% pay rise that the independent body recommended. I cannot do that until I have an agreed budget, but I hope that that will happen sooner rather than later. Going beyond that percentage would require the Executive to fall in behind me, because it would have repercussions for public-sector pay right across the board.

Deborah Erskine (DUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

2. Mrs Erskine asked the Minister of Health for an update on the Western Health and Social Care Trust vision plan. (AQO 3805/22-27)

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I spoke during Members' statements earlier about the untimely passing of the Western Trust's chair, Dr Tom Frawley CBE. I repeat my condolences to his family, his friends and his many admirers.

The Western Trust's vision for Fermanagh and west Tyrone is intended to provide a long-term framework for the delivery of health and social care services right across the area, including at the South West Acute Hospital (SWAH), at the Omagh Hospital and Primary Care Complex, in community services and in primary care. Members will recall that that work is happening after an intervention that I made last summer. The vision has now moved from its early engagement phase to the important formal public engagement phase, which commenced earlier this month. As Minister, I have had the pleasure of visiting the SWAH on multiple occasions. It is a superb facility.

The vision is wider than a single-service issue. It is an essential step in setting out how services can be configured in a way that is future-proofed, clinically safe and responsive to local need.

Deborah Erskine (DUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

I thank the Minister for his comments about the Western Trust's chair. I, too, pass on my sympathies to his family.

Minister, we had the pause to the emergency general surgery consultation process last July. You asked the trust to provide a vision plan. I am quite surprised by your answer, because I, as an elected representative, have not heard exactly what the result of that vision plan will be. Your Department has not even produced its own hospital reconfiguration plan, so how do the two match up? We have had the Regulation and Quality Improvement Authority (RQIA) report, which worryingly stated that we have no extra ambulance cover.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Question.

Deborah Erskine (DUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

It also stated that staff say that no significant changes have been made to improve the system. How can the public have confidence on this? We are another year down the line. What is the vision?

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

OK.

Deborah Erskine (DUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

Will you step in stop the limbo? Ultimately, this is about patients' lives —.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Minister.

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

Thank you, Mr Speaker. The Western Trust has assured me that it has undertaken a comprehensive early engagement exercise with stakeholders, involving all political parties, local businesses, service users, community groups, the Patient and Client Council (PCC), local media, community planning partners and Departments, including mine and DAERA. The vision process has a clearly defined programme of work and a timetable, with formal engagement now under way. Its purpose is to inform future planning and decision-making. I expect the final report to be published by March 2027.

The Member seems to be very cynical about the entire process, but the only viable alternative would have been for me to sit back and allow a badly flawed consultation process to proceed, rather than to intervene, which is what I did. When I say that it was a flawed process, I refer to the fact that only one consultation event was planned for Enniskillen, which is the main town, and that that event was on 13 July, the day after a public holiday. No public engagement was planned for Omagh. I think, therefore, that I was right to intervene. I share the Member's frustration that such a process takes longer in the public sector than it would in the private sector, but, in my opinion, we are following the right path.

Jemma Dolan (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

Minister, I am really shocked at that response, because I am not aware of any Western Trust engagement on the vision plan. My question was going to be, "Will you outline how you will ensure that the public are aware of this planning, so that they can engage with it?". I do not know whether you can intervene with the Western Trust and ask it to provide proof of the so-called engagement that it has stated that it is having with political parties, businesses and local people. It appears, to me and my constituency colleague, that that has not happened.

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I am struck by the Member's remarks and give her my assurance that, when I leave the Chamber, I will instruct officials to ask the Western Health and Social Care Trust for a written report detailing — in detail — the pre-engagement, including who they have spoken to and which organisations those people represent. If what the two Members say is correct, it is shocking and I have not been given accurate information, and that would not be acceptable.

Diana Armstrong (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

Minister, thank you for your comments on the passing of Tom Frawley, which were befitting of a man of his stature. I, too, send my sympathy to his family.

Minister, I welcome the progress that is being made on the business plan, albeit the pace is frustrating, and share with fellow elected reps for Fermanagh and South Tyrone a sense of there being a need for further clarity and straighter answers on what is really happening. Any engagement that is taking place on the ground has certainly not come to me.

Minister, we are almost 12 months on from your intervention in July of last year. I am pleased that the SWAH is becoming a major centre of elective care, despite —

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Question, please.

Diana Armstrong (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

— progress on the vision plan being slow. Minister, will you provide an update on the expansion of gynae services at the hospital?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

Recent investment has been made via the elective care framework, with seven additional sessions having been funded over a 42-week year as part of the first phase of endoscopy expansion. The bulk of that capacity is being delivered on the SWAH site and includes the provision of an additional consultant post based at the hospital alongside additional nurse endoscopist capacity. Further investment will be made to expand the service in the trust to deliver 50-week working across all endoscopy sessions with appropriate expansion of medical and nursing roles to support that. A funding allocation was recently released to the Western Trust to recurrently fund 10 sessions of CT in the SWAH on the previously uncommissioned backup CT scanner. Two additional MRI sessions have also been recurrently funded in the SWAH, which will ensure that there is full evening and seven-day working for MRI on that acute site.

Danny Donnelly (Alliance, East Antrim)

Will the Minister give an update on the hospital reconfiguration plan, to which the Member who asked the substantive question referred? When will that plan be produced?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

The hospital reconfiguration consultation produced a significant number of responses, some of which were basically from a cut-and-paste template. That led me to have a discussion with the permanent secretary about what would be a novel way forward in Northern Ireland. That plan is being progressed. Unfortunately, it is not being progressed quickly enough for me to announce it on this side of recess, but I hope to announce it in the autumn.

Cara Hunter (Social Democratic and Labour Party, East Londonderry)

Speaking of the future and a vision for the Western Trust, I sat, over the weekend, with a loved one who was severely suicidal. Once they reached triage, they were informed that, because they do not currently live in the Western Trust area, they would not be able to access support or be admitted. Upon that happening, I realised that, sadly, that is a much bigger issue and that many people have faced the same challenges due to the trust area in which they live and the A&E at which they present. Will you, please, take that lived experience back to your Department so that there is an understanding of the fact that people who experience acute suicidality need help exactly where they are and at that exact moment?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I am unaware of the individual case, and I am unaware that that is something that occurs in Health and Social Care (HSC) delivery, so I will take it away.

Cheryl Brownlee (DUP, East Antrim)

3. Ms Brownlee asked the Minister of Health to outline any progress that has been made in reducing waiting times for autism assessments under the autism strategy delivery plan 2023–25. (AQO 3806/22-27)

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I fully recognise the impact of the current delays on individuals and families. The situation has arisen due to a combination of factors, including funding that falls short of objectively assessed need and previously missed opportunities to reform health and social care delivery. I am committed to addressing this, and that is, of course, subject to available funding. Through the strategic planning and performance group, my Department has identified the level of funding required to address the existing demand capacity gap and reduce the waiting list backlog across children's and adult services. It is currently being considered in the context of the current funding constraints.

Notwithstanding all of that, work is ongoing to improve assessment pathways and optimise existing delivery. That includes the public consultation on the children and young people's emotional health and well-being framework and the development of neurodevelopmental pathways aimed at enabling earlier intervention and better aligning services with population need.

Cheryl Brownlee (DUP, East Antrim)

I thank the Minister for his response. We have over 17,000 children and over 4,000 adults on the waiting list. They are waiting for up to six years for an assessment.

Minister, in the delivery plan, there are no measurable targets to reduce those waiting times. Can you look at that to commit to recognising the challenges here, provide some targets and measure and report against those to make sure that we actually reduce the waiting times and that we have an evidential base to do so?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I very much understand the Member's desire to see hard targets set, both on numbers and on timelines. I get it and am not against it, but, in the past number of days, two public inquiries have reported, and my conclusion from that is that there is something that has to go above timelines, targets, savings and transformation: patient safety. Patient safety must be number one. When we have the health summit tomorrow, where, I hope, all the leaders across all the Health and Social Care bodies will come together, I will make the point forcefully to them that patient safety is now our number-one concern, explicitly. It should always have been, but the history of public inquiries in recent years suggests that, far too often, it has not been and avoidable harm has occurred.

Yes, targets, and yes, timelines, but above all is patient safety.

Philip McGuigan (Sinn Féin, North Antrim)

I concur with the Minister that patient safety is ultimately the top priority, but patient safety is also important, as the Member said, in terms of assessments. If you cannot get assessments, your safety is compromised.

Following on from the issue of assessment, Minister, what progress has been made in improving autism services for adults once assessed, particularly in relation to accessing mental health support and supported living to enable autistic adults to live as independently as possible?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I absolutely share the Member's ambition to see people living in the community. The trusts provide a range of evidence-informed programmes for individuals who are awaiting assessment. For children and young people, early intervention teams deliver proactive needs-led programmes that are neurodiversity-affirming and trauma-informed. They include structured group interventions addressing common challenges such as managing anxiety or emotional regulation. Alongside that, we have targeted individual supports for families who have more complex needs. Trusts are also working in partnership with statutory, community and voluntary sector partners, adopting a "Think family" approach. Training and support is provided to local services, including Sure Start and family support hubs. That enhances community capacity to respond effectively.

Nuala McAllister (Alliance, Belfast North)

I have submitted quite a number of questions for written answer on autism services, and the answers, sometimes on the same day from the Department, contradict themselves. The Minister often refers to the emotional health and well-being framework as the idea that will frame all of the uniform services. Will we ever get to a time when there will be services that are subjective to the individual but uniform in that, no matter where you live in Northern Ireland, whether Fermanagh or Belfast, if you have a child who is awaiting an autism diagnosis or has autism, you can avail yourself of a service that is open to everyone?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

That is one of the intents of the Committee in Common. As the Member will know, the trusts were, in effect, set up under a sort of Thatcherite model of competition driving down price. That does not work for me. If I could start with a blank page or click my fingers, we would not have five geographically based trusts. We would have a geriatric trust, a paediatric trust and a mental health trust. That would be the best way to achieve regional consistency in service delivery and get rid of the postcode lottery. That will not happen, because such reorganisation would be so massive that it would slow down delivery at a time when we need to speed it up. The Committee in Common exists to perform the function of bringing those five geographically limited trusts together and asking, "Where is best practice, and how do we turn that into common practice?" so that we achieve what the Member refers to.

Robbie Butler (UUP, Lagan Valley)

How might the emotional health and well-being framework address the long waiting times highlighted by many young people and families?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I thank the Member. We provide a range of services. Long waiting times were one of the prominent themes raised during the consultation on the emotional health and well-being framework. It takes action to address that. A key change is the move away from multiple single diagnostic pathways, which often create delays, duplication and inconsistency, towards a unified, needs-led neurodevelopmental pathway.

I want to see support. While waiting is a standard expectation, I want to ensure that children receive early help and early advice and brief interventions even before they reach the specialist team. Strengthening early intervention in schools, youth services and community settings means that many needs can be met sooner.

Sian Mulholland (Alliance, North Antrim)

4. Ms Mulholland asked the Minister of Health to outline any assessment that has been made of the role and capacity of social workers in delivering safeguarding, early intervention and family support services. (AQO 3807/22-27)

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

The role played by social workers in delivering safeguarding and family support interventions is complex and challenging. The work frequently pivots on multidisciplinary collaboration, with parents and carers positioned as partners in the formulation and delivery of safeguarding and support plans. Their work ensures that concerns are identified early; that interventions are proportionate and specifically focused on identified need; and that a correct balance is struck between respecting the role of parents and ensuring that children are protected from harm.

The independent review of children's social care services led by Professor Ray Jones reinforced our understanding of the wider systemic and structural challenges faced by social workers and other professionals working in the area. Twenty-five of the review recommendations are being progressed by the reform programme, including recommendations to improve support for families at an earlier stage as an alternative to high levels of protection activity by the trusts.

Sian Mulholland (Alliance, North Antrim)

Thank you, Minister. I am glad to hear you say that the role played by social workers is "complex and challenging". From what I hear from those who have contacted me, social workers are stretched to capacity. What is the Department doing to address that? Will you take the opportunity to refute your party leader's assertion that social work, in this context, is about a:

"woolly, nice sense of sitting down on a beanbag and chatting about it over a cuppa"? [Official Report (Hansard), 15 June 2026, p101, col 2].

That was exceptionally hurtful to a lot of social workers who got in contact with me.

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I assure the Member that I very much value the work of social care workers, social workers and everybody who is delivering health and social care. I have often said that there are five elements in its delivery — buildings, beds, equipment, medicine and the workforce — and that the first four do not add up to a hill of beans if you do not have a workforce that is properly trained, properly motivated and well rewarded. Again, that takes me to the disappointment of not being able to implement the real living wage last September, as I had wanted to do.

I acknowledge that capacity pressures remain a significant concern across the HSC. Increasing acuity, rising demand and challenges in recruiting and retaining staff continue to place strain on teams. That impacts on the ability to deliver preventative work, which, of course, is what I want, and statutory safeguarding functions to the desired standards. Yes, we are far from where we need to be.

Linda Dillon (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I concur with all that was said by Sian Mulholland. It is complex and challenging, and social workers are dealing with many more cases than they should. There also cases that are unassigned, however, and there are safeguarding issues there. What reassurance can you give us, Minister, given the issues raised in the House in recent weeks, particularly around Muckamore, that the safeguarding of children and vulnerable adults is not at risk?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

There will be a considerable amount of work over the remainder of the mandate. We have the adult safeguarding Bill, which was paused to allow us to absorb the recommendations — as it turned out, the 106 recommendations — from the Muckamore Abbey Hospital report. I also made a commitment to a statutory duty of candour for organisations. Westminster is passing the Public Office (Accountability) Bill, commonly known as the "Hillsborough law". It places a statutory responsibility on organisations and officials, and it makes misleading the public a criminal offence.

A lot of work is going on on patient and service-user safety. I assure the Member that, when I meet the leaders of the HSC tomorrow, I will make it absolutely explicit that, while there are huge pressures on balancing budgets and transforming shift left, for the remainder of my time as Minister the number-one priority will be patient safety.

Alan Chambers (UUP, North Down)

Minister, I know that you fully agree that social workers perform an incredibly important and challenging role, especially those working in children's services. Will you provide an update on the number of such staff in post and how that has improved recently?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

The children's social work workforce continues to experience significant pressures. However, there has been a modest increase in staffing over the past two years. In April 2024, there were 1,133·5 whole-time-equivalent band 5 to 7 social workers in post: as of April this year, that has increased to 1,199·8, which is an increase of 66·3 whole-time-equivalents. That is reflected across a number of health and social care trusts, although variation remains. Belfast increased from 215 to just over 263; Northern from 222 to 257; South Eastern from 226 to 229; Southern went from 210 to 192; and Western slightly decreased from 259·4 to 257·1. The figures demonstrate progress in increasing capacity in some areas, but pressures remain. I will continue to work with the trusts to strengthen recruitment and retention and work alongside wider reform efforts at reducing demand through earlier intervention and improved family support.

Jon Burrows (UUP, North Antrim)

5. Mr Burrows asked the Minister of Health for an update on progress made on reducing endoscopy waiting times. (AQO 3808/22-27)

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

There has been significant improvement in endoscopy waiting times. Between 30 June 2025 and the end of March this year, a 35% reduction is reported in the number of patients waiting for the procedure, alongside a 92% reduction in the number waiting in excess of 78 weeks.

My Department continues to invest in endoscopy services, with £13 million allocated to the expansion of capacity in the elective care framework implementation and funding plan. That investment is expected to deliver an additional 16,500 procedures per year when fully implemented. The elective care framework outlined a plan for expansion of endoscopy capacity over three stages. The first was to commission vacant Monday-to-Friday sessions by March this year. The second stage will see expansion into 50-week working and evening sessions by March next year, with the third and final stage delivering expansion into weekend working.

Jon Burrows (UUP, North Antrim)

Minister, I commend you for the substantial progress being made under your leadership and, more important, the work of the men and women of our great health service. Will you agree that it is important that we now go faster and further in trying to reduce waiting lists and improve access to the health service and do all that we can to build momentum, get a Budget agreed and deliver for the people?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I am grateful to Executive colleagues for accepting the argument I made to them that, having done well in the last financial year in exceeding many times over the Programme for Government target on addressing long waiting lists, we were in danger of losing momentum without a Budget. I am really grateful to them for agreeing that I can spend £80 million — £30 million more than last year — specifically on waiting lists.

Across the Executive, that is the only agreed Budget line for 2026-27. It will be used wisely in order to address long waits and to build capacity to try to ensure that waiting lists that are coming down do not go back up.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

We move to topical questions.

Colin McGrath (Social Democratic and Labour Party, South Down)

T1. Mr McGrath asked the Minister of Health whether he accepts that today's strike by resident doctors represents a failure of his leadership and the Executive's resolve to retain and value the medical workforce that our health service depends on. (AQT 2501/22-27)

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

No, I do not agree that the matter is down to me. When I came into post, the pay regime that was in place was clear: two independent bodies make recommendations on pay awards, one of which is for doctors and dentists, the other being for everybody else working in Health and Social Care (HSC). We were recommended a pay rise of 3·5% for doctors and dentists. I am happy to pay that once I have a budget. In fact, unlike previous Ministers and unlike in previous years, I made it clear that, as soon as I have a budget, the first thing that I will do, as the number-one priority, is to make the pay awards. That remains the case. That will have implications for service delivery, which the permanent secretary and I have agreed that we will simply have to deal with after we make the pay awards.

To go beyond the 3·5% that the three groups of doctors have rejected as inadequate is not in my gift. If I did so, it would be repercussive across the public sector, which the Member well knows.

Colin McGrath (Social Democratic and Labour Party, South Down)

Minister, regardless of where people stand on the exact figure, surely we can all agree that a health service cannot function without the doctors whom it trains. Resident doctors say that their pay has fallen significantly in real terms, and more than half of final-year medical students surveyed said they were considering leaving Northern Ireland because of pay and conditions. Today, patients are paying the price of the dispute in their treatment. Is today's strike not the clearest indictment yet of your handling of our health service, showing that, under your watch, it has become cheaper to lose doctors than to keep them?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

Our responsible Opposition have spoken. I am not looking for a fight with anybody. Some 75,000 or 76,000 people deliver health and social care in this country. I would like them all to wake up feeling good about life, to get out of bed looking forward to going on shift and to go home at night thinking, "That was a good day. I did some good work, and I'm well rewarded in my terms and conditions". That is my ambition. I will try to deliver it within the constraints that I have outlined to the Member.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

T2. Mr Buckley asked the Minister of Health, having noted that a litany of reviews, inquiries and inquests relating to individual health trusts and to the Department of Health have shone a bright light on glaring failures, rocking the confidence of many Members' constituents who rely on the health service daily, that the Member's constituent Lynsey Courtney was 30 years of age when, in 2018, she lost her life due to abject failures as part of the cervical screening scandal in the Southern Health and Social Care Trust and that, as the Minister will know, Lynsey's family — Ron and Sandra, Lynsey's parents, and her son, Callum — have called for accountability, what the Department can do to ensure that any concealment of wrongdoing will be dealt with appropriately. (AQT 2502/22-27)

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I repeat my condolences; Lynsey and Erin lost their lives, and that should not have happened. I direct the Member to the report from Professor Frank Atherton, who assimilated all the other reports, which were conflicting in some of their conclusions. His conclusion was that it would not be appropriate to pursue individuals. That is the position of the Department of Health. The families may take a different view and pursue a different path.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

Minister, time and time again, families have been failed. There is a growing call among all political parties in the House for an individual duty of candour. You mentioned a corporate duty of candour, but the families to whom I have spoken have said that that would preclude individuals who knowingly and wrongly covered up deeds. Will you ensure that you appropriately explore having an individual duty of candour to ensure that we can give comfort to families that wrongdoing will always be sought out?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

First, I have mentioned tomorrow's health summit. That is about putting patient safety at the top of the list of priorities for the leadership of Health and Social Care. Secondly, on an individual duty of candour, I again refer the Member to the Public Office (Accountability) Bill, commonly known as the Hillsborough law, which is making its way through Westminster. It places a statutory duty of candour and assistance on public authorities and, I stress, officials, and there is a new criminal offence of misleading the public. I think that that satisfies what the Member is talking about when he mentions having an individual duty of candour, but we shall see, because the legislation has not yet completed its passage.

Maurice Bradley (DUP, East Londonderry)

T3. Mr Bradley asked the Minister to Health to update the House on the progress made on delivering a thrombectomy service for patients served by the Causeway Hospital so that stroke patients in the north-west, or the "north-north-east", have the same opportunity to receive life-saving treatment from the critical golden hour as those elsewhere in Northern Ireland. (AQT 2503/22-27)

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

When I referred to the £80 million for waiting lists and building capacity, I made it clear that some of that money will be invested in turning the thrombectomy service into a 24/7 service. That should help the around 160 people every year who suffer a stroke potentially to walk out of hospital on the same day, with no side effects. I hope that that is to what the Member was referring.

Maurice Bradley (DUP, East Londonderry)

Minister, you have partially answered my question, but it was really about the fact that, when services are centralised in the greater Belfast area, services are denied to those elsewhere in the Province. There has been a continued reduction in services across Northern Ireland because of their centralisation in Belfast. I will give you an example. Antrim Area Hospital is 14 miles from the best hospital services in Northern Ireland. The Causeway Hospital is 47 miles from Antrim. It does not make sense to me to reduce the possibilities for treatment by reducing the number of areas in which people can receive that treatment.

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I will write to the Member if I am wrong, but it is my understanding that a patient suffering a stroke can be stabilised at the Causeway Hospital and then transferred to the thrombectomy service in Belfast. I gently point out to the Member that, by his logic, he is calling for an acute hospital at the end of every street, and that is simply not affordable.

Sian Mulholland (Alliance, North Antrim)

T4. Ms Mulholland asked the Minister of Health, after stating that, even before the events of this week and last week, she had been writing to him for quite some time about safeguarding and the gaps in our safeguarding legislation, to commit to a review of our safeguarding legislation in order to make safeguarding training mandatory for anyone who has any involvement with children, young people and those at risk and to ensure that mandatory protective mechanisms are in place. (AQT 2504/22-27)

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I hope that the Member does not expect me to make up policy on the hoof during Question Time. I will simply say to her that I will certainly take her question away with me. I have made the point many times during Question Time that I want to be much more vocal and open about saying that patient safety is the number-one priority. Safeguarding falls very much within that category.

Sian Mulholland (Alliance, North Antrim)

Safeguarding falls within your remit, Minister. We know that, but we also know that it is the responsibility of each and every one of us. That is part of the Children (Northern Ireland) Order 1995. Faith-based counselling is not subject to the same regulation as other clinical counselling services. That points to a real issue and a real risk. All that I want to do, Minister, is put that on your plate in order to make you aware. We need to look at that legislation and what we are doing to keep safe vulnerable children and those who are at risk. Will you commit to, at least, looking into faith-based counselling provision and regulations in particular?