Northern Ireland Assembly, 13 April 2026

435 contributions from 52 members. The official report.

Assembly Business

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

I have received a letter of resignation from Gary Middleton as a Member of the Assembly for the Foyle constituency. I pass on our best wishes to Gary in the circumstances of his resignation; I know that he has appreciated the support that he has received from across the House.

I was informed by the Chief Electoral Officer that Mrs Julie Middleton had been returned as a Member of the Assembly for the Foyle constituency. This morning, Julie signed the undertaking and the Roll of Membership and entered her designation in my presence and that of the Clerk/Chief Executive. She has now taken her seat. I welcome her to the Assembly and wish her every success.

Matters of the Day

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Stephen Dunne has been given leave to make a statement on Rory McIlroy's back-to-back Masters victories that fulfils the criteria set out in Standing Order 24. The usual rules apply to other Members who wish to be called.

Stephen Dunne (DUP, North Down)

Thank you very much, Mr Speaker. I congratulate Mr Rory McIlroy on his incredible success last evening in securing back-to-back Masters triumphs. It was a true masterclass and, across the world, something that we in Northern Ireland can be very proud of. It was his sixth majors triumph, and he joins only three other players in the history of golf in winning back-to-back Masters. He joins true golfing icons Jack Nicklaus, Tiger Woods and Sir Nick Faldo in that established Masters club.

It really is a very special achievement. Following record-breaking Grand Slam success just last year, winning back-to-back Masters is truly incredible. Rory has shown unbelievable resilience, dedication and skill and is a real inspiration to all. People of all ages can get behind Rory McIlroy, and that defines what Northern Ireland is all about: pride and passion and something that we can all truly get behind.

There is great pride in my constituency today, including in Holywood, the town that Rory is proud to call "home". Across North Down, Northern Ireland and, indeed, the world, people call him one of their own. His parents, Gerry and Rosie, can also be proud, as can the wider McIlroy family, who are all involved and are rightly very proud of Rory. It is also worth congratulating Harry Diamond on his role as trusted loyal caddie and childhood friend. There is real sentimental value in having somebody so close to share the special success.

It can now truly be said that he is one of the greatest if not the greatest ever sports stars from Northern Ireland. Around the world, we have a proud record of punching well above our weight in many sports. Whether in football, motor sports or the Olympics, we see names from here that are now iconic around the world, such as George Best, Joey Dunlop and Dame Mary Peters. Rory McIlroy is proudly right up there with them. He is relatively young, and I am confident that there is more major success to come. I trust that, one day, we will be able to congratulate him by giving him his rightful title of "Sir Rory McIlroy". Congratulations to Rory McIlroy: a true Masters champion and a hero to everyone in Northern Ireland.

Cathy Mason (Sinn Féin, South Down)

I also wish to mark the truly historic sporting achievement of Rory McIlroy, who has become a back-to-back Masters champion. It is not just another win; it is a legacy. Rory is only the fourth person in history to win back-to-back Masters titles, placing him alongside the greatest that the game has seen. It is fair to say that we all thought that last year was special, but this win has sealed the deal. We were all behind our own, across the island, as we cheered on both Rory McIlroy and Shane Lowry, willing them on at every step of the way in Augusta: from the fairways at Holywood Golf Club, where the atmosphere was absolutely electric as spectators followed every shot, to living rooms across the country and, in fact, the world. I admit that even I was peering out from behind my sofa as we were all on that journey with him.

To go to the Masters, finally claim that green jacket and then come back and defend it under that pressure takes something extraordinary. Let us be honest: it was not handed to him. With Scheffler clipping at his heels, he had to fight for it. At one point in the final round, it looked as though it might slip away. The mark of a true champion is not perfection, however, but how they respond when things go wrong, and Rory McIlroy showed exactly why he belongs among the greats of the game. For young people who were watching from home, particularly across the North, it really matters, because it shows that, no matter where somebody comes from and what setbacks they face along the way, they can, with hard work, belief and determination, reach the top. For all of us, it is a reminder of how sport can be so powerful: it does not just entertain; it inspires and unites people and gives them something to believe in. Today, we recognise not just a victory but a moment in history that will be remembered for years to come. We say with pride, "Well done, Rory".

Connie Egan (Alliance, North Down)

I recognise the monumental and continued sporting achievements of Rory McIlroy, a Holywood man who has secured the almost unheard of feat of back-to-back Masters victories. Rory is only the fourth person to achieve that acclaim, cementing his status as a household name across the world. It was made all the sweeter by the fact that his parents, Rosie and Gerry, were present to witness their son reclaim his green jacket. Anyone who watched the news coverage will know that Rory's parents were not in attendance last year when he first won the Masters and became the sixth player in history to complete the career golfing Gland Slam, and it was heart-warming to see them cheering him along alongside his daughter, Poppy, and wife, Erica. From the outset, Rory has made it incredibly clear that the support of his parents is what has made his career possible, and, to all of us who watched last night, the pride glowing from them was clear.

Those from North Down and others who are familiar with Rory's story will know that his aspirations started at Holywood Golf Club. There, as its youngest ever member, he worked to become a professional golfer. It was incredibly sentimental and a touching addition to the evening to see videos and photos of current young members of the club watching Rory again take the green jacket last night. Rory's talent and his dedication to honing his skills have set an amazing example to all young sportspeople and competitors in all fields across the island. He said that he wanted to return to the Masters and win in order to show that last year was not a fluke, and that is exactly what he did. We are all immensely proud of Rory. He is an incredible ambassador for Northern Ireland and shows our young people that, if they dream big, work hard and persevere, they can achieve anything. Congratulations, Rory.

Jon Burrows (UUP, North Antrim)

I join in the tributes to Rory McIlroy, the greatest golfer who has ever emerged from the United Kingdom and from these islands, if you want to take the broadest possible view of it, and the greatest sports star whom Northern Ireland has produced. He confirmed himself last night as belonging to the pantheon of sporting greats. Only four players have won back-to-back Masters titles: Jack Nicklaus, Nick Faldo, Tiger Woods and now Rory McIlroy, our own Holywood hero.

It is not just about Rory's excellence and the fact that he is now a living legend but about what he brings to Northern Ireland. He is an ambassador for Northern Ireland. It was wonderful to see the coverage flash between the Masters and Holywood Golf Club, and I understand that those pictures went out on the American networks also. Rory has put Northern Ireland on the golfing map. We have had some great champions from Northern Ireland, such as Darren Clarke and, of course, Graeme McDowell, but no one has quite captured the public imagination like or had the success of Rory McIlroy. This country should build on that success and become the tourist destination of choice for golf across the world. The Executive should be calling for things such as a reduction in VAT for the hospitality and tourism sector to capitalise on the interest that there is in Northern Ireland as a tourist and golfing destination.

One of the things about Rory McIlroy is his humility. He puts his success down largely to his parents: for the sacrifice that they made at the start of his career, for their support and for what they had to give up to take him around and fund his success. That is a powerful message for us all about the impact that we can have on the lives of others by supporting and inspiring them to fulfil their dreams.

Rory McIlroy is at the pinnacle of his sport. He is a legend and will be one for ever. We are proud that he is from here. He is a lesson to us all in how we should promote Northern Ireland and value those who give us the inspiration and the support to get where we are. I pay tribute to Rory McIlroy. I look forward to his winning more majors and achieving, for the first time, a hat-trick of Masters wins next April. Well done, Rory.

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

It is hard to believe that two young men and best friends, Rory McIlroy and Harry Diamond, who were born and bred less than 5 miles from this place stepped on to the eighteenth green yesterday to win back-to-back Masters championships. It is absolutely incredible. I congratulate Rory McIlroy, who has made history by winning a second Masters title. It feels as though we have all grown up with Rory. I recall watching him as a youngster on 'Kelly' chipping golf balls in through the open door of a washing machine and being mesmerised by it.

Rory is no stranger to success. We all know that, by the age of 25, he had won three of golf's four major championships: the US Open, the PGA Championship and the British Open. He rose to the rank of number-one golfer in the world. In 2025, he took home his first Masters title, making him the sixth man to sweep the board at the four major tournaments. With his incredible skill, determination and drive, Rory has now gone and done it again, becoming the fourth golfer to win the Masters in consecutive years and defend his title. That is an outstanding achievement, with the North being represented on a global stage. Rory, you have made this island proud. I wish you luck with your continued hard work and wonder what you can achieve next.

Rory is an important role model for kids. He spoke openly and emotionally yesterday about having and chasing a dream. What an extraordinary message that is for young people. His humility and down-to-earthness is also extraordinary. I hope that the Assembly will formally recognise Rory McIlroy's achievement and write to him. I hope that it will also write to Harry Diamond about his achievement, because what both men have done is extraordinary.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

Rory McIlroy's win in Augusta last night is another feather in Northern Ireland's cap on the world sporting stage. Rory's success in the Masters, not once, but twice in a row, has cemented his place as one of the all-time greats, not just in golf but in the world of sport.

There used to be talk about the challenge that the US Masters was for him, as it was the elusive title that had denied him a career grand slam. That was put to bed last year, and, last night, he became the fourth ever back-to-back champion, which is a legacy-defining moment for him. To do it in front of his parents, his wife, Erica, and his young daughter, Poppy, is a moment that I have no doubt will live long in the memory of our proud Ulsterman, and he will cherish it forever.

I noticed in the press that Rory said that he had waited for a victory in the Masters for many years. When someone says that, you could be forgiven for thinking that he is in the twilight of his golfing career, but not Rory McIlroy. At the tender age of 36, he has many more years of golf ahead of him in what has already been an inspirational career.

It is a special moment for Rory McIlroy and his family. I send him warm congratulations and look forward to his further success on the green for many more years to come, and, more importantly, his continuing to inspire the next generation of home-grown golfers. Well done, Rory McIlroy.

Claire Sugden (Independent, East Londonderry)

Like others, I recognise Rory's extraordinary achievement in a consecutive Masters win. It is no small thing; it is sustained excellence on one of the world's biggest stages in sport. It is something that we in Northern Ireland can all be incredibly proud of because that is what we do: we consistently produce people who compete at the very highest levels and succeed. For a small place, we do more than hold our own, and it is often said that we punch well above our weight. It is not just in golf; it is right across sports and communities. In my constituency, Olympic champion Hannah Scott will be awarded the freedom of the borough this weekend, which reflects not just her success but the hard work and determination behind it and the example that she has set for others. We also see success at the grassroots level. Coleraine Ladies Hockey Club just won the Senior Cup championship, and that is not insignificant because it shows the strength of local clubs, the role of volunteers and the commitment of the players who give their time week in, week out. The foundations matter because that is where confidence is built and talent is nurtured.

We spend a lot of time in the Chamber talking about what is not working, and it is our job to do so, but it is not the full story of Northern Ireland. There is another story of ability, ambition and achievement. Too often, Northern Ireland is talked down; too often, the focus is only on the challenges, but these moments remind us that we are capable of far more. We are not just getting by; we are succeeding, and we are doing it on a global stage. However, what do we do with that? Success like that does not just happen by accident; it is supported by the right opportunities, the right investment and the right encouragement at the right time. If we are serious about building on it, it needs to be reflected in how we think about sport, facilities and the access that we give to young people so they can see the future that Rory saw for himself. We have the talent, the people and the potential, and we should be a bit more confident about saying that.

Congratulations to Rory McIlroy for everything that he has achieved and will undoubtedly achieve in the future, but let us also recognise what it represents: a Northern Ireland that is capable, ambitious and that, when given the opportunity, can stand alongside the best in the world.

Peter Martin (DUP, North Down)

I also offer my congratulations to Rory because back-to-back Masters wins do not come around very often. When you look at the names of other golfers who have succeeded, such as Nick Faldo, Jack Nicklaus and Tiger Woods, it puts his achievement into perspective. Rory is a native of my constituency. He comes from Holywood, and that is where he played golf. For anyone watching, we have some excellent golf courses in North Down, including Bangor Golf Club, Clandeboye Golf Club and Donaghadee Golf Club.

As others have mentioned, Rory's success has been and will continue to be an inspiration to other young golfers. I was a young golfer once. Unfortunately, I could not pitch golf balls into a washing machine, and my career never took off as Rory's did. Through the success of Rory and others, Northern Ireland punches way above its weight in sporting excellence across the globe. Rory is an incredible ambassador for our wee country and, I know, continues to be an inspiration to young golfers. He has, as others have reflected, created an amazing legacy for himself. I hope that it will inspire other young golfers to follow in his footsteps.

David Honeyford (Alliance, Lagan Valley)

I sat last night with tears of joy, and, today, I am thankful that it was not as late as other nights when I have watched Rory. I take a moment to recognise the extraordinary achievement of Rory McIlroy and the extraordinary ambassador that he is for Northern Ireland and this island. What he has done on the global stage is simply remarkable. It is not just about the winning and his performance but about how he carries himself. His humility, professionalism and quiet confidence speak volumes about him, his family and where he comes from.

When Rory steps on to a course anywhere in the world, we all step on with him to support him. He has a worldwide fan base of hundreds of millions. We saw that last night: as soon as he is there, the crowds are screaming. Anybody who was at the Open in the summer will have seen that. The crowds that follow him when he goes round are incredible. In the moment, the world is not seeing just Rory and amazing golf; it is seeing a little bit of this place. The impact that he has made for Northern Ireland cannot be overstated. Golf tourism here is already worth tens of millions to our economy and supports jobs, businesses and communities across society. Moments like this help us to grow that even further. They put us on a map that no strategy document can do.

For many of us, it gets personal, because family and friends come into the celebration. I have lost count of the number of times that I have sat up with my son watching Rory compete and willing him on, sharing those moments, whether Rory has won or suffered the lows of losing. Those are memories that last, and that is the power of sport. It brings us together — all communities, backgrounds and generations — and inspires us. It shows that not everything needs to be political and that sometimes we can just celebrate; sometimes we can just say, "Well done". Rory represents the new Northern Ireland, the new North or whatever you are comfortable calling it that is inclusive and shared, confident and open and incredibly resilient and comfortable in its own skin. Rory has not forgotten where he has come from and is incredibly proud of it. That is the story of this place at its best, and it is a story that Rory tells and that we all need to tell, because it is not about us: it is about him. I simply say, "Congratulations, Rory, from all of us. You have made us all proud".

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

Northern Ireland has excelled on many fronts. It is a pioneer in global development and technologies across the world. However, there has been no greater export than our sporting prowess and our local talent leading on the world stage, flying the flag for our wee country to a global audience. I watched the Masters with sheer joy and pride as, uncharacteristically, Rory McIlroy led from the front on the first day. On the second day, when he was sitting on six under, we thought that it was simply a matter of bringing it home, only to get the cold sweat — probably like many — as the six-shot advantage started to disappear and other serious golfers started to enter the stage and come up close. However, Rory McIlroy held his nerve, and, as the worldwide audience talked about the Northern Ireland grit that brought about that Augusta glory, we can all share in that success.

Rory has joined a specific club of absolute legends of the world game: Tiger Woods, Jack Nicklaus, Sir Nick Faldo, who are all double Masters winners. That is not an easy feat for anybody, let alone a wee man from Northern Ireland, which has 1·8 million people. He was on the world stage, leading from the front, with his parents there to watch him as he brought home his second green jacket in consecutive years.

We will never know how much work has gone on behind the scenes over so many years and how many sacrifices have been made to get Rory to where he is today, but his family knows. I was so proud to watch on the Sky Sports broadcast, as it went from live scenes at Augusta to live scenes at Holywood Golf Club, the local talent and the local pride and to see how many of the next generation Rory inspires day by day. We have world-class golf courses, world-class golfers and a world-class pipeline of talent to continue to put this wee country above and beyond any of its contemporaries and much larger countries.

Thank you, Rory McIlroy; we wish you well for the future.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Members, this morning, there were six requests for Matters of the Day or questions for urgent oral answer relating to different aspects of energy costs. Therefore, I selected a Matter of the Day that was more generic to give the House the opportunity to discuss the relevant issues, as there was clearly a demand among Members. I will give latitude to enable all Members who tabled questions or Matters of the Day to discuss the issues in their requests. I am also willing to go beyond the normal 30 minutes, if necessary, to facilitate Members, given that there is clearly such an interest.

Jonathan Buckley has been given leave to make a statement on the impact of rising energy prices on households and businesses that fulfils the criteria set out in Standing Order 24.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

Today, we see farmers, haulage drivers, construction workers and key workers crippled by soaring fuel and energy costs, with some being pushed to the point of protest in fear for their livelihoods and future. As an Assembly, we should ask this important question: how did we get here? I must warn the public that it did not happen by accident; rather, it is the result of political choice — a choice made by consecutive Conservative and Labour Governments to put targets before people, ideology before reality and net zero before energy security. Let us speak plainly on the matter. The tensions in Iran did not create the crisis but exposed the very vulnerability that many warned about: an over-reliance on global markets, a lack of domestic supply and a system that is too weak to cope when pressures come. The public are now paying the price.

In this country, fuel is taxed to death. Here, the taxman takes a huge slice before a single wheel is turned. Up to 55% of the pump price is tax: fuel duty, VAT and crazy green levies. There is layer upon layer, although common sense should tell you that the more you tax fuel, the more everything costs. Food costs more; transport costs more; and living costs more. Who carries that, Members? The farmer, the trucker and the family. They are the people who are paying the price of sacrificial net zero policies, even though the UK is a global emitter of some 1%.

Let us ask the question: whom are we hurting and what for? It makes zero sense. The UK sits on significant oil and gas in the North Sea, yet net zero zealots tell us that we cannot drill for it and should instead import it from countries such as Norway. It is the same sea and the same resource but with more costs, more dependence and less control.

That is not "green": it is self-inflicted harm.

It does not stop there. We have seen parties such as Alliance, Sinn Féin and the SDLP continue to champion net zero targets that are totally unrealistic and are driving farmers' costs through the roof. Housing is being held back and infrastructure delayed, all in the name of targets that are totally unachievable. They promised green, secure and cheap; we have got none of the three. We have got higher bills, greater risk and less control.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

I call Colm Gildernew.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

It is time for common sense. Cut fuel duty, and bin dud policies.

Colm Gildernew (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

It is quite bizarre to ignore the reality that the war that we are seeing has forced thousands of households and businesses to experience huge spikes in their bills. We know that the North relies heavily on home heating oil — to a much greater degree than other areas. The latest statistics show that the prices have more than doubled since the start of the illegal war. That is having a devastating impact on families and right across our society. It is having a huge effect on small businesses, working families and healthcare workers and carers who are out there using their vehicles. The British Government must revisit their decision to allocate only a shamefully inadequate £17 million to the North. They must also consider a range of other measures. The British Government need to step up to the plate and provide substantially more funding.

Having said that, I welcome the Minister for Communities' writing to me recently to acknowledge that he is responsible for and is working on a scheme to get that £17 million into people's pockets. I welcome that fact. As Chair of the Communities Committee, I will certainly work with him. We are almost a month on now since that £17 million was announced and allocated. We now need to see a scheme brought forward by the Minister for Communities with urgency to get that money into people's pockets.

David Honeyford (Alliance, Lagan Valley)

For weeks, I have been raising people's concerns about the cost of energy. My constituents feel it when they fill their oil tank, at the petrol pump and every time that they go to the shop. Right now, those costs continue to rise at an absolutely scandalous rate because of one simple truth: we are absolutely exposed to global oil and gas prices and shocks. This morning, we have heard the DUP's big idea, which is to bury our heads and rely further on oil and gas, the price of which only ever goes up. What is driving that shock? It is the reckless escalation of the Middle East conflict, driven by Donald Trump and his actions, with fuel instability driving up global oil prices and pushing inflation back on to the system. Who pays for that? It is not Donald Trump, the Governments or the oil companies but ordinary working people here.

Here is the part that people will not miss. Just weeks ago, the DUP and the Ulster Unionist Party sat with, lined up for their photographs with and cosied up to their cheerleader, Trump, busting to be seen with him and get their clicks on social media — the same Donald Trump who is now driving the decisions that are pushing up our fuel prices and hurting every family in Northern Ireland. You cannot have it both ways. You cannot stand beside the man — a deranged man who, today, compared himself to Jesus — and then come back here and complain about the price and consequences of his actions. That is not leadership: it is hypocrisy and gaslighting people. While you chase your headlines, clicks, TikTok and everything else, people here pay the price.

What should we do? We need to look to solutions. Alliance calls for the UK Government to act and to act now. We need a cut to VAT on domestic energy. We need to reduce fuel duty to ease the pressure at the pumps. The VAT rate has already gone up. By the cost of it going up, that is cost-neutral. There needs to be a rise in the windfall tax on energy companies. Again, the DUP wants to champion all the companies making massive excess profits. They need to be taxed in order to make further reductions to people's costs. We need the Minister to put targeted support in place to help struggling households. When prices spike, we cannot stand back. We must step in.

Alongside that, we need to get serious in the long term. If we do not reduce our dependence on oil and gas, that will happen, as day follows night, again and again. There will be more shocks and more pressure on our own working people. Yes: let us talk about the cost of living, but let us be honest about what is driving it and not gaslight people. Let us stop the distractions, focus on what will actually help people and bring forward action to help people now and in the long term, because people out there deserve better than this.

Diana Armstrong (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

We have seen the headlines over the past weeks, and, from speaking to people in my constituency, I know only too well how frustrated they are and how sick of empty words they are. People feel so frustrated and let down that they have taken to demonstrating and protesting against rising costs, and it is clear that they cannot and will not take any further increases.

Those rising costs are putting businesses and households alike under crippling pressures. The reality in Fermanagh and South Tyrone is that contractors who rightfully secured lucrative contracts in Belfast, Dublin and further afield now face rising, punitive costs in their daily travel to carry out their work. Energy prices rose suddenly, and it now seems that they will continue to rise, so the question that people are asking is simple: when does it stop? As legislators, we must take a stand and make it clear to Westminster that it is unsustainable and that there must be an intervention.

With oil prices set to rise above $100 a barrel, if the proposed blockade of Iranian ports goes ahead, what will we do? With the average price of diesel in the UK having now surpassed 190p per litre and households projected to be £480 worse off this year, an intervention is needed to ensure security of supply and affordable pricing. The UK's energy security remains vulnerable due to our reliance on importing large amounts of gas and oil, and I agree with Mr Buckley that we have resources that could help to offset that, but we lack the necessary control to fully secure ourselves.

National energy security has been raised continually in the Chamber, yet, ultimately, the powers to improve it rest with Westminster. Many in the Chamber will choose to point fingers or argue that the issue stems from constitutional questions, but none of that matters at this time. Our economy and our people's livelihoods are at stake. There must be more than emphatic words and speeches delivered after this Matter of the Day. While I do not endorse disruption, we must be honest about what is happening. When people can no longer afford to fuel their cars or heat their homes, frustration does not remain contained; it spills out into our roads, towns and economy, as people feel voiceless and under-represented. It is imperative that the Assembly do what it can to help our people in their time of need.

Mark Durkan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

The spike in energy prices was not caused by anyone in these islands, but people here are feeling the pain and paying the price. It is baffling that Mr Buckley omitted to mention the role of his hero Donald Trump in creating and causing the crisis that is causing so much suffering to people here and across the world. We rely more heavily on home heating oil in the North. We have worse public transport, and people are therefore more reliant on their cars to do their daily business. Our agricultural sector, which is vital to our economy, is especially exposed to rising energy and input costs. People here are hit first, and they are hit hard.

In the face of that reality, what have we seen from the Executive and the UK Government? We have not seen coordination, urgency or leadership, but we have seen confusion, delay and far too much finger-pointing. Of course, we in the SDLP recognise that the Executive are not responsible for the crisis and that we are dependent on Westminster for financial firepower, but the Executive have responsibility for protecting people here. However, instead of coming together to act, parties in the Executive have spent weeks arguing among themselves about funding while people outside the Building are simply asking, "When will help arrive?". Even where funding has arrived, we have seen unacceptable inaction. Westminster provided £17 million to support home heating oil users, who are the most exposed to soaring costs. We agree with the Executive that that is nowhere near enough, but the Minister for Communities and the Executive as a whole have failed to bring forward any clear plan or detail about what they will do with that money. While households worry about how to heat their homes, that funding sits unused. That pattern of inaction is not confined to one Department; it runs right across the Government. Sinn Féin has led a campaign for a vote of no confidence in the Dublin Government. It says that the Dublin Government's response has been insufficient. If that is the case, the response of the Executive, led by Sinn Féin, has been completely non-existent.

I have brought practical proposals to a few Ministers, including to the Minister of Education to vary home-to-school transport costs, have contracts dismissed and make reasonable, deliverable interventions. At the same time, domiciliary care workers who travel from home to home to care for the most vulnerable people in our society are being hit hard by fuel costs. They are being priced out of their vital role, yet the Minister of Health has failed to support them. There has still been no meaningful intervention. It is high time that the Executive —

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

The Member's time is up.

Mark Durkan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

— get their act together, take on board the proposals that have come from —

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

I call Timothy Gaston.

Mark Durkan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

— us, as a constructive Opposition, and work with Westminster to deliver for people.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

Thank you very much, Mr Speaker. The ongoing situation in the Middle East is having real and immediate consequences for people here at home. Families right across Northern Ireland were already under pressure, and they are now facing rising costs for home heating oil and transport fuel. That is money coming out of people's pockets every single day.

We cannot control events in the Middle East, but we can control how we respond to them. Every increase in fuel prices delivers a windfall to the Treasury through increased VAT. More than 50% of the price of a litre of petrol goes straight to the Exchequer in tax, so while households are squeezed, while farmers face rising costs at this very important time of year as they move to plant crops and while businesses struggle to absorb higher transport costs, the Government profit. That cannot be right. It is therefore entirely logical that they reduce duty on petrol, diesel and home heating oil in order to ease the burden.

What we have is a tax system that is completely out of kilter. It punishes motorists and drives up costs across the entire economy. Higher fuel costs do not stop at the pump. Rather, they feed directly into the price of our food, our goods and our services. Too much of our energy policy is driven by ideology, particularly by the mad environmentalists who are well represented in the House. For far too long, the approach has been one that treats fuel not as an essential resource but as something to be taxed out of existence. People need to heat their homes, get to work and run their businesses, so let us deal with the reality that is in front of us.

More than half the price of fuel is tax. The Chancellor can do something about that today. If the Government are serious about helping households, the solution is simple: reduce the tax that they take before they create food shortages across the United Kingdom. As they enter the crucial planting phase, we need to ensure that our farmers are given support so that, when their crops are being harvested at the other end, they are affordable. Now is the time to act. The Government must step forward and reduce the level of VAT, and they must do so today.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

Right across the island, people are talking about the price that they are paying for fuel. If we ask ourselves why fuel is so expensive and why the price has shot up, the answer is simple and straightforward. First, it is because of Trump's disastrous war on Iran, which is supported by the DUP. Trump has lost that war. Secondly, it has been caused by naked profiteering by companies, which are making a fortune from the fuel that people need in order to live and travel. I will mention one company, Nicholl Oils in Derry, whose profits doubled in the year prior to the war in Iran. People are therefore making a clean mint out of the crisis.

The Southern Government are rightly under huge pressure as a result of their having failed to act to support people who have been impacted on by price rip-offs and the surge in the cost of fuel.

Whilst we have not had the same level of protests in the North — maybe yet — about the cost of fuel, people are left scratching their head and asking what the Executive have done to support them in the face of rising prices. The truthful answer is diddly-squat.

The Executive parties have a case to answer when it comes to stagnant wages, poor quality homes and profit-making by energy companies that have done nothing to tackle the issues. Over 40% of people here are living in fuel poverty, while at least 27% of households went without heating or electricity over the past two years because they could not afford to pay their bills. That is only going to go in one direction, and the Executive have failed to tackle those issues. In my constituency of West Belfast, one in three children is living in poverty. That is, indeed, a cruel and disgraceful figure.

What needs to happen? First, we need to see energy price caps put in place. There should be limits on what companies can charge for fuel. We also need to see one-off universal payments to people who are impacted on by the crisis, so that they can navigate the storm and not go further into debt or have to dip into savings, if they have any. We need to see people's benefits raised as well in order to cope with the crisis. We need to see a rapid transition away from fossil fuels towards clean and cheap, if not free, energy supplies, so that we are not connected to that profitable but dangerous energy system.

We also need to see an end to Trump's wars. The situation is being driven by war and profiteering, and we need to make sure that, on this island, Shannon Airport and Belfast International Airport play absolutely no role in Trump's wars in the Middle East, Palestine and elsewhere.

Linda Dillon (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I am sitting here wondering whether Jonathan Buckley and the DUP think that everybody out there is stupid. I can tell you that care workers who put diesel in their cars a couple of weeks ago at half the price that they are paying now are not stupid. They know that when Donald Trump did what he did in Iran, that is when the price of diesel doubled. That absolutely had an impact, but that does not mean that that is where the solution lies. I do not think that the solution for anybody lies with Donald Trump, unfortunately. Do not come into this place and try to convince us that your support for Donald Trump and his war policies — his war on people — does not matter, because it matters to people here.

[Interruption.]

It matters to the farmers, the hauliers, the care workers and those who are trying to deliver palliative care to people in their homes. It matters to all those people. It matters to people who are trying to travel to work, including teachers, nurses and doctors. Everybody is being affected by the situation.

[Interruption.]

Do not come in here and try to convince us to go along with your nonsense, because that is what it is. It is utter nonsense.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

Net stupid.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Order.

Linda Dillon (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

"Stupid" is the word; that is right. Jonathan, you need to look in the mirror. "Stupid" is the very word.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

Net stupid.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Order.

Linda Dillon (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

The solution is absolutely around the tax. We need to see a serious financial support package from Westminster. I understand why people are frustrated and want to protest. I absolutely would not want to negate anybody's right to protest, but go and protest where you need to protest. There is no point in affecting people here, because Keir Starmer does not give one damn if we block the Ballygawley roundabout or Sprucefield roundabout. He has never cared about the people of Newry, Omagh, Coalisland or anywhere else in this place. He has made very deliberate choices that ensure that we cannot provide for the people here. He already knows that we cannot provide for them, in light of the amount of money that he has given us. He has no intention of helping people here, unless he is forced to do so. My message to people is that, absolutely, they should protest but do so where it matters. Hit Keir Starmer where it matters and do not listen to the nonsense coming from across the Chamber that the war in Iran has nothing to do with the rising price of diesel.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

Sinn Féin policies.

Linda Dillon (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

That is nonsensical. Let me tell you, Jonathan, nobody is convinced that you are telling the truth.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

The people of Newry are not convinced by you.

Linda Dillon (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

They all know that what you are saying is lies, cover-ups and nonsense. That is exactly what Phillip did a couple of weeks ago when he tried to convince people about money that was provided to the Executive that was not available to them at all. Do not let the truth get in the way of a good story. That is how the DUP rolls.

Daniel McCrossan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, West Tyrone)

Anyone watching the previous contributors would be in deep shock to understand that they are both from the lead parties in this disastrous Executive. Let us cut through some of the spin. As we speak, people are being hammered by soaring fuel costs, and the Executive are doing absolutely zero about it. Families are struggling to fill their cars, workers are questioning whether it is even worth going to work, while small businesses are being squeezed to breaking point. The farming community has spoken out very clearly today about the rising costs that it simply cannot absorb.

What do we get from Sinn Féin and the DUP? Zero. Nothing. Zilch. We get Punch and Judy politics, delay and excuses, no plans, no urgency and no action: just a watery letter to the British Government saying, "Please, sir, can we have some more?". It is a simple cover for inaction. They use social media as a tool to distract from the fact that they have been a disaster in government. While people are being pushed to the brink, around £100 million is sitting there untouched: £17 million for fuel support — not used, no plan, no strategy — and £81 million for electricity pressures — not used, no plan, no strategy. Let that sink in.

Whilst I have the great pleasure of representing the wonderful people of West Tyrone, I live in the border area, and I see what happens. I cross the border every day. It is non-existent. I see, on the Lifford side of the border, Sinn Féin representatives saying, "The Irish Government are terrible; they are doing nothing. Where is the support for our businesses and farmers?", while, on the Strabane side, the three MLAs and the MP say nothing. The Sinn Féin-run constituency and the Sinn Féin party that runs the Executive, having the First Minister, the Economy Minister, the Infrastructure Minister and the Finance Minister, do nothing. They are nowhere to be seen. Families cut back on the basics, workers count every penny and carers wonder how they will keep going, but what does Sinn Féin do? It points to the Brits on one side and the Irish Government on the other and says, "Nothing to see here". It says, "We want the power; we want the mandate. Please come out and vote for us", but, when it comes to it, it says, "We can do nothing for you, folks". That is the message that it is sending out.

This is an all-island economy. In the South, Sinn Féin is calling for votes of no confidence, claiming that the Irish Government are failing people. My God, call a vote of no confidence in yourselves, because you are a disaster when it comes to crisis after crisis. Sinn Féin is good at covering up the fact that, after every problem, it seems to pile one crisis on top of another and blames everyone else for the huge pile of ... behind it. That is the problem. A real crisis is happening to our people today. Rather than the Punch and Judy show that goes on in this place between the two lead partners in government, who have all the power and authority that they demand from our people at elections, it is high time that they got up, took some action, took some responsibility, got money out to the people who need it, supported our workers and families and stood with the people instead of poking each other in the eye and finding excuses for why they are so useless.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

There is not much for me to add after my colleague Daniel McCrossan was clear about the Executive's failure to take responsibility on behalf of the Northern Ireland public. Let me be clear, as Daniel McCrossan and Mark H Durkan were, about the Executive's failure to take responsibility for telling the Northern Ireland public how they want to support them. Let me also say that, number one, this is Donald Trump's war. The spike in energy prices is a result of Donald Trump's insane and reckless bombardment of Iran. The Members opposite were not just OK with that but cheered it in the Chamber a few weeks ago. Some of them, including the mover of the Matter of the Day, Mr Buckley, then went and got photographs taken with Mr Trump in the White House.

[Interruption.]

Tuts are coming from the Chamber, but that is the man whose reckless and illegal bombardment has driven up energy prices and created the problem that we have today.

It is true that some of the measures would need to be paid for in part by the British Government, who, yes, need to engage, but what have we seen from the DUP and Sinn Féin, the two Executive parties, collectively today? We have seen theatrical Punch and Judy politics, deflection from their responsibilities and a refusal to take responsibility. I am not aware that, over the past fortnight, the First Minister and deputy First Minister or any other Ministers have convened an urgent meeting with, for example, farmers, hauliers, domiciliary care workers or other affected groups to ask them about the impacts on their businesses and communities and to come up with a package of support or at least to work to develop what such a package might look like, were there to be more financial support from the UK Government. Indeed, those two parties told us that they did not have the financial firepower. As the official Opposition, we said, "We back you. What scheme do you want to deliver?". They got £17 million. We agreed that it should have been more and that we wanted to see more, but it has been stuck in an Executive bank account for more than a month.

It is no use the two big Executive parties coming here, throwing digs at one another, writing letters to London, going for selfies with Donald Trump and then refusing to be honest with the public of Northern Ireland about their responsibility. That is deflection. It is one of the reasons why our politics has become broken and why people in this society do not trust those two parties to prioritise the common good, their needs, their communities, their businesses and their livelihoods. What they see is that, when it comes to a time of crisis, those parties will simply prioritise theatrical falling out and their own party political interests.

There was nothing stopping the First Minister and deputy First Minister urgently convening a meeting of affected sectors weeks ago. There was nothing stopping the Communities Minister, the Economy Minister and other Ministers coming up with a support package for home heating oil users weeks ago. There was nothing stopping them working with Translink to implement a plan for reduced transport fares. They have done none of that; they have come into the Chamber, rowed with each other and deflected. They need to work with the British Government, who have a responsibility, to support the people and businesses of this society.

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

It is disappointing that Mrs Dillon accuses me of being a liar and then runs out of the Chamber before I have an opportunity to respond.

My, my: the truth really hurts. The facts are clear: the net zero policies that some Members have championed year after year are now coming home to roost. Mr Honeyford got very angry during his deranged rant against the DUP without stating any facts, so let us give him some facts: since the legislation was rammed through by his party, £107 million has been set aside for net zero targets. Mr Honeyford, imagine what £107 million could do for my constituents and yours. What has been the impact of that legislation? A 1% reduction in energy targets. You have the audacity to come into the Chamber and try to lecture me and my colleagues on these Benches. It is no wonder that the Ulster Farmers' Union passed a motion of no confidence in your Minister; you have no idea what you are talking about.

I have to do the Opposition's job for them. Who was it who found out that the Executive had £81 million to spend? It was not the Opposition. It was not members of the Opposition on the Economy Committee. It was left to this party to fight for the funding. Mrs Dillon said, "Oh no, the money doesn't exist" and then, "Oh yes, it does exist". It is like Punch and Judy politics. Ms Sheerin can sneer and laugh, as she does when any unionist speaks in the Chamber, but that is because the facts hurt, and Sinn Féin does not like the facts.

When Keir Starmer was elected, we were told that the Opposition, as Labour's sister party, would be in a prime place to deliver for the people of Northern Ireland.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

They moved seats.

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

Yes. They moved seats to sit beside the Labour Party. I listened to the leader of the SDLP today on the radio. You would almost forget that she was elected to be a Member of Parliament, while she criticises the Assembly and the Executive. Where is the leader of the SDLP? What has she delivered while her sister party has been in government? Nothing.

We hear lectures from Sinn Féin. The people in my constituency of North Belfast are seeing prices increase at the petrol pump. Our care workers cannot afford to go to work, and people cannot get oil. Our Member of Parliament, rather than turning up and doing his job to fight for the people of North Belfast, is too busy earning tens of thousands of pounds in other employment. I and the people of North Belfast will take no lectures from you. On Thursday, the Communities Minister will bring his paper to the Executive. Let us see whether your actions match your words: give us the money to support the people of Northern Ireland.

Members' Statements

Emma Sheerin (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Today, as we return from the Easter break, the frustration and anxiety across our community is palpable. People are worrying about how they will pay their bills, how they will put fuel in their cars and how they will feed their families. They are worrying and struggling again because of war; a political choice. They watch innocents die across the world without having the bandwidth to do anything to support them because funds are so tight at home.

A political choice caused the cost-of-living crisis, and it is a political choice not to support people. The British Government could act today. They could cut fuel levies. They could put real, meaningful money into people's pockets, but what do they do? They choose once again to prioritise weapons of war over workers here by allocating an annual £13·4 billion extra to defence spending.

That is what Keir Starmer and the British Government want to do. How many cars would that put on the road? How many homes would that heat? How many people here could that support?

Members in the Chamber realise that they backed the wrong horse and stood cheerleading for Donald Trump when he once again made a reckless decision based on his ego. Instead of bickering, we should all stand united for the people whom we represent and call clearly on the British Government with one voice to support workers and families here. Every war that causes needless and senseless death and destruction across the world and leads more innocents to their death has a knock-on effect here. The working people whom we all represent and working-class communities here suffer and struggle. We have to be their voice. Time and history have taught us that the British Government do not care about people here, so we must stand united to make them do so.

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

"One rule for thee, another for me" is the deeply concerning and persistent pattern of late: the lawlessness, double standards and failure to comply with the rules and the law by the party opposite. Time and time again, we have seen one rule applied to Sinn Féin and another imposed on the law-abiding citizens of Northern Ireland.

An illegal statue to the terrorist Bobby Sands was erected without the required planning permission: a clear breach of the rules that the public and businesses across Northern Ireland have to follow, but not Sinn Féin. Attending the official opening of that crass memorial was none other than the First Minister for "no alternative", who said that she was delighted with the statue.

Let us remember who Mr Bobby Sands was: a convicted terrorist who blew up a Protestant-owned furniture store and, being the coward that he was, fled and left his comrades who had been injured in the blast behind. Bobby Sands was no hero, yet that has not stopped Sinn Féin from trying to profiteer from his legacy, despite the pleas and claims from his family to leave the man alone.

The DUP group at City Hall have rightly called an emergency meeting of Belfast City Council to instruct that planning enforcement action is taken. The public will watch how the Alliance Party, the SDLP, the Green Party and People Before Profit vote on the issue. They expect their constituents and businesses across Northern Ireland to abide by the law, so I am sure that they will support DUP calls for enforcement against the statue.

This is not the only planning permission scandal to face Sinn Féin in recent months. Just before Christmas, the constituency of the Infrastructure Minister, who is in charge of planning in Northern Ireland, witnessed the illegal erection of a Sinn Féin billboard. Rule-keeping and abiding by the law has never been a strength of Sinn Féin, but the public expect that, when Ministers make the law, they follow it. The public also witnessed the Provo show of strength during the COVID pandemic being prioritised over people's grief. They witnessed how portraits in City Hall were destroyed at a Sinn Féin-hosted event.

Members of the party opposite may think that the law does not apply to them, but they need to think again, because my party and the people of Northern Ireland will hold them accountable.

Diana Armstrong (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

I want to raise awareness of an appalling attack that happened on Easter Saturday night in Newtownbutler. Every Member of the House, regardless of tradition, background or party, should condemn it. A Church of Ireland Sunday school at Galloon parish was vandalised. Ugly, hateful, sectarian words were daubed on its walls, and items were damaged. A space dedicated to children — a place of innocence, faith and community — was left unusable and scarred. That it happened at Easter, when all Christian communities mark the death and resurrection of Christ, makes it all the more offensive. This happened in a predominantly nationalist area where the Church of Ireland community is the minority. Those people who go about their lives quietly, proudly and peacefully, asking for nothing more than to worship, to gather and to raise their children knowing the love of Jesus, and someone decided to target them. Someone decided that their presence was something to be attacked.

I want to be clear about what this is: it is not a grey area or a matter of perspective; it is sectarianism — raw, cowardly sectarianism directed at a vulnerable minority community, and it is utterly unacceptable. I am genuinely heartened that the local Catholic church was swift to condemn the attack. That is leadership. That is the kind of neighbourly decency that gives us hope, and I commend it for that unreservedly. However, I have to ask this: where are the nationalist MLAs, and where is the condemnation from those elected to represent that area? Silence in moments such as this is not neutrality; it is failure. The people of Newtownbutler — Protestant, Catholic and others — are watching, and they deserve better than silence.

The Church of Ireland people in that area have shown extraordinary restraint. They have not retaliated or inflamed the situation. They have borne this with dignity, but dignity should never be mistaken for indifference, and restraint should never be taken for weakness. Every person in Northern Ireland — every one — deserves to live free from fear, free from intimidation and free to be proud of their culture, their faith and their identity without wondering whether their place of worship will be the next target. We talk often in the Chamber about reconciliation and a shared future, but a shared future is not built with words alone. It is built on moments such as this when we choose unequivocally to stand with those who have been wronged. I call on every MLA in the House to add their voice, condemn the attack and stand with that community. If we cannot do that, what are we here for?

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

On Easter Sunday, Taoiseach Micheál Martin gave the oration at the graveside of a great Irishman and proud republican, Dr Rory O'Hanlon, who was laid to rest at St Mary's Church in Mullaghbawn, at the foot of Slieve Gullion in the heart of south Armagh. Rory made his home in Carrickmacross, but he was a proud Mullaghbawn native. He never forgot his roots and the people whom he grew up with. He was a loyal Armagh GAA fan throughout his life. In his home, where he reposed, there were three objects on his coffin: a family picture, an Armagh GAA woolly hat and a Mullaghbawn Cúchullain’s woolly hat. Rory was a trusted friend and mentor, and his support and counsel will be sorely missed, as will his energy, his enthusiasm and his shining integrity. I will miss that sparkle in his eyes.

Rory was a solid friend of the SDLP down through the years. Alongside his cousin the late Paddy O'Hanlon, who was a founder member of the SDLP, he worked tirelessly to ensure the implementation of the Good Friday Agreement. He achieved the highest positions in political life but remained anchored in his constituency, forging a warm bond with the people of Monaghan and Cavan, whom he represented with strength and enthusiasm for more than a generation. He had time, a word and warmth for everyone whom he met.

As a gifted doctor, Rory was a caring and empathetic man who sought to improve the lives of his patients and his community. As Minister for Health, Rory made improvements to the system that benefited people in their day-to-day lives. He fought for fairness and for the marginalised, especially for children and the families of children with special needs. As Ceann Comhairle, he conducted Dáil business with fairness and evenness of hand, which was appreciated by all sides of the House.

I express my deepest sympathy to Teresa and to the couple's children, Fiona, Rory, Ardal, Neale, Shane and Dearbhla, to their wider family, including his sister, Sister Fionnuala, to his community and friends and to his Fianna Fáil family. I measc na Naomh go raibh sé.

[Translation: May he rest among the saints.]

Aoife Finnegan (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

Imagine this: you are 32 years of age with your whole life ahead of you, and you have a loving family, with two beautiful children, when you suddenly get the blow of a cancer diagnosis. Your mum died of breast cancer when you were 12, and the same word is now said to you. You look at your children, and you see your father's face, scared but trying to be strong. In that moment, you make the decision that you will fight this with every fibre of your body and come through it. There is quiet determination but deep fear. Then, imagine this: after two years of clear scans and believing that you had come through the worst, you are told that your cancer is back. It is stage 4 cancer, with no cure, and care that is, at best, life-prolonging and palliative. While you know that this will be the fight of your life, you never imagined that you would also be fighting a system that was supposed to have been designed with you in mind.

That is the reality: a lack of counselling at the point of diagnosis, when people need it most; being given days to make life-altering decisions, including about fertility, without the time or support to process them; no access to cold capping; cuts to support for the provision of wigs, leaving people to carry that cost themselves; and basic essentials such as PICC line covers no longer being provided, forcing people to source them to carry out the basic task of washing safely. Perhaps most concerning of all is people not being listened to, their symptoms being dismissed and their concerns being minimised. People are pushed to the point at which they feel that they have no option other than to pay privately just to be taken seriously.

While we can only imagine what that pain must feel like, for Marianne Tiernan, a woman from south Armagh aged 38, it is not about imagining, because that is her reality. Marianne has chosen to tell her story publicly so that others are not ignored in the same way. GPs have already contacted her to say that they will never again let someone leave without a referral. That tells us about the power of being heard, but people should not have to go public in order to get change. How can we accept a system in which people are forced to fight for their life and, at the same time, to fight to be heard and to fight for support and basic dignity?

It is not about blaming front-line staff, who go above and beyond every day; it is about a system that is not keeping pace with the needs of the people whom it is meant to serve. We know the pressures, and we know that there is underfunding, but that cannot become an —

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

The Member's time is up.

Aoife Finnegan (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

— excuse, because such things are not extras or luxuries but basics of care.

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

Last week, on 7 April, I attended a hugely supported and poignant parade by Lower Iveagh District Loyal Orange Lodge (LOL) No 1, and, yesterday, I attended the special service of remembrance marking the 50th anniversary of one of the most appalling and shocking attacks of the Troubles: a day on which the horror of violence was visited on the town of Dromore in my constituency of Lagan Valley and on the Herron family.

William, Elizabeth and Noeline Herron were much respected and loved. They were three good people from a family rooted in faith, hard work and service to their community in Dromore. Their family name stood not for division but for decency, kindness and the quiet dignity of everyday life, yet, on 7 April 1976, that ordinary goodness was met with an act of extraordinary evil. They were not participants in conflict; they were a mother, a father and a daughter taken by an act of terrorism that shocked not just their loved ones but the entire community.

The Provisional IRA planted an incendiary device that was designed to go off long after the shop closed, when the Herron family would be asleep upstairs. The firebomb went off at approximately 1.30 am, and, despite rescue attempts, William, Elizabeth and their daughter Noeline all perished. There is no justification for what was done: none. No cause or ideology can ever excuse the targeting of innocent men, women and children.

In the face of such loss, the Herron and Bingham families have shown something remarkable: they have refused to allow that evil to define the memory of those whom they loved. They have insisted, rightly, that William, Elizabeth and Noeline be remembered not for how they died but for how they lived, in love and with humanity.

Their legacy is as business people, quiet people, good people and Christians who loved and who were loved deeply. We must never forget the terrible events and must always remember the people behind the headlines.

Fifty years on, we must confront uncomfortable truths, including that, for many families such as the Herrons, there are still unanswered questions and that justice, in its fullest sense, has not been done. Too many families have never seen justice. In this case, there were convictions, but, just four years into the sentences of two of those who were convicted, the royal prerogative of mercy was used without any consultation or explanation. I wrote to the Prime Minister, today, to ask for a re-examination in order to give the family the answers that they never got over those 50 years.

Terrorism did not win. The community of Dromore endured because families such as the Herrons endured. Today, we remember three lives that were taken too soon. We honour William, Elizabeth and Noeline Herron. We must ensure that their story is never forgotten.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Earlier today, we joined in celebrating the extraordinary success of Rory McIlroy in the sporting field. I wish also to share some words of profound sadness about someone of the same age who was lost from the arts community not just in Northern Ireland but on the island of Ireland: a man named Michael Campbell, whose stage name was Michael Patrick.

Michael was diagnosed with motor neurone disease early in 2023. He was an extraordinary artist and an exceptionally talented man who bore his illness with extraordinary bravery. He, in a sense, used his extraordinarily difficult diagnosis and affliction to create the most profound art, including a stage show called 'My Right Foot', which finished just a few months ago, and an extraordinary performance as Richard III in a version of the play that was adapted to specifically reflect Michael's condition. For anyone who saw that play, it was, I think, a truly awe-inspiring and seminal performance. I was not fortunate enough to be able to see it, but my wife and lots of other people whom I know were unbelievably affected by Michael's performance.

Michael Patrick was an extraordinary artist. From my constituency of South Belfast, he made his way to Cambridge University, where he shone in the Footlights, and then pursued a career in the theatre, including with the Royal Shakespeare Company. He then worked with another talented playwright from this part of the world, Oisín Kearney, to develop memorable shows, including 'My Left Nut' and a range of other funny, vivid and inspiring pieces of art. Michael had an extraordinary future on the stage, an extraordinary lifetime of artistic endeavour to pursue and, in a sense, a gift to bestow on us all. It is an extraordinary tragedy that he was not able to live out the rest of that life, but, in the years in which we had him, he gave an extraordinary gift to everybody. The British and Irish theatre scenes have paid extraordinary tribute to Michael's contribution.

(Madam Principal Deputy Speaker in the Chair)

His funeral is happening literally now, and he will be buried later today. His wife, Naomi, and his entire family, who live in south Belfast, have had a profound loss, but the gift that Michael was able to give us in his short time on earth was extraordinary. Let his legacy be one not just of that artistic achievement but of more research into the awful affliction that is motor neurone disease. He bore that affliction with such courage and dignity. He did lots fundraising work and other work to raise awareness of motor neurone disease, and we hope that medical research —

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Time is up, Matthew.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

— can tackle that affliction. Rest in peace, Michael.

Deborah Erskine (DUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

I ask for just a moment's latitude, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker, because this is my first time speaking in the Chamber since the birth, in September, of my daughter, Olivia. I place on record my sincere thanks to Members from across the House for their good wishes and prayers during what was a difficult time for my family. Your support was deeply appreciated.

I rise today to condemn in the strongest possible terms the attack on the Sunday school building at Galloon Parish Church over Easter weekend. This was a completely reprehensible incident. The place serves families and the wider community and should never have been targeted in such a way. It was especially distressing given that the incident took place over Easter, which is the most sacred time in the Christian calendar. What members of the congregation found was a vandalised hall, paint strewn across the windows and offensive slogans such as "Up the 'RA" — on a board depicting the Ten Commandments, ironically. Unsurprisingly, it has caused deep anger and hurt in the community of Newtownbutler. Those responsible must be identified and held accountable for their actions. I encourage anyone with any information to bring that to the PSNI.

However, equally concerning is the silence from some political representatives. When places of worship are attacked, there should be no hesitation in condemning such incidents. They should be condemned clearly and without ambiguity. Perhaps Sinn Féin was too busy commemorating IRA terrorists over Easter to notice, but the community has taken note. When communities are hurting, such silence speaks volumes. People across Northern Ireland deserve better than selective condemnation. We have seen attempts in our society to excuse, minimise and glorify acts linked to violence and terrorism. That is why efforts to change that, such as Arlene Foster's House of Lords amendment on criminalising the glorification of terrorism, are important. Arlene has faced abuse for doing that. In fact, she received a message that said that the IRA should have finished her dad off. Think about that for one second. If we are serious about building a peaceful and respectful society, we must also be serious about rejecting narratives that romanticise violence and terrorism, particularly for our younger generations.

I place on record my support for the minister, the congregation and the families connected to the church. It has long been a source of strength in that community, and I have no doubt that it will continue to be so. Attacks on places of worship have no place in the Northern Ireland of today, and the House should stand united in saying so.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Deborah, I gave you extra time, given that you are back — I welcome you back — but no one else should have that liberty, because they did not have a baby in the same circumstances. Nick — no pressure — you are next.

Nick Mathison (Alliance, Strangford)

Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. That is duly noted.

Members across the House will be aware of the work of the charity TinyLife, which supports children who are born prematurely and their families across Northern Ireland. Since 2022, as an outworking of the 'A Fair Start' report, the Department of Education has funded the TinyStart programme, which has provided vital interventions to support that cohort of children across Northern Ireland. The 'A Fair Start' report clearly highlighted the fact that babies born prematurely are at increased risk of experiencing educational disadvantage and need bespoke support to ensure that they can fulfil their potential. The programme has been funded to ensure that those supports are provided to families from birth through to school age. The programme includes home-based interventions, with a focus on upskilling parents as the child's first educators in the home. The figures indicate that around 50% of extremely premature babies are likely to have a disability and that 40% of premature babies are likely to have a developmental delay of some kind. That support at the early stages is therefore vital to give them the very best chance of thriving and succeeding in education.

We talk much in this place about the need for early intervention, and this programme is surely a prime example of where we have done that very well and consistently over a number of years. It was therefore incredibly concerning to learn that there was no guarantee of the funding being continued in the 2026-27 financial year. By mid-March, in response to questions that I had submitted, the Minister was still advising that he could make no commitment to even temporarily fund the project while budgets were being finalised. In an update, we have been told that temporary funding to the end of June had been agreed at the very last minute. Regrettably, that news came at a late stage, at the start of the Easter holidays as staff were going off on leave, many of whom had already been put on notice and had no certainty about the continuation of their roles.

Earlier communication and decision-making about the funding for the project could have given the charity a little bit more certainty and time to plan. I put on record that the temporary extension is welcome, but I urge the Minister to do all that he can to secure the relatively small budget that is needed for the remainder of this financial year to give the charity certainty and, most importantly, to ensure that the vital early intervention work can continue for the group of children who really need the support.

It is critical that we do not pay lip service to early intervention, and we should prioritise it when it is being delivered effectively. Small sums of money spent early can undoubtedly save a much higher spend when the children require more intensive intervention down the line. I hope that the Minister can find a way — if required, in partnership with colleagues from across the Executive, particularly the Health Minister — to commit to ongoing support for the vital TinyStart programme.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Thank you. Cheryl and Timothy will be the last Members to make a statement. To make that sure you both get in, I will give you two minutes each because that is all the time that we have left.

Cheryl Brownlee (DUP, East Antrim)

This week, we will finally see the launch of the sensory hub cubbie at the children's emergency department at the Royal Victoria Hospital, and it is important that it comes during Autism Awareness Month. It is a moment that has been some time in the making, and I pay particular tribute to Erin McAllister, who contacted every single MLA, councillor and MP in the country about her petition that brought the issue to the fore. It is incredible what her work has achieved. It has been a pleasure to support the campaign and to bring the concerns to the Assembly, and it shows that the voices of those families have been heard and acted on. I was also pleased that there was full agreement about the issue in the House, and it shows what we can achieve and the difference that we can make when we work together. I place on record my sincere thanks to the Little Heroes charity, which has worked tirelessly to secure the vital funding that was required to create the space. The dedication of Little Heroes has enhanced healthcare environments for children, and the project will make a massive difference to everybody in Northern Ireland.

The cubbie is an innovative system that provides an immersive space that is designed to specifically support children who may feel overwhelmed in busy clinical settings. It uses light, sound and interactive features to create a calming environment that helps regulate sensory input. That matters so much for our families who visit A&E, which can be an overwhelming and frightening experience. We are enabling better communication, effective treatment and a more compassionate standard of care, and that will make a difference for children to stay in A&E to receive the treatment that they need.

I am proud that we have all supported the initiative, and we continue to advocate for the expansion of such vital services across the whole of Northern Ireland to ensure that every child receives the understanding, dignity and care that they so deserve.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

On 7 April 2025, during Members' statements, I appealed to the Education Minister to review the pupil allocation numbers (PAN) for non-statutory playgroups in North Antrim. Some 12 months later, the issue has not been dealt with. Many non-statutory preschools across Northern Ireland had to use their reserves last year. The future of non-statutory preschools is being put at risk due to the Education Authority's (EA) policy of basing pupil allocation numbers on the previous year’s intake. That has created a hamster wheel whereby if any non-statutory playgroup has a low intake year, there is no pathway for it to rebuild its numbers back to a sustainable level, regardless of its five or 10-year average intake. The policy is reckless, and it is putting the non-statutory playgroups at risk.

What does that mean in real terms? The 2025-26 intake for Taylorstown Cross-Community Pre-school dropped to 14 due to a low birth rate, and it survived last year by using its reserves. The playgroup has 19 first preference applications this year, and, without immediate intervention, it will not be able to reopen its doors in September due to a five-place shortfall. Cloughmills Early Years has only 10 allocated places, and 19 pupils have listed it as their first preference. We have a scenario where although parents who want their children to attend that setting are paying for them to attend pre-preschool, they cannot then get an EA-funded preschool place.

I understand that the Minister has received a letter on behalf of 46 individuals from preschools requesting an urgent meeting to discuss the issue. The Minister needs to take the issue on board and either fund the shortfall in many of those non-statutory preschools or increase their PAN.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Time is up, Timothy.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

Otherwise, they will not be here to open their doors for next year's intake, come September.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

That ends Members' statements.

Pat Sheehan (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

On a point of order, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. I want to raise an issue under Standing Order 65. It relates to an incident on 23 March 2026 during topical questions, when the Minister of Education was asked whether he had ever been accused of bullying. His answer was:

"I can confirm that no such allegations have been made against me". — [Official Report (Hansard), 23 March 2026, p29, col 1].

However, on 27 March, the Minister released a written statement that confirmed that he had been accused by a civil servant of bullying. I ask you to ask the Speaker to direct the Minister to come in and correct the record and to take whatever other action is required as a result of the very serious matter of misleading the Assembly.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Thank you, Pat.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

On a point order, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

I will deal with this point of order first, Timothy, if you do not mind.

I will refer the matter to the Speaker. I cannot give a ruling on it now, but I certainly will refer it. I advise you to chase it up with the Speaker's Office if you do not get a response fairly soon.

Timothy, point of order.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

Thank you very much, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. During Matters of the Day, the Member for Upper Bann referred to Mr Buckley as "stupid". The parliamentary bible, Erskine May, notes:

"Good temper and moderation are the characteristics of parliamentary language."

Will you review Hansard to see whether Mrs Dillon's comments fell foul of that ruling?

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Mrs Dillon is not from Upper Bann; she is from Mid Ulster. Erskine May is an aid. I think that you are raising a point under Standing Order 65. As I said to the Member regarding the previous point of order, when he quoted the correct Standing Order, I will refer the matter to the Speaker's Office. As I advised that Member, I advise you to go to the Speaker's Office if you do not get a response.

Executive Committee Business

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I beg to introduce the Petroleum Exploration and Licensing (Repeal) Bill [NIA 31/22-27], which is a Bill to repeal provisions in the Petroleum (Production) Act (Northern Ireland) 1964 relating to petroleum exploration and licensing; and for connected purposes.

Bill passed First Stage and ordered to be printed.

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I beg to move

That the Disqualified Directors Compensation Orders (Fees) Order (Northern Ireland) 2026 be affirmed.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

The Business Committee has agreed that there should be no time limit on the debate. I call the Minister to open the debate on the motion.

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

Go raibh maith agat, a Phríomh-Leas-Cheann Comhairle.

[Translation: Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker.]

Before I speak to the motion, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker, and with your indulgence, I take the opportunity to extend my best wishes to Gary Middleton as he steps down from his role as an MLA. Until recently, he was the Deputy Chair of the Economy Committee, and, in the almost 10 years in which I have been in the Assembly, I have always had a good working relationship with Gary. I wish him well as he continues his recovery. I also wish Julie Middleton the very best in her new role.

I seek the Assembly's approval for the Disqualified Directors Compensation Orders (Fees) Order (Northern Ireland) 2026. Company failure has consequences: suppliers can be left out of pocket; employees might not get paid; and customers may lose deposits. The vast majority of company failures are due purely to commercial misfortune, but there is a small minority of cases in which the directors have contributed to the failure by misconduct or incompetence or by abusing the protections that trading with limited liability offers. In such cases, my Department's insolvency service will apply to the High Court for the disqualification of directors who are guilty of abusing their position. Whilst that protects the public from directors being able to set themselves up in business again, it does nothing to recompense those who have lost out. As a result, legislation has been made that enables my Department to apply to the High Court for orders requiring disqualified directors to pay compensation to creditors who have suffered loss as a consequence of their misconduct. Alternatively, to avoid the cost and expense of court proceedings, my Department can accept undertakings from disqualified directors that they will pay the necessary compensation.

Whilst the primary legislation is in place, it can be used only once two linked pieces of subordinate legislation have been made and are in operation. The first, which has been made and is in operation, sets out the procedures to apply within the High Court for a compensation order to be made. The second is the order before you today, which will introduce a new fee to be charged by my Department to cover the cost of distributing moneys received from disqualified directors. A compensation order or undertaking can take the form of a requirement to make a payment to my Department for the benefit of creditors. In such cases, my Department will have to distribute the money that it receives to the creditors, which will be carried out by staff in my Department's insolvency service. As a result, there will be an administrative cost to the Department, because time will have to be set aside for existing staff to do the work. There will also be expenses, such as the cost of postage.

The order that I now ask the Assembly to approve is to make provision for a charging fee to recover those costs. The fee is to be satisfied out of the sums received from the directors prior to any payment being made to creditors. Its amount is to be calculated on the basis of time spent by staff, with the hourly rates by grade of staff set out in a schedule to the order, plus any necessary disbursements or expenses properly incurred. The order was made on 11 February 2026 with the concurrence of the Department of Finance. However, it must have the approval of the Assembly before it can come into operation. The order has been agreed with the Economy Committee, and I informed my Executive colleagues about it on 5 December last year.

The adoption of the order will allow the full implementation of measures aimed at compensating creditors who have been the victim of unscrupulous company directors. Accordingly, I recommend that it be approved by the Assembly.

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

Before addressing the motion, I thank the Minister for her kind words about and tribute to the former Deputy Chair of the Committee, Gary Middleton. The Minister's words are indicative of her good nature and the manner in which she treats colleagues. I thank her for that. I congratulate Julie Middleton on her elevation to this place. For the benefit of elements of the media, her name is "Julie Middleton", regardless of whom she may or may not be married to. The media would not have reported a man's marital status, but that is a point for another day.

As Chair of the Committee, I recommend that the Assembly support the statutory rule (SR) today. The Small Business, Enterprise and Employment Act 2015 allows the Department to apply to the court for an order requiring a disqualified director to compensate creditors for losses incurred as a result of conduct for which he or she has been disqualified. That Act requires the disqualified director to pay an amount to the Department for the benefit of the creditors. The Department must then distribute the compensation to the creditors, and that is done by the insolvency service. The SR before us enables the Department to charge a fee for making the distribution. That is calculated on the basis of time spent by staff, and the relevant hours are set out in the regulations. The rule was considered by the Committee in February 2026 and was unanimously supported. I recommend that the Assembly approve it today.

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I thank the Chair for his support for the motion, and I thank the Committee for its consideration of the SR. I have nothing further to add to the debate, so I commend the motion to the House.

Question put and agreed to.

Resolved:

That the Disqualified Directors Compensation Orders (Fees) Order (Northern Ireland) 2026 be affirmed.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Before we move on to the next item of business, I, too, wish Gary Middleton a speedy recovery. I wish Julie all the very best. It is great to see another woman in the Assembly: the more the merrier. I commend Gary for his absolute bravery in speaking out about something that either we have experienced ourselves or our family members and those whom we hold dear have experienced. Pass on my regards to him.

We are waiting for the Minister of Education, so I ask Members to take their ease for a minute.

Private Members' Business

Danny Baker (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

I beg to move

That the Second Stage of the Education (Holiday Meal Payments) Bill [NIA Bill 27/22-27] be agreed.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

In accordance with convention, the Business Committee has not allocated any time limit to the debate.

Danny, I call you to open the debate.

Danny Baker (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

Go raibh maith agat, a Phríomh-Leas-Cheann Comhairle.

[Translation: Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker.]

I start by thanking the Speaker's Office and the Bill Office for all the support that they have given me over the past two years to get the Bill to this stage. I could not have done it without the help of Trevor and Barbara in particular, and Frank and Stephanie were absolutely brilliant. Their expertise has been second to none, especially for me as a new MLA. Thanks very much.

As I said, the Bill has been two years in the making. I wish that I did not have to bring such legislation to the House. I would have much preferred the Minister of Education to have reinstated the holiday meal payments when we came back to the Assembly and he took office. The Bill would amend the Education and Libraries Order 1986. Its policy intent is clear: it aims to support 90,000 children who are entitled to free school meals. It would cover the cost of what a parent would have to pay for a school meal at this time. I am happy to work with everyone in the Chamber to strengthen the Bill if they feel that that is necessary. If the Minister would like to have even more input, I am happy to work with him. In my previous contribution in the Chamber, I said that I would draw a line in the sand and work tirelessly with everyone here to deliver for those who need it most. I will say this, however: if Members stand up today and say that the Bill is poorly drafted or rushed or that it does not solve poverty, they will be taking a negative and cowardly approach. Today, Members of the Assembly have an opportunity to work together to play a role in ending child poverty. Will the Bill alone end child poverty? No, it will not, but it is one piece of a wider puzzle.

The debate is not new to the Chamber. Holiday hunger payments were in place during COVID but were stopped because they could be cut. That is what I am looking to change. Since I have been an MLA, there have been a number of debates on motions calling for the payments to be reinstated. The motions all passed without a Division. Evidence suggests that some children can be weeks or months behind their classmates when they return to school after the holidays. Why is that the case? It is because they are hungry and malnourished. The links between deprivation and underachievement are well known. Fifteen per cent of children here live in absolute poverty, with one in three children affected by a lack of food. We must ask this question of the Minister: how can children learn when they are hungry?

The reality in our schools is that teachers run breakfast clubs, wash uniforms and buy food out of their own pockets, but neither they nor our community and voluntary sector and youth clubs, which do a lot of heavy lifting in our communities, can fight child poverty alone. I have spoken about this before: I have been involved in youth work for a number of years. The Lagmore Youth Project in my constituency ran a programme a number of years ago, which was about ending holiday hunger, although the children did not know that. We had the use of a park, thanks to Belfast City Council, and the scheme was supported through different funding mechanisms. I even brought my children to it, because it was so much fun to engage with and be part of. However, it was only possible because people volunteered and people like me were there to support it — the funding is not always there.

Something became clear very early on in the project about a number of children, but one child in particular sticks in my mind, because he was the same age as my youngest. He was filling his wee pockets with food. Why was he filling his wee pockets with food? There was not enough food at home over the summer, and he had an older sister. The older sister was a teenager, so she was not going to come to the wee camp that we were running. It is a sad indictment of society that a child of that age had to really think about food security. That wee child had all the worries in the world. My child did not and does not. That really should not be the case. While we were able to identify that family and get more support to them, that only happened by pure chance because that scheme was running. I want that story to stick in people's minds today because I know that a raft of statistics will be pushed out. Those will just be numbers on a piece of paper, but it is about making a real-life impact, and we have a chance to do so today. It is about taking a step forward to help 90,000 children right across the North and all our communities. That is why it matters.

Children who live in poverty experience poorer physical and mental health, lower educational attainment and reduced lifetime opportunities. Those are facts. The Bill will help improve children's concentration levels, because they will come to school ready to learn, not hungry. The Bill will play a role in raising our most disadvantaged children's educational attainment. That is what I mean. I go back to that story about the wee child who was the same age as my youngest. How can we expect that child to go into school to prepare for a transfer test and go up against children who are being tutored for that test? It is just not a fair system. The system is broken, and we have to play our role, alongside our community and voluntary sector, teachers and school leaders. That is why the Education Department has a huge role to play in ending child poverty. In my view, it is the very least that it can do.

As I said, the Bill is only one piece of the puzzle. The cost-of-living crisis is crippling families. The Bill targets the most disadvantaged in our communities. In my child's school, 50% of children receive free school meals, and that is the case in many schools, be they in Foyle or in West Belfast on the Falls Road or the Shankill. I want to see the Assembly taking forward other initiatives to end child poverty. One example of that could be universal free school meals. The recent rise in the cost of school meals is having a detrimental impact on families across the North. We have heard that at the Education Committee and in all our offices.

Of course, any interventions and legislation that are aimed at tackling child poverty will have a cost. I am not shying away from that, but I ask all of you this: what is the case for not doing it? Will the Bill have ramifications for the Minister and his priorities? Yes, it will. The Bill is projected to cost, on average, £21 million a year over the next 10 years, based on 100% uptake. The present uptake is in and around 80%, so, if it stays that way, the Bill will technically not cost that amount. However, I hope that the payments will encourage more to take up free school meals.

While £21 million sounds like a lot, in reality, it is around 0·6% of the Education budget. That is a very small proportion of the Education budget. Are we underfunded by the British Government? Yes, we are, but Ministers have their own budgets and priorities. In my view, budgets must be targeted towards those who need the most support. That is why my Bill is in front of all of you today. The time for talking about holiday hunger is over. You either stand with me and help to deliver this important piece of legislation, or you do not. Supporting a motion is very easy, but we are elected to make difficult decisions. For my part, this is a very easy decision. I may not convince everyone in the House, but I only need a majority. Your vote matters to all the children in your communities. What is the cost of not supporting it? I look forward to the debate.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

I call David Brooks. I remind you that I may need to cut you off before 2.00 pm, but hopefully I will not.

David Brooks (DUP, Belfast East)

Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. I listened to Danny's contribution and I recognise, as we all will, that it is a sensitive issue. Chronic poverty and poverty involving families who find themselves in short-term difficulty due to difficult circumstances arising and the resulting financial struggles are issues that all of us across this Chamber deal with through our offices, particularly, but not exclusively, in winter periods, when costs are higher, fuel is needed and so on.

Members and the general public will probably instinctively think that, on the face of it, the Bill is good and that it is ethical and moral to support those in our society who are struggling and the least well off, particularly children. There is a problem, however. The Assembly is not here to be just a factory for nice ideas and worthy ideals. We are not here to just tell people what they would like to hear, wilfully blinding ourselves at times, as we do, to the financial realities of the Executive. If we want to achieve a good and worthy aim, such as supporting those in poverty, we have a duty to consider how best we can do that. I am not sure whether the Bill does that.

Ending poverty or best supporting those who are struggling in that way is right. It is so blatantly, obviously right to provide such support that we have long had a system for doing so — indeed, the United Kingdom was a forerunner and leader in that respect — called the welfare system. It seems to me that the Bill is a top-up welfare payment for some by another name. To note that is not to oppose the principle of such support, but it is important to the consideration. Children do not fall into poverty by themselves. They do so because their family, their parents, their guardians or their support networks are, for a time, without the resources and means to meet their needs. Usually, when a child faces that kind of poverty, the adults are already going without to provide all that they can. Let us be clear: nobody in our society should be in a position where they cannot afford the basics. There is no more fundamental and basic a need than the need for food, but that is an issue for the welfare system, which falls in part with Westminster and in part with our own Department for Communities. It is absolutely not a responsibility for the Department of Education.

I said recently at the Education Committee, as we discussed the Children’s Services Co-operation Act (Northern Ireland) 2015 with regard to issues relating to the Department of Health, that cooperation is absolutely necessary. However, if it is to be viable, it cannot simply mean the responsibilities of one Department being passed over to another. Helpfully, the Communities Minister is not resisting progress on this issue. He has brought forward a poverty strategy to address these very issues. However, the Executive have not yet allocated a single penny. The same Sinn Féin Finance Minister who is overseeing the chronic underfunding of our education system has also shown no desire to further fund interventions on poverty, yet here we have a Bill that would pull resources from an education system that already has mammoth challenges with its budget.

The Department of Education undertook to roll out a scheme during COVID, and there has been a much-repeated call to roll out something similar to that which was done in unique and emergency circumstances when there were significant additional funds from central government for issues to be resolved.

We had that in the case of mental health interventions, which were good ones. Pat often talks about Healthy Happy Minds, and everyone agrees that those were positive interventions, but some of us also recognise the reality that those took place in exceptional times, when resources and realities were different.

Everybody can see that the education system is struggling to meet financial demands. We can look at our school estate and the pressures on SEN provision. The Minister of Education has made efforts to ramp up childcare with significant investment to support families. The Minister has done exceptionally well with the resources that he has. The reality, however, is that he faces Executive underfunding to the tune of hundreds of millions of pounds.

I say all that to make the point that it matters where resources sit. It matters that duties sit with the right Department, and it is essential in proposing new resource-intensive plans that we consider where the money will come from. The Bill will not tackle the underlying structural problems that bring about poverty in the way that Mr Lyons's proposals seek to do. It is not good enough that something is virtuous; it must also be done in the right way and with due consideration for resource. I am interested to hear what conversations Sinn Féin, in bringing the Bill forward, have had with the Finance Minister in order to properly resource the education system before demanding that it takes on the responsibilities of other Departments, particularly when the Department that is responsible for poverty alleviation has itself received no support for work in that area.

I make the point that there is and will be a question of fairness and consistency as well. Many low-income families who may not meet the strict eligibility criteria for free school meals also struggle during holiday periods but receive no additional support, often missing out on repeated supports because those supports often use the same criteria, which exclude them repeatedly. That creates a system where assistance is unevenly distributed, potentially fostering resentment and perceptions of inequality for those whom we often call the "working poor".

There are other issues that I will look at as the Committee for Education considers the Bill. However, let us be clear: nobody in the Chamber is against poverty alleviation. That is as obvious as motherhood and apple pie; I do not think that anyone in the Chamber honestly believes that about others, regardless of our differing views and ideologies. Of course, making sure that every child is fed is a fundamental concern for us all, but the who and how matters. The strategy to ensure that we target and roll back poverty and do not just treat the symptoms also matters. The place for that is welfare support, not with the Department of Education, which, as everyone else can see, is already strapped for resources.

We cannot take money from the legions of challenges that we already face around school buildings, SEN provision, childcare and teachers' and school staff pay, only for demand to be placed in welfare too. Colleagues cannot keep demanding more of those challenges in full knowledge of the financial pressures that we face and knowing that the person who holds the purse strings sits on their Benches, without making significant commitments either to the needs of education or, indeed, to welfare and poverty.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Thank you, David.

Question Time begins at 2.00 pm, so I suggest that the Assembly takes its ease until then. This debate will continue after Question Time, when the next Member to speak will be Cara Hunter.

The debate stood suspended.

Oral Answers to Questions — The Executive Office

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Linda Dillon is not in her place. I will move on to Áine Murphy.

Áine Murphy (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

2. Ms Murphy asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister for an update on the review of Together: Building a United Community. (AQO 3365/22-27)

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

For over 10 years, the T:BUC strategy has had a significant and positive impact on the lives of so many people here. However, we recognise the need for a modernisation of our T:BUC strategy that builds on programme delivery to date, provides us with the flexibility to address the issues facing our communities today and allows us to quickly react to new issues as they emerge. The T:BUC review has been completed and is informing our thinking as we move forward. We expect significant progress to be made on the development of a refreshed strategic approach by the end of the summer. During that process, the delivery of T:BUC programmes under the current strategy will continue, positively impacting on communities across the country.

(Mr Speaker in the Chair)

Áine Murphy (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

While the T:BUC programme has supported a large number of programmes in rural areas, there is a concern about how accessible the projects are outside urban centres. What steps will the review take to ensure that the programmes are accessible to all, especially those in rural areas?

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

It is incredibly important that the programmes are impactful everywhere. In urban areas, at times, we see a manifestation of some of the challenges more frequently than in rural areas, but good relations are important no matter where people live, including in rural communities.

The implementation of rural needs assessments is important for screening policy. It is critical that the assessments are done in a way that genuinely asks the key questions around issues such as the Member has referenced, including accessibility and how fit for purpose the programmes are for particular communities. We want to see people come together, should that be in urban areas or in rural communities.

Pam Cameron (DUP, South Antrim)

From the assessments of T:BUC that have been undertaken to date, will the deputy First Minister confirm that the programme has been a success and that we should now actively drive forward a refreshed programme to support the excellent work of the groups and organisations that have been involved?

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

When we publish a strategy, have a delivery plan for it and fund projects either directly through our signature projects or through local councils, where we support a huge amount of that work, it is incredibly important that we ensure that we evaluate that and make sure that the money that we have is being used correctly. Unfortunately, resources across government are finite, so it is critical that we use them in the best way that we can.

I am really pleased about the success of T:BUC. It has had a huge impact. The evaluations have been very positive. By way of example, 8,000 young people participated in the Uniting Communities programme, and 36,000 young people participated in the youth programme against an original target of 10,000. Even on tricky issues such as interfaces, progress has been made, with a third of interfaces having been reduced, a third removed completely and a third being work in progress. The important thing about Together: Building a United Community is that we do not avoid the difficult issues. It may be challenging to make progress, but we must still take on those issues and try to make positive progress against them. That can be done only by working with people in those communities. That is right at the heart of T:BUC, and I have no doubt that that will continue to be the case as we move on to T:BUC 2.

Paula Bradshaw (Alliance, Belfast South)

The Committee for the Executive Office recently heard about an amazing project run by the Open University through youth services across Northern Ireland that deals with young people at interfaces. The people involved told us about the funding crisis that they face. Given the huge outputs and benefits from T:BUC, to what degree are you engaging with the Department of Education to fill the gap created by posts no longer being filled?

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

As the Member will be aware, all Departments face significant financial challenges in this financial year. Of course, the ambition of every Minister in the Executive goes well beyond the budget available, but we want to protect the work that really works, such as the projects that have evaluations showing a really positive impact. We recognise that we deliver core public services through, for example, the third sector and other agencies. Trying to ensure that they get the funding that they need in a difficult budget situation is challenging, but it is a challenge that we have to take up and work on.

Of course, all Ministers are acutely aware of the pressures on groups that have been funded through their Departments. Just recently, a number of projects that were funded through the Shared Prosperity Fund came to an end. That will have a huge impact. We try to ensure complementarity of our T:BUC programmes and those of Communities and Education. We fund some of that work, and some of it is funded by those Departments. Peace funding and other external funds are also critical to achieving what we need to do on the ground.

Mark Durkan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

3. Mr Durkan asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister for an update on the establishment of an infrastructure commission. (AQO 3366/22-27)

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

We are determined to improve the process to ensure that more of our capital projects are delivered on time and on budget. Two work streams currently under way will help to shape decision-making on the best way forward. First, TEO and Strategic Investment Board (SIB) officials are taking forward work to address the recommendations from the recent review of SIB, including the provision of greater strategic support to the Executive. Secondly, the enabling action plan associated with the draft investment strategy will be one of the key elements of tackling the underlying issues that contribute to delays in infrastructure delivery. There are a number of actions, including developing an approach to future infrastructure needs assessment. We will use the findings from those work streams as part of our considerations on the best way forward, including the potential role of an infrastructure commission. Decisions on the way forward will be a matter for the Executive in due course.

Mark Durkan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

I thank the deputy First Minister for her answer. It is 14 months since I asked her an almost identical question, seeking to improve the North's lamentable record when it comes to the delivery of capital projects. However, what I have heard is that there has been little in the way of progress in those 14 months. Is that accurate, and is it acceptable? Is it typical of the Executive that even an initiative to speed up delivery and make it more efficient has been the victim of delay and more delay?

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I thank the Member for his supplementary. The reality is that no new body will be the silver bullet for the challenge that we face. We need accountability from Ministers for the capital projects in their portfolio. I see an increasing instinct from parties around the Chamber — they see it as the simple solution — to call for the setting up of yet another body with all of the associated costs, which would devolve accountability once again to somebody else. It is time for Ministers to take accountability, speak to their officials and demand that those projects be brought in on time.

The First Minister and I have been liaising with the head of the Civil Service on this important issue. We need fit-for-purpose officials to drive forward delivery on capital. We need to make sure that we have the right skills in the Civil Service to do that, and we need to make sure that there is adequate monitoring of the capital projects in each Department and then collectively. Those are all things that the Executive are accountable for.

Of course, as I said, we are not ruling out the prospect of the likes of an infrastructure commission — it was one of the proposals put forward in the very useful report — but it is not the silver bullet and will not resolve all of the issues. There is a risk that it could layer on even more bureaucracy. We have to get this right. Of course, there has to be accountability from Ministers. That is absolutely core to the issue.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

I question why the SIB is involved in its own review. That is certainly not in keeping with good governance. You said, however, that the SIB, along with TEO officials, is looking at the recommendations from the recent review. Can you provide any detail, even an indicative timeline, on when any new members can be recruited to the Strategic Investment Board?

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The Member will be aware that an external review of the SIB was carried out. The report was critical, in that its key reflection was that the SIB had perhaps lost sight of the strategic aspect of what it does. Many people contracted by the SIB are doing really valuable work in Departments. Some of the work identified in the report is "business as usual". That is why we need upskilling in the Civil Service. We need the right skills in the right places. We need to rely less on expensive external consultancy. We need to rely less on SIB consultants being brought in. That would free up the SIB to do what it was designed to do, which is to give strategic advice.

Northern Ireland needs capital projects to be brought in on time and on budget, but that is not happening at the minute. That is not acceptable. Doing that has to be a core efficiency and a core transformation issue that we are driving, because, if a capital project is not brought in on time and on budget, it ends up costing much more in due course. We have seen that with years and years of delay. Members will be aware that a number of other factors are delaying capital projects, not least the climate change legislation that has come into play. That needs to be tackled as well.

Deborah Erskine (DUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

The Executive have agreed projects such as the York Street interchange, the A4 Enniskillen southern bypass and the A5. Despite the political agreements on those flagship projects, infrastructure cannot be delivered, owing to constraints that include the climate change legislation. Surely the parties that championed that legislation, such as our oh-so-effective Opposition and those who now hold the portfolio in the likes of the Department for Infrastructure and the Department for the Economy, should see its effects. Does the deputy First Minister agree that we must work to resolve those issues in order to ensure effective delivery of large infrastructure projects and deal with issues at source rather than spend more money on ineffective talking shops?

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I thank the Member for her important question. We all have responsibilities to our environment. There is no doubt that, across the House, there is a great deal of consensus that we must do what we can to protect our environment. A balance must always be struck with such things, however. As we have seen, the reality is that cutting deeper or faster than any other jurisdiction, to the detriment of the citizens whom we serve, results in delays to critical road projects, in capital infrastructure projects being mired in the courts, in projects not proceeding and in people not getting the services that they want. There are real risks for hospitals, schools and roads. The key thing has to be finding a balance.

We have seen a number of critical road projects, one of which is in the Member's constituency, paused by the Infrastructure Minister for what is coming up to a year. That project is critical for people. It is about safety and saving lives. The House needs to get real, take a look at that project and strike a balance to allow core infrastructure to be built and for the needs of the people whom we serve to be met.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

The deputy First Minister referred to the Strategic Investment Board in her reply to the substantive question, and it came up again in answer to a supplementary question. What functions that the Strategic Investment Board currently holds might be transferred to an infrastructure commission? Has any preparatory work been done in that regard?

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The Member is no doubt aware that the functions of the SIB are set out. One of its core functions is to advise the Executive on the investment strategy and to try to tackle some of the barriers to progress. When we look back over the past 10 years, we see that the challenges to infrastructure delivery have not been overcome. We need a real game changer. The public have an expectation that there will be delivery. As one of my colleagues behind me rightly pointed out, the reason that capital projects often do not progress is not that there is no political will. They are agreed by the Executive, and, indeed, many of them got external capital funding secured through political agreements. That funding was hard-won. Although we were able to secure funding, we have not seen delivery of projects through our system for all kinds of reasons.

We have a lot of activism in the courts, a lot of regulation and a lot of other issues that are preventing progress. We have a system that is simply not fit for purpose. Today, we are seeing the resumption of a public inquiry into the Dalradian plan, and, regardless of whether you are for or against that mine, the length of time that that process has taken is, quite frankly, an embarrassment to our system. That cannot continue to be the case. We need to get that tackled. We need to bring those time frames down, and we need to deliver the capital projects that the people whom we serve deserve.

Michelle Guy (Alliance, Lagan Valley)

4. Mrs Guy asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister, following the Minister of Health's comments that the delivery unit will be considering how to progress post-19 special educational needs provision, to outline any specific work that will be carried out in the remainder of the 2022-27 mandate. (AQO 3367/22-27)

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

Supporting young people with special educational needs is a priority for the Executive, and we all recognise the importance of clear, well-planned pathways into further training, education or employment and of providing access to appropriate health pathways. The delivery unit is overseeing a portfolio of transformation activity, within which a number of projects are aimed at strengthening pathways and outcomes for young people with special educational needs. Given the size of the unit and its agreed work programme, there is very limited further capacity to undertake an exercise of the scale recently suggested by the Health Minister. However, we have asked our officials to engage in wider discussions to help understand the scope and the trajectory of the work and whether there can be a role for the delivery unit in future phases.

Michelle Guy (Alliance, Lagan Valley)

I thank the deputy First Minister for the response. Based on what she said, was it appropriate for the Health Minister to refer the issue to the delivery unit, or can that be viewed as an attempt to simply pass the buck on action to deliver post-19 provision to the Executive Office, in effect, delaying action on post-19 provision in this mandate rather than accelerating it?

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I thank the Member for her question. Like her, I have no doubt, I have heard very genuine representations about the challenges that many families and, indeed, young people face when they hit 19. I think that there is a shared desire to do more. We need to do more to support those families. I recognise, as I have already referenced, the incredibly constrained financial environment that we are all trying to operate in. However, where I agree with the Member is that getting adequate support for young people post-19 with special educational or other needs should be business as usual in Departments. Yes, it is a cross-cutting issue. Departments need to speak to each other on this important issue, and I believe that they should be able to do that.

If we look back, we see that some of the funding for this very important area came from external funds, and it was never mainstreamed in Departments' budgets to the extent that it needed to be. That needs to change. I have a huge amount of sympathy with the lobby groups on the issue, but, more than that, I am determined that we need to do something meaningful on this, and that requires Departments to get their heads together to try to resolve the issue and take a look at what we can do. That will, of course, require looking at the finances of all of this, but let us start by seeing what the actions are and what they will cost and how we can work together to make something work for those young people and their families.

Diane Forsythe (DUP, South Down)

There seems to be a lack of understanding among some Members about the role of the delivery unit. Will the deputy First Minister provide some clarity and explain how important it is that the unit is small and is able to be agile enough to deliver as intended?

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

Absolutely. The delivery unit proposal is in the Programme for Government, and it is there because of some of issues that I have already mentioned. There is frustration that the way that we are doing things at the moment is not delivering in the way that we want. We have all heard the old adage that, if we continue to do things in the way that we have always done them, we are always going to get the same result. We have to change the way that we do business. That requires a lot of boring stuff and process stuff, including, as I said, upskilling to get the right people with the right skills in the right places to deliver on political agreements and the will of this place. It also includes looking at our processes to streamline those and get rid of anything that is unnecessary. It is important in all that and in introducing the delivery unit that it is agile and small and is able to add value.

There are lots of lessons to be learnt from the Strategic Investment Board. What once should have been very strategic becomes something that is really about getting to grips in Departments and helping to deliver the nuts and bolts. That is important, but it is not strategic. We need to be careful that the delivery unit does not get pulled in that way and that it remains at the centre and able to come in on a task-and-finish basis and add value to what we need it to do.

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

5. Mr McNulty asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister for an update on any recent engagement they have had on the progress to redevelop Casement Park. (AQO 3368/22-27)

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The redevelopment of Casement Park remains an Executive flagship capital project. Whilst responsibility for the redevelopment lies with the Minister for Communities, we have reiterated our commitment to making progress on the matter in the Programme for Government.

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

I thank the deputy First Minister for her answer. Yesterday, at the BOX-IT Athletic Grounds in Armagh, players, coaches, management teams, stewards, press and 16,000 fans were immersed in the blood and thunder — the cut and thrust — of the Ulster Championship at a brilliant venue. It was an epic encounter, decided only after extra time, with Armagh beating Tyrone by one point. Deputy First Minister, do you and the First Minister have any sense of regret or shame that you are denying a generation of Antrim Gaels a similar experience through your inability to deliver the Executive flagship project that is Casement Park?

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

It is important to say clearly that the money allocated to Casement was agreed by the Executive. Casement did not proceed on the timeline of the other sporting groups not because of a lack of political agreement but because of a variety of other issues. The money ring-fenced by the Executive remains, but the costs of Casement have increased significantly. The Member will be aware that the Minister for Communities takes the lead on this issue, but it is incredibly difficult at a time when we are under huge fiscal pressure. However, as I said in my previous answer, we need to get our capital investment right. If we deliver more on time and on budget, we can do more with the capital that we are allocated.

If you speak to anybody on the street in Northern Ireland, they will tell you that they know that our waste water infrastructure is crumbling and that investment is vital. They know that our road infrastructure has potholes and needs investment and that, for safety, new roads are needed. People need new hospitals, new GPs and new schools. There are all kinds of capital issues where there is a lot of pressure on each Department. It is the Executive's responsibility to balance all that. Yes, we need to deliver for people on capital projects, and the more that we deliver on time and on budget, the more that we can do.

Pat Sheehan (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

I welcome the deputy First Minister's restating that Casement Park remains a flagship Executive project and her commitment to make progress on it in the Programme for Government. Does the deputy First Minister agree that we must continue to maximise Executive funding for all sporting facilities?

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I thank the Member for his question. Sport plays such a pivotal role throughout Northern Ireland. It is not just football, rugby and GAA, of course, but hockey, cricket and so many other sports. For young people, it is transformative. It is about health, child development, socialisation and all kinds of positive aspects, which is why my colleague the Minister for Communities is working hard to support sports throughout Northern Ireland in whatever way he can. When I speak to the Communities Minister, he makes it clear that he would like more money to invest in our sporting infrastructure and our sports. That will always be the case, but I can advise the Member that the Minister is fighting hard for sport in Northern Ireland to ensure that there is a fair share for all who enjoy that really important aspect.

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

Does the deputy First Minister agree that, if the Member for Newry and Armagh is looking for someone to blame for the hold-up at Casement Park, he would do better to look at his own Benches? First, sitting just two seats from him is the former Minister who unlawfully approved the previous planning application, which is the reason for the delay at Casement. Secondly, he might want to speak to the former MLA for West Belfast Mr Attwood, who protested outside Casement Park, saying that it should not be redeveloped.

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I thank the Member for his question. No doubt people can throw around political point-scoring on why delays happen, but, at the heart of all of this, it is about trying to identify how to improve the way in which we do capital investment. As I have said, in reality, the reason that Casement has not progressed is not that there was no political will. The money was distributed in a fair and equitable way at the time. Of course, we have the rugby stadium and the national stadium at Windsor Park, and we do not have Casement. That is not because of a lack of Executive agreement but because of a range of issues that include those people who were opposed to the planning application, the size and scale and the increase in costs.

It all comes back to the fact that some of those who shout the loudest are in an absolutely optimal position to ask those around them about the challenges to making progress on some of the capital projects. For us in the new Executive, the challenge is with making sure that we address all the issues that have caused delay to a range of capital projects in the past and to try to ensure that that does not happen as we move forward.

David Honeyford (Alliance, Lagan Valley)

I welcome a couple of things in the deputy First Minister's answer in relation to the commitment to deliver in the Executive, including the delivery of Casement Park. Deputy First Minister, can you point to one tangible action that you or your colleague in your office have taken that has moved Casement Park closer to being delivered?

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

As I said, the Minister for Communities, not the Executive Office, leads on that.

Connie Egan (Alliance, North Down)

6. Ms Egan asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister for an update on the linkage between work on combating racism and prevention of other types of hate crime. (AQO 3369/22-27)

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

We strongly condemn all forms of hate and prejudice; they have no place in our society. Through the development of our draft framework for race relations, we continue to work collaboratively with all Departments to support cohesive, thriving communities. While the framework’s focus is on addressing racism and race hate crime, we are also working to bring forward a refreshed approach to the Executive’s Together: Building a United Community (T:BUC) strategy, which will, hopefully, create alignment with the draft framework for race relations and ensure that our efforts to tackle all forms of hate are maximised and encompass the evolving issues across communities. Additionally, our officials engage regularly with their counterparts in the Department of Justice in forums such as the DOJ-led hate crime delivery group to ensure a coherent and coordinated approach, across government, to all forms of hate crime.

Connie Egan (Alliance, North Down)

Thank you, deputy First Minister. What you said about collaborating and linking across Departments on the prevention of hate crime is important. When it comes to preventative work on tackling hate crime, are you concerned about the removal of front-line youth work services?

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I am not aware of the removal of specific funding. The Member will be aware that, due to the situation with the Budget, each Department is liaising with the organisations that they have funded to try to ensure that there is some certainty, while discussion of the overall issue continues. It is, of course, important that we support our third-sector partners. They are critical to us in trying to tackle such issues.

We work with statutory bodies as well. We work with the PSNI and very closely with the Department of Justice. That is important. At a time of budgetary constraints, however, it is more important than ever to work with existing programmes to mainstream some of their core values, tackling some of the attitudes and issues that give rise to hate and prejudice. That includes those in the Department of Education and the Department for Communities. We support so many projects with funding, including through councils, through which we could mainstream that and use the money that we have in a way that maximises outcomes.

Emma Sheerin (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I welcome the strong condemnation of all hate crime and prejudicial language. Does the Minister agree that it is important that all Members across the Chamber strongly condemn hate crime and any sort of sectarian or racist abuse and that we all bear that in mind when talking in the Chamber by using language that reflects respect for all sections of our society?

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

Yes, of course.

Keith Buchanan (DUP, Mid Ulster)

Deputy First Minister, you talked about T:BUC in response to a previous question and in your answer to this question. Do you agree that bringing forward a revised and refreshed T:BUC strategy as soon as possible is extremely important to crime prevention more broadly?

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

Absolutely. It is important that we call out that hate, prejudice and criminal behaviour wherever we see it. I was in the Chamber for Members' statements and listened to my colleague Deborah Erskine talk about the attack on a Sunday school hall in her constituency and about the importance of people calling that out. That is hate. Things that may not seem really big to others are incredibly important to those who use the hall. It is incredibly upsetting when people see that type of attack, which has been motivated by hate.

My colleague rightly pointed out that, in those circumstances, we need to hear all MLAs across all parties calling that out very loudly. It is about calling out not just those incidents that grab the headlines but all forms of hate, wherever we see it. We should stand united against them all.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Mr O'Toole for a brief supplementary.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Thank you, Mr Speaker. On that, deputy First Minister, do you agree that many people in the BAME community here feel really let down by the Executive? Hate crime increased by 50% in the final year of the last racial equality strategy. They really want to see more practical action ahead of the summer, in particular, because there is the fear of more violence, given that we have seen that during the last two summers in Northern Ireland.

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The Member is likely aware that, after the issues that arose in Ballymena, we have invested over £500,000 through local councils to support resilience work right across Northern Ireland. We have also worked with partners, including the PSNI, the DOJ, local councils and others, to try to ensure that a range of actions come forward. We have the refugee integration strategy. A lot of work has been happening under that, including a number of key actions that are being driven forward in the collaborative groups. Of course this is incredibly important. It is about a combination of showing political leadership and saying very clearly that any aspect of hate, intolerance and prejudice is wrong, and investing in communities to support their resilience in order to resist that.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

I call Mr O'Toole to ask a topical question.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

T1. Mr O'Toole asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister, in light of the fact that working families, farmers, small businesses and pensioners struggling to fill their oil tank are all bearing the brunt of the crisis in energy costs and that, late on Friday afternoon, after weeks of silence, they finally issued a statement, quite predictably, calling on the UK Government to do something about it — that statement represents one third of the number of statements that the Executive Office issued celebrating the deputy First Minister's visit to see Donald Trump, who caused the crisis in the first place — to name a single, practical action that they and the Executive more broadly have taken to support the public who face an energy crisis. (AQT 2211/22-27)

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I thank the Member for his important and, indeed, timely question. It is an incredibly important issue for many people. I have already seen across the House some of the pantomime antics of Members who want to point fingers at others. Of course, it is important that we step up and do everything that we can to support people. We recognise that many people face pressure at the moment from the increase in prices. That includes our small to medium-sized businesses, our farmers, our fishermen and our hauliers. It is incredibly important to support them. It also includes the squeezed middle — those families who need to put fuel in their car or another vehicle or put heating oil in their tank. We recognise the huge pressure that people are under. We have been following a significant amount of work right across all the Departments through the Executive Office's civil contingencies group.

I advise the Member that we raised the issues directly with the Prime Minister when he was here. In correspondence, we asked for three specific actions from the UK Government. We did that because the UK Government have the ability to do something about those things. Tax and fuel duty, for example, are matters for the UK Government. That is why we have asked them. I believe that the UK Government will have to act to support people who are genuinely feeling the squeeze.

I attended a high-level ministerial meeting with officials from right across the UK. I was joined by the First Minister of Scotland, people from the Welsh Government and, indeed, the Economy Minister. The Economy Minister has set up a supply chain group to monitor, in particular, the supply of fuel into Northern Ireland. That group is coordinating across the UK. We are getting —.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Minister, your two minutes are gone.

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

OK.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Deputy First Minister, I did not hear a single specific action that the Executive have led on. I will leave aside for one second the irony of your listing all the people affected when you and your colleagues flew over to Washington to plámás and flatter the man who caused the crisis in the first place with his reckless war.

Deputy First Minister, you said that the primary responsibility lies with the UK Government. You are right about that in relation to fuel duty and things of that nature. The Opposition agree with the Executive on that. However, I refer to actions such as spending the £17 million of support money, engaging with farmers and small businesses, delivering a reduction in transport fares and supporting domiciliary care workers with the pressures that they face in getting around the country. That is just a short list, but all of those are specific, practical actions that you could have taken, but the Executive have done none of them. You, your party and Sinn Féin have sought to theatrically blame —

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Is there a question, Mr O'Toole?

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

— one another and then shift responsibility to London.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

OK. We will move on.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Finally, on behalf of the ordinary people of Northern Ireland, I ask this: will the Executive take some responsibility?

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

Of course, the Member will clip the footage to show his question: he never shows my answers. His point is a nonsense: there is a big difference between dialogue and endorsement. The SDLP Member sits there, and he knows the difference. I engaged with the president of the United States, a person with huge global influence. I did my job and stepped forward, because I will always stand up for the interests of Northern Ireland and make sure that I seize every opportunity to promote it.

I went through a range of actions in my answer to the previous question. I have heard the Member say repeatedly in this place that there has been no action, but there has been a significant amount of action. There are daily updates and hourly monitoring between our civil contingencies group and the Department for the Economy. We have corresponded with the Prime Minister and spoken directly to him. We have made calls for people to take key actions. We have discussed the issues at a number of Executive meetings. I specifically raised the point about the costs for domiciliary care workers with the Health Minister at the last Executive meeting.

There is a wide range of actions. Unfortunately, having only two minutes to answer does not allow me to go through all of them, but I can assure the public that we are following the process that is set down for our civil contingency mechanisms. We are working across the UK. Our civil contingency team, along with teams in the Department for the Economy, is working with colleagues in Scotland, Wales, and, indeed, Whitehall to make sure that we have hourly monitoring of the situation and that we are pressing the UK Government to take action, because they can take action. Today, the Member has heard that the Communities Minister will bring proposals to the Executive this week for the £17 million. We have urged Ministers to move quickly and to get support to people where and when they need it.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Mr McAleer is not in his place. I call Dr Aiken.

Steve Aiken (UUP, South Antrim)

T3. Dr Aiken asked the First Minister and the deputy First Minister how important it is that Northern Ireland be represented when the UK Government are giving important updates on security issues, particularly in light of the current international situation. (AQT 2213/22-27)

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I thank the Member for his question. Representation is incredibly important. The reality is that global events such as these have an impact on the people of Northern Ireland, and it is important that we know and are informed about what is happening. From a UK perspective, it is the right of the people of Northern Ireland and the Government in Northern Ireland to be informed about those matters. We are primarily focused on ensuring that the people of Northern Ireland get the support that they need, including in defence. Having a strong defence is critical for the entire UK. The Member and I were at a conference together, and we talked about the importance of, for example, the Royal Navy’s role in protecting undersea cables not just in Northern Ireland and the UK but, indeed, in the Republic of Ireland. All of those issues have an impact on the people of Northern Ireland. I will always turn up, show up, speak up and stand up for Northern Ireland, and I will fight as hard as I can to get the people of Northern Ireland the help and support that they need when they need it.

Steve Aiken (UUP, South Antrim)

I thank the deputy First Minister for her remarks in answer to my question. Is she aware that the Irish Government, having no comprehension of what is going on, have tried, unofficially, to get similar security briefings from the UK Government? If that is the case, would it not be useful, on an all-island basis, for both the First Minister and the deputy First Minister to attend those briefings?

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

It is incredibly important that we get the information, and that is why I attend when I get an invitation to do so. It is incredibly important for us to know what will happen down the line. It is not just a snapshot of what has happened thus far; we can get a sense of what will happen from the people who monitor the situation internationally. Of course, international relations and defence are not devolved issues, and we therefore rely on Whitehall and the UK Government. I have been pushing the UK Government to ensure that we are constantly kept in the loop about those important issues. As we plot the way forward over the next number of months, it is important that we get that information and use it to put in place the policies and the things that we need to do to protect our businesses, farmers, fishing industry and the citizens of Northern Ireland.

Órlaithí Flynn (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

T4. Ms Flynn asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister, given that the US and Israel's war on Iran is severely impacting on families, workers and businesses, which the deputy First Minister outlined earlier today, whether they agree that the DUP's enthusiastic support for that reckless and illegal war was wrong and entirely misjudged. (AQT 2214/22-27)

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

That is an absolute mischaracterisation for the sake of political posturing. The reality is that the Iranian regime is an evil regime. There is no doubt about that. It murdered an estimated 30,000 of its own citizens because they had the audacity to protest. The regime is oppressive to women and all kinds of minorities. As I have said before in this place, I find it baffling that anyone would, in any way, throw up a defence of that regime. I also said clearly on that day, however, that we want there to be peace. Conflict is always tragic, and it always has tragic consequences. It may, at times, be necessary, but we all must work towards trying to bring peace to the Middle East. That is what we all hope for.

We are able to have a very limited impact on some of the global wars and conflicts and on places where there is instability, but what we can do is stand up for the people whom we serve in Northern Ireland by trying to do our best for them and by working to try to bring about interventions to secure the supports that our farmers, our businesses, our fishing industry and our squeezed families really need.

Órlaithí Flynn (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

With respect, deputy First Minister, what is baffling is the fact that people are struggling and feeling the impact of that war locally. They would have appreciated a direct answer to my question, but that was not one.

Does the deputy First Minister agree that, in the context of the increasing cost of living, including the rising cost of home heating oil and fuel, the response of the British Government has been woefully inadequate?

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

As the Member will know, we have asked the UK Government to step up and to do so urgently. There is a significant amount of tax on fuel, for example. That is something about which the UK Government must do something, and urgently. We have also asked them to bring forward a package to support people who are struggling, particularly our small to medium-sized businesses and hauliers, as well as our farmers, who are also feeling the pressure. As I indicated in my previous answer, I disagree with what the Member said. People who are listening to Question Time want their representatives to focus on trying to get support out to them and on making sure that we make the best case for the people of Northern Ireland instead of trying to score political points in the Chamber.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

T5. Mr Blair asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister, given that wars, whether deemed internationally to be legal or illegal, cost lives and threaten other lives, what preparations are being made to support refugees who are arriving from war zones owing to ongoing conflicts in the Middle East and Africa. (AQT 2215/22-27)

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I thank the Member for his question. As I said, all conflicts should be avoided if possible, but, unfortunately, there will always be global conflicts that are completely outside of our control or influence. In such situations, the United Kingdom, as a sovereign state, has responsibilities under the various international treaties covering refugees and support for them. The UK has always stepped up to provide support where it can. It is not a devolved matter, but that is something that has happened in the past.

The Member will also be aware that the way in which international treaties apply in the case of refugees from any place means that the countries in the surrounding area are often required to step up initially. The situation is then monitored for potential wider impacts. Nobody wants any conflict to roll on for a sustained period. I hope that the current conflict will come to an end swiftly and that the refugee situation does not subsequently become a significant international issue.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

I thank the deputy First Minister for her reply. What conversations, if any, has she or the Executive Office had with the Home Office concerning the likelihood of further refugees coming to the UK from war zones?

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

As the Member will be aware, we have a number of specific schemes to support refugees. Those are done at a UK-wide level, but, of course, Northern Ireland plays its part. We currently have the Syrian, Afghan and Ukrainian schemes. At this stage, we do not anticipate any particular refugee scheme related to the current conflict, but that is because the focus at the moment is very much on hoping that it will be a short-lived conflict and that there will be no need for the significant travel of refugees from the region. Of course, we will continue to monitor that. I advise the Member that Executive Office officials liaise with the Home Office on a regular basis, and we would expect to get very early notice of such a proposal, if there were to be one.

Oral Answers to Questions — Infrastructure

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

1. Mr Buckley asked the Minister for Infrastructure to outline the progress made on delivering the A1 junctions phase 2 project. (AQO 3379/22-27)

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

As previously outlined in a recent Adjournment debate, the A1 junctions phase 2 scheme is a mature and well-developed project. The statutory processes have been completed, including the public local inquiry, and an approved outline business case is in place.

In July 2024, the scheme was confirmed as proceeding as a single, coherent package of works, reflecting its strategic and safety importance, and it moved into the procurement phase, completing the preparatory procurement activity with a restricted list of tenderers being established. In February 2025, a restricted list of tenderers was put in place, positioning the scheme to progress efficiently when appropriate. Following the A5 judgement, the restricted list was extended for one year as a deliberate step to protect the viability of the scheme during a period of legal uncertainty.

The issues being examined in the A5 case are relevant to the approval of all major infrastructure projects, including the A1, and it is therefore considered appropriate not to take key decisions on those projects until there is clarity from the final determination of those proceedings. To protect the delivery prospects of the A1, I must ensure that any next steps align with the final legal position and avoid exposing the scheme to avoidable litigation risk. Extending the restricted list preserves the work already completed, avoids unnecessary delay or cost and maintains flexibility to move to the invitation-to-tender stage, when it is appropriate to do so.

Officials continue to monitor safety on the A1, including reviewing collision data and emerging patterns, while the long-term solution remains delivery of the full phase 2 scheme.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

Thank you, Minister. Major life-saving infrastructure projects, from the A1 in her constituency to the A5 and the A4 Enniskillen bypass, are being blocked from progressing because of flawed, unattainable climate change targets. Those targets were exclusively backed by your party, the SDLP and Alliance. Minister, you will agree that not only is the delay costing millions of pounds but it is costing lives. Therefore, Minister, will you commit to bringing forward amending legislation to remove the climate change targets that have become an anchor around the neck of Northern Ireland infrastructure projects right across the Province?

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

Given that we have had this discussion previously, the Member will know that my focus at this time is on the appeal and on delivering the strongest, most robust argument in relation to the appeal. That is my priority. I have also said that, in the meantime, we will continue to look at what other options are available to us so that, in the event of an unsuccessful outcome to the appeal, we can move at pace to ensure that the delivery of the A5 proceeds. That is my focus at this time.

This is not just a result of the current judicial review; there has been a long-running crusade of objections to the A5 that got us to this point. At this time, my officials and I, along with the Minister of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs and officials in his Department, are focused on winning the appeal, and we will continue to focus on that so that we can move forward positively.

Cathal Boylan (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

Can the Minister give assurances that she remains committed to the A1 scheme?

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

Yes, absolutely. As I said very clearly during the recent Adjournment debate, I do not want any delay to the A1 scheme. I am absolutely committed to the A1 scheme. Whilst I had to take an extremely difficult decision, I have to be rational and responsible in my role, and that is what I am doing, in the same way as I have applied this to all the other major infrastructure projects that would potentially be at risk of litigation should I proceed while the current appeal is ongoing.

Stephen Dunne (DUP, North Down)

2. Mr Dunne asked the Minister for Infrastructure to outline any changes being made to the draft road maintenance strategy following the closure of the public consultation. (AQO 3380/22-27)

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

The consultation on my Department's draft road maintenance strategy ran from 2 December 2025 to 30 January 2026. Feedback has been very positive. I thank all those who provided feedback to the consultation for the positive comments that were made. I am working closely with officials to finalise the draft consultation report, which will be shared with the Infrastructure Committee shortly for any further comments as the final stage of the process. Following any comments from the Committee, I will consider whether any amendments are needed before publishing a final road maintenance strategy, along with the consultation report itself. Once it is published, my Department will be in a strong position to progress a modern, data-driven approach to road maintenance across the North.

Stephen Dunne (DUP, North Down)

I thank the Minister for her answer. The Public Accounts Committee, of which I am a member, recently completed work on the role of utility companies on road openings, which was missing from the draft strategy. Will the Minister confirm whether the updated strategy will, in fact, include action to address the role of utility companies in the poor condition of our roads, particularly through poor reinstatement and the frequent and repeated road openings that weaken the road structure and contribute to its deterioration? When will you take action and fix the crisis on our roads?

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

As I said in my previous answer, we will consider the response to the consultation and any further comments from the Committee, which we will factor into the final strategy. I welcome the NIAO report and the opportunity to consider its findings through the Public Accounts Committee. My Department has already acted on several of those recommendations, including strengthening article 18 notifications to improve coordination with utilities and better protect resurfaced roads. As the Member will know, to improve transparency and understanding of road deterioration, I have commissioned a full digital survey of the network, which will help to inform analysis of the impact of utility openings and support our review of warranty periods based on robust evidence. I am aware that this issue has been coming up for many years. I am committed to taking that on board and seeing how we can continually improve, based on those recommendations. We are also enhancing our assurance arrangements, maintaining annual reporting of utility performance and contributing to benchmarking across these islands. Whilst progress has been made, I recognise that there is more to do. My Department remains committed to developing and delivering further improvements and addressing the issues raised by the PAC.

Maolíosa McHugh (Sinn Féin, West Tyrone)

What is the Department's response to the Public Accounts Committee's 'Report on Road Openings by Utilities'?

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

As I have said, I welcome the recommendations that have come out of that report. The quality of some reinstatements is an issue — I think that it is fair to say that it is a real bugbear — not just for Members across the House but for the wider public. As I have said, we have already acted on some of the recommendations and will continue to work to see how we can further implement and deliver better-quality outcomes for everybody. I have reinforced my commitment to ensuring that our road network is maintained to the standard that we all expect, and which the public rightly deserves, within a very financially constrained environment. I am confident that the new strategy can help to achieve that and that we will see real, positive benefits in the future.

Paula Bradshaw (Alliance, Belfast South)

The DFI staff whom I contact through my constituency office are wonderful and very responsive. However, a lot of the time they have to come back and say that they do not have the budget for the works that we have requested. What will you do to ensure that there is adequate staff to ensure that the new strategy is actually deliverable?

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

I thank the Member for her lovely comments. It is very important that we reflect the huge amount of work that staff do in a very difficult situation. I am also cognisant of the fact that we have a large number of vacancies right across our teams, which also adds to the difficulty in responding to issues as they arise. I have been very focused on that. The Member may be aware that we recently launched recruitment competitions for industrial workers across the Department. We have had huge interest, which I am really pleased about. That will help us to see better staffing and, I hope, better results for people on the ground. Since I have been able to secure additional funding, I have certainly seen a huge amount of activity happening out there when it comes to road repairs. I know that it falls well short of what is needed because of the impact of the weather. We continually see that. The rain has not stopped yet, as anyone who was out and about over Easter knows. However, it sends a clear message that we are serious about it, and we will use all resources that are available to us to ensure that we maximise what we can do. Staffing is a huge part of that, and that is why I am very focused on recruitment. I hope to see really good results coming out of the recent recruitment campaigns.

Mark Durkan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

Has the Minister spoken to her colleague the Finance Minister to ensure that any new road maintenance strategy is fully funded, and when can people expect to see and feel the benefits of it? Despite the Minister's efforts and the fact that there has been plenty of positive press about them, our roads are worse than ever.

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

It is your opinion that they are worse than ever. I think that we have been in this position for many years, and we have not seen a real impact —.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

It is everyone's opinion.

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

No, but the point that I am making is this: name me an Infrastructure Minister in the past 25 years who was able to get ahead of it.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

That is true. They are in the worst state ever.

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

We have been operating a limited service policy, which was introduced by the DUP over 15 years ago —.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

They are in the worst state ever, Minister.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Order.

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

We know why that is.

We can pass the buck all that we want, but the reality is that the Executive are facing the situation of our being consistently underfunded. Nobody in the House disagrees with that. I will continue to make the case to ensure that we are properly financed. That does not rest just with the Finance Minister. As much as Members in the House wish to give the British Government cover, they have underfunded us way below what is needed not only to deliver what is needed now but to catch up on what we should have been able to deliver 10, 15 or 20 years ago. The impacts of that underfunding are probably most widely seen in our roads network. I continually make that case, but other Members in the House need to join me so that that voice is heard as strongly as possible, because delivering on that is in all our interests.

The strategy will go some way towards delivering within our very constrained budget and improving our roads. However, the more money that I can get, the more that we can deliver and the greater the impact that we will see right across the North.

Andrew McMurray (Alliance, South Down)

3. Mr McMurray asked the Minister for Infrastructure to outline any actions she is taking to support homeowners in unadopted developments that were constructed before January 2024, where the developer has gone out of business and existing bonds are insufficient to bring the development up to adoptable standard. (AQO 3381/22-27)

Claire Sugden (Independent, East Londonderry)

7. Ms Sugden asked the Minister for Infrastructure to outline any steps she is taking to address the impact of unadopted developments on homeowners who are unable to sell their properties. (AQO 3385/22-27)

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

With your permission, a Cheann Comhairle,

[Translation: Mr Speaker]

I will answer questions 3 and 7 together.

I recognise the very real difficulties that are faced by homeowners who live in unadopted developments, particularly in cases where the developer is no longer trading and the bond held by the Department is insufficient to complete the works that are required to bring the streets up to an adoptable standard. Responsibility for constructing roads and associated infrastructure to an adoptable standard rests with the developer. Where a developer fails to do that, my Department has discretionary enforcement powers under the private streets legislation, including the option to draw down on any bond of surety that is in place. However, in a number of older developments, the value of the bond does not fully reflect the cost of the outstanding works. In such circumstances, there is no legal obligation on my Department to fund the shortfall between the bond value and the cost of completion, and there is currently no dedicated budget to do so.

That said, my Department continues to take a case-by-case approach. Officials will pursue developers where they remain in existence, seek to maximise the use of any available bond and engage with residents to explain the options available. Where enforcement action is considered appropriate and proportionate, it may be taken, subject to available resources and legal considerations.

More importantly, I am determined to prevent those situations from arising in the future. Following the Assembly's consideration of the issue, my Department introduced strengthened private streets enforcement guidance in 2025. That has improved how and when enforcement action is initiated, tightened bond release arrangements and significantly reduced the risk of new developments entering long-term unadopted status. While those measures cannot retrospectively resolve all legacy cases, they represent an important step in better protecting homeowners. I will continue to keep the position under review and engage with Executive colleagues and the Assembly on that complex and longstanding issue.

Andrew McMurray (Alliance, South Down)

Thank you, Minister. You acknowledged that the developers are ultimately responsible, but there have been policy failures that led to the current situation. You referenced the future, but will you develop more robust responses in order to help those who are already stuck in unadopted developments?

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

As I said, I appreciate the strength of feeling around legacy issues where people have been caught in such situations, particularly where the developer is no longer trading. I regularly receive correspondence from the many people who are in such situations across the North where that issue has had an impact.

At present, there are no plans to review or amend the private streets legislation. It is important to recognise that any legislative change would need careful consideration, particularly in relation to cost, fairness and legal liability.

We had a discussion following the previous question on the ability to maintain our roads to a standard. We struggle to maintain the adopted roads that are already within our responsibility, so we have to be cautious about adding further costs to the mix. I am not shirking my responsibility. The Department has not caused the situation, but we are trying to tighten measures to protect people.

As I said in response to the previous question, I will continue to keep that position under review and to engage with the Executive and the Assembly on the issue, because I recognise that it is stressful for anybody who is impacted on. It is important to take all that into consideration in moving forward.

Claire Sugden (Independent, East Londonderry)

Minister, unadopted developments and roads are a long-standing issue. It is long past time that we just review it: we need to take action on it. Do you agree that we need more government intervention and possibly new legislation? People are unable to sell their homes, and damage is being caused to cars. It is not enough to keep it under review any more. We need to take firm action, and you are the Minister who can do that.

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

As I said, I am not in any way underestimating its impact, but I have to ensure that I have the ability to deliver on it. That is why I have said that I will keep it under review. There are a number of factors that we have to carefully consider as part of that. As the Member said, it is a long-standing issue. It is impacting on many sites across the North. I can only imagine that the scale of that and the cost of rectifying it would be significant. We have to be careful about what we promise people because it is another thing to be able to deliver on it.

That said, we have to continually look at that to see what else we can do. I have tried to ensure that we put in place policy that protects people going forward. That is a recognition of the significant impact. I am happy to continue to work on it. I take the Member's point that it is not good enough to keep it under review, but we have to remember where the issue arose from. There were measures in place to try to ensure that it did not happen. We will continue to engage on it and will see what else is available to us, but, at this point in time, I have brought forward policy changes to try to protect people as best I can within the remit that I have.

Linda Dillon (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I apologise for not being in my place for question 1 during Question Time to the Executive Office. I welcome the new MLA to the Chamber and offer our well wishes to Gary. We are thinking of him.

Minister, with regard to actions to strengthen enforcement and reduce the risk of new housing developments becoming long-term unadopted sites, can you outline exactly what you are doing in working with planners? It is not all about money; some of it is about the inability to adopt sites because they do not have sight lines. Irresponsible actions are being carried out by developers, and those who end up picking up the costs are unknowing, unwitting people who buy homes in those developments and are left in a position where they cannot sell, cannot get mortgages, cannot develop their homes and cannot move house.

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

In September 2025, I announced the introduction of new private streets enforcement guidance that strengthens how and when enforcement action is taken. The guidance establishes a clear threshold for initiating enforcement action two years after a development reaches 80% occupancy. Alongside that, my Department has amended bond release thresholds, which enables a larger proportion of the bond to be retained. That provides greater assurance that sufficient funds are available to bring new developments up to an adoptable standard where enforcement becomes necessary.

Taken together, those measures significantly reduce the risk of new developments remaining unadopted and provide stronger protection for homeowners while maintaining the principle that responsibility for private streets rests with the developer until adoption. I think that there are a number of factors. The Member is right in saying that there are other things that do not involve cost, but everybody needs to take responsibility to find a solution. It is totally unfair that those homeowners are left in that position, but the reality is that the cost to rectify that will be huge. We have to think about how we got to this position. As I said, I will continue to look at things on a case-by-case basis, because not all cases are the same. Whilst there are probably common themes, there are some cases that we can continue to work on. That is why I have said that we will keep things under review, and, where possible, I am willing to provide support through the Department.

Deborah Erskine (DUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

I am working on the issue through my private Member's Bill. Recently, the Minister announced developer-led contributions, but surely that already happens by way of the article 161 mechanism whereby developers can construct their own waste water treatment in developments. I have seen countless situations where NI Water and her Department failed to adopt developments after construction. Therefore, will the developer-led contributions not lead to more unadopted developments and add to the crisis that is affecting homeowners across Northern Ireland?

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

First, I am delighted to see the Member back, and I hope that Olivia is doing well. It is great to have you back, but I know that you have had a busy time over the past number of months.

Developer-led contributions are slightly different, and it is important to provide that clarity. At present, NI Water cannot accept funding to deliver waste water connections for a developer. The contributions that I am bringing forward will allow developers to fund connection so that they can make a contribution to allow that to go ahead. That will help to unlock capacity in areas where NI Water cannot, at present, deliver the connections. It is slightly different in the sense that it will allow developers, through a contribution-based approach, to carry out works to the standard that NI Water would deliver.

In some of the conversations that we have had, developers have been quite frustrated. There may be areas of constraint where, with the current price control, NI Water has not been able to get that work done. There may be potential for some developers to come together to unlock capacity in certain areas, and that would enable them to do so where they are willing to make that voluntary contribution. The existing legislation does not allow for that, and that is why I have chosen to bring that forward on a voluntary basis at the beginning. We will review that to see whether we can look at a compulsory contribution scheme going forward.

Diana Armstrong (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

I am dealing with four cases of unadopted developments in Fermanagh. In one of those cases, the residents, at great personal cost, have put forward money to ensure that the bond is expanded and that more money is available there. That process is ongoing, and the lack of further movement is causing considerable anguish. Is it fair that residents who are contributing financially to a solution are having to wait an extremely long time for a resolution?

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

I encourage the Member, if she so wishes, to write to the Department about that specific case to give me a wee bit more detail. I am not familiar with that case off the top of my head. I will be happy to look at that and see whether there is any way of expediting that. I am not sure about the reason for the delay, but I am happy to look at it. If that is a potential way of finding a solution to allow those homeowners to move forward with their lives, we will, absolutely, be happy to do anything that we can to facilitate it.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

Road maintenance is welcome when it happens. You will probably be aware of the situation in the Lagmore area of west Belfast, where it has taken a lifetime to get roadworks completed. A lot of disruption and frustration has been caused, and people do not know why it is taking so long. Have you or your Department engaged in any discussions with the developer about making some form of financial payment to assist with maintenance?

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

I am not familiar with whether there have been discussions about that. I am not even sure whether that would be appropriate. I encourage the Member to write to the Department so that I can provide a more detailed response. I am aware of recent schemes that have been delivered in Lagmore. Whilst I appreciate that delays and disruptions to people's daily lives can be very frustrating, I hope that the outcome has been widely welcomed, because I know that those works were badly needed. My colleague Danny Baker is not here, but I know that he has been lobbying for some time to ensure delivery in that area. I appreciate that frustration has been caused, but I hope that people will benefit from that work now.

Steve Aiken (UUP, South Antrim)

4. Dr Aiken asked the Minister for Infrastructure how her proposals for voluntary developer contributions will lead to improvements in waste water disposal. (AQO 3382/22-27)

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

As the Member will know, the three-pronged approach, which I have well articulated to the Department — securing more funding from the Executive and introducing the Water, Sustainable Drainage and Flood Management Bill and now, as I mentioned, launching developer contributions — underlines my commitment to delivering innovative solutions in partnership with NI Water, Executive colleagues and developers to improve the waste water network, including how the system disposes of waste water.

As I announced in my written ministerial statement on 19 March, developer contributions will be implemented by way of a phased approach. The initial focus will be on designing and legislating for a scheme to enable voluntary contributions. I have also asked my officials to continue working on the potential introduction of a compulsory levy in the future.

The purpose of the initial voluntary scheme is to help unlock critical capacity in NI Water's waste water infrastructure so that, as I said to the Member for Fermanagh and South Tyrone, more residential and commercial development can proceed in areas that are currently constrained. It will deliver improvements by enabling developers to advance essential projects, especially new homes, and give would-be homeowners and tenants access to more housing in areas currently restricted by waste water capacity.

Steve Aiken (UUP, South Antrim)

I thank the Minister for her answer. She will be aware that organisations such as the Construction Employers Federation (CEF) say that there is a clear limit to how far such voluntary upgrades are likely to go. They cannot see how a single upgrade might be commercially viable were it to be wholly funded by developers. The implication therefore is that there will have to be a co-equal partnership or some kind of funding mechanism to do that. Where will Northern Ireland Water get the money to do that?

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

As I have said repeatedly, I am clear that developer contributions are not the solution to all our problems. Will they go some way to making an impact? I think that they will. The CEF welcomed the announcement. I spoke at its event the day after, and it alluded to that.

The challenges facing our waste water network are still huge, but I am committed to finding solutions and working our way through them. Progress can be slow, but that is a direct result of the underfunding of the Executive. The Member's colleague who sits on the Executive will be all too familiar with that. This year alone, we have a potential £400 million overspend. That does not happen by accident; it happens as a result of decisions taken in London. Members on the Benches to my right can snigger and laugh at my approach, but my focus is on making sure that we continue to move forward, that we make progress and that we find solutions within the restricted and constrained environment in which we are all operating. I continue to work with all organisations, all bodies and all Members who are willing to work with me and are realistic about what we can achieve and about how we can make this place better for everybody.

Colm Gildernew (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

Minister, people are struggling with an ongoing cost-of-living crisis, and they now face rising fuel and food prices. Will you once again confirm that you will not introduce water charges for hard-pressed families?

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

Absolutely. I cannot reiterate that strongly enough, particularly given what people face now. We have seen what has happened in recent weeks on the global stage and the impact that that is having on ordinary people. Such decisions are taken when Governments in Britain and America choose war over people. That is the reality of the situation. They are not the people who feel the pain; it is the people whom we represent, the ordinary people who are struggling to keep their head above water, to put food on the table, to put oil in their tank and to get fuel to take them to and from their job. Many of those people are domiciliary carers. Am I prepared to add to that strain and burden? Absolutely not, and I will not give cover to a British Government who shirk their responsibility and send billions to fund such wars whilst wringing their hands and saying that they cannot do anything else. We continue to bang on the British Government's door to make sure that the people whom we represent get what they are entitled to.

Peter Martin (DUP, North Down)

Does the Minister accept that an increasing number of business organisations have lost faith in her three-pronged approach? Paul McErlean, the director of Build Homes NI, said recently that it is "wholly inadequate" and went on to say:

"the public will pay the price of political inaction".

Does she have another prong, or are the three prongs it?

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

You have given only one example of a person who has allegedly lost faith. I have been taking action, and we have made progress: over 5,500 new homes have been connected and capacity has been unlocked through dedicated ring-fenced money for NI Water. That is OK as a sound bite in the Chamber, but I continue to get on with the work to ensure that we keep moving forward, rather than standing still or going backwards. I continue to work with everyone to ensure that I listen to whatever solutions others can provide. The only suggestion that I hear right now is domestic water charging, which would put more pressure on people and households that are already struggling. I am providing solutions that, I know, will help us to keep moving forward.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

We now move to topical questions.

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

T1. Mr McNulty asked the Minister for Infrastructure whether she has met hauliers, farmers, domiciliary care workers and Translink to discuss the energy and fuel cost crisis, including the issues that they face and the assistance that they require, and whether she has raised their concerns at the Executive. (AQT 2221/22-27)

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

As the Member knows, he listed people who do not all come under the responsibility of my Department. My private office is engaging with hauliers to hear about their issues, but I do not think that they are under any illusion about who is responsible for the challenges that they and many others face. That is why they are taking their fight to Westminster, where the impact is being created. We will continue to support them and everyone who is feeling the impact in the time ahead.