Northern Ireland Assembly, 24 March 2026

437 contributions from 55 members. The official report.

Members' Statements

Pat Sheehan (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

Vótáil beagnach 92% de mhic léinn a ghlac páirt i reifreann, vótáil siad ar son an Ghaeilge a chur ar aon dul leis an Bhéarla in Ollscoil na Banríona an tseachtain seo caite. Deirtear gurbh é an reifreann ba mhó é i stair na hollscoile. Bhain Ollscoil na Banríona comharthaíocht dhátheangach anuas sa bhliain 1997. Ó shin i leith, is i mBéarla amháin a dhéanann an ollscoil riar ar chomharthaíocht agus ar bhrandáil ar fud na hollscoile.

Ní mór don ollscoil tús a chuir le polasaí cuimsitheach Gaeilge a chur i bhfeidhm. Is toradh é seo ar son an chomhionannais agus an ionchuimsithe in ollscoil ina raibh méadú de 227% ar chlárúcháin ar chúrsaí Gaeilge.

Tá an Ghaeilge beo bríomhar in Ollscoil na Banríona, Béal Feirste. Agus pobal na Gaeilge ag fás leis, leanfaidh Sinn Féin de bheith ag déanamh gach a bhfuil ar ár gcumas le cur leis an fhás sin agus le cearta Gaeilgeoirí a neartú.

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

One of the greatest and most enduring scandals in Northern Ireland is the disgraceful treatment of innocent victims by successive British and Irish Governments. For decades, those who suffered most have often been pushed aside, ignored and, at times, treated as a political inconvenience. They watched as, under the Belfast Agreement, prison gates were opened and those responsible for the most brutal, cold-blooded and sectarian murders walked free. They watched as some even sought to glorify that violence, and they listen now as the First Minister of no alternative praises their evil deeds. They watched as successive Governments blurred the moral line, equating victims with the very perpetrators who caused the suffering. They now watch as proposals are advanced to hand a role in legacy matters to the Irish Government: the very Government who presided over a sanctuary for terrorists.

Those are not abstract issues; they relate to real people — families who carry loss every single day. Those families are from all backgrounds and from all political traditions and none. They deserve better than warm words; they deserve action. Labour came into office promising change — a new dawn — but the Labour Government are failing to deliver on many of those promises. They are failing innocent victims, failing those who stood against terrorism and failing those who have upheld democracy. They have now been forced to delay the next stage of their legacy Bill as a result of amendments tabled by this party.

We cannot continue down a path that rewrites history or diminishes the suffering of victims. There must never be any moral equivalence between the people who carried out acts of terrorism and the people who suffered at their hands. That principle must be clear and unwavering, and reflected in every policy brought forward by Government. It is time to put victims first and to ensure that their voices are finally heard. The Democratic Unionist Party will always stand proudly on the side of innocent victims. We will never allow the past to be rewritten. As long as I am in office, I will use my voice to stand up for innocent victims of terrorism.

Connie Egan (Alliance, North Down)

March is Ovarian Cancer Awareness Month, serving as an important reminder to step back and reflect on the realities of that tragic disease in our communities in Northern Ireland. Over 200 women in Northern Ireland are diagnosed with ovarian cancer every year. We must continue to fight for improved outcomes for all those who face it.

This time last year, I stood up in the Chamber and informed Members of the staggering facts, including:

"Only 39% of women who are diagnosed here are diagnosed at an early stage."— [Official Report (Hansard), 18 March 2025, p4, col 1].

What has happened since then? Over the past year, I have worked with campaigners from Target Ovarian Cancer to change that. In November, I, alongside awe-inspiring campaigners Christine Campbell and Pauline Donnelly, presented a letter to the Health Minister, signed by 26 MLAs, to ask him to update public health information to make it clear that cervical screening will not detect ovarian cancer and signpost key symptoms. Despite sounding like a small step, that is vital, as research points to 46% of women in Northern Ireland believing that a cervical screening will detect ovarian cancer. Target Ovarian Cancer's successful lobbying means not just that that information is updated on online public health resources but that, from this month onwards, cervical screening invitation letters will be updated to highlight the fact that the tests do not screen for other gynaecological cancers and that, from this summer, a formal change will be made to patient leaflets. That is fantastic progress, but there is still so much more to be done, such as giving patients access to poly-ADP ribose polymerase (PARP) inhibitors, otherwise known as target treatments or maintenance treatments.

Those wonderfully brave campaigners who came with me to meet the Health Minister, Christine Campbell and Pauline Donnelly, also recorded a video that went up on the Department of Health's social media last week, in which they discuss with the Health Minister their journey and the symptoms of ovarian cancer. The symptoms include persistent bloating; feeling full quickly or having a loss of appetite; pain in your tummy and pelvis; and needing to pee more often or urgently than usual. The video is really worth watching, and I encourage all those here today to share Target Ovarian Cancer's resources with their loved ones and communities. I thank all those who have campaigned for better outcomes on the disease, including my constituent Stephen, who was the first person to contact me on the issue and who kick-started much of my work.

Ciara Ferguson (Sinn Féin, Foyle)

The visit by a number of Members to the EU institutions in Brussels over St Patrick's Day was extremely positive. There are huge benefits to continuously building on relationships with our EU counterparts. I was delighted to take part, alongside Brian Kingston of the DUP, in detailed engagements with the Committee of the Regions (CoR) and the Parliamentary Partnership Assembly. The junior Ministers also met the chair of the Parliamentary Partnership Assembly, Sandro Gozi MEP. Junior Ministers Aisling Reilly and Joanne Bunting highlighted and advocated the importance of identifying opportunities to strengthen cooperation and shared understanding with the EU. I praise junior Minister Reilly and junior Minister Bunting for delivering such a positive and proactive message and building closer relationships with friends and colleagues in the EU.

All of us, alongside Minister Andrew Muir, attended the Executive Office in Brussels annual St Patrick's Day breakfast. There was plenty of food for thought about the benefits of strategic collaboration between the Executive and the European Union. We discussed, amongst other issues, PEACE PLUS, participation of the North in ERASMUS+, other youth mobility initiatives and economic partnerships. We stand to benefit from deeper engagement with the European Union as a result of dual market access. Events such as the Parliamentary Partnership Assembly are an opportunity to strengthen that engagement.

Ultimately, of course, I believe that Ireland's place is within the EU via a united Ireland. However, there is much that we can do in the meantime to build closer relationships, and the engagement of both junior Ministers, Minister Muir and MLAs over St Patrick's Day is a good example of that.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

I will do something for the first time today: talk about a written ministerial statement. The written ministerial statement on the developer levy was published by the Infrastructure Minister last Thursday. It was released under embargo on Wednesday — I am not sure why the embargo existed, by the way — and released formally on Thursday. It was not brought to the House for debate, which, frankly, is no surprise, because one of the first questions that a Member might have reasonably asked is, "What's the point of the policy?", given that it is unclear whether it will contribute to the building of a single home in Northern Ireland.

We know that we have a crisis in our waste water infrastructure system. We know that the crisis is contributing to the environmental catastrophe at Lough Neagh and elsewhere. We also know that it is preventing houses, including social and affordable homes, from being built for our people. We know that it is holding back economic development. It is preventing not just big factories and shopping developments but cafés in my constituency — places that sell cups of tea and tray bakes — from opening. It is a disaster. It is one of the single biggest things that is holding this society back. It is keeping people on their mum's sofa. It is stopping social homes being built. It is stopping economic development.

The Infrastructure Minister and her party told us that one of the big solutions was that developer contributions would help to unlock development and to tackle our waste water crisis. After a 14-week consultation and lots of big promises, and after dismissing Members from other parties in the Chamber who asked the Infrastructure Minister and her colleague the Finance Minister what was being done about NI Water, we have a written ministerial statement, which was snuck out under embargo — not a word to the Chamber and no opportunity for Members to ask questions — on a voluntary contribution system.

The statement is at pains to say that no developer, no matter how profitable, will be compelled to make a contribution to the waste water system, so it is a glorified tip jar. You may as well stick a charity box there and say, "Grand, if you want to". I do not know whether it takes contactless or cash only payments, but it is a joke, I am afraid. It is risible.

The statement also references British austerity, which has been a real thing over the past decade and a half. The Executive have faced a squeeze on the block grant, but it was not British austerity that produced the risible policy that the Minister outlined last week. No wonder she did not come to the Chamber and tell the people and MLAs about it, because it is a joke. It will not help to build a single home, unless there are developers and housing associations that are going to rush out and tell us that they are about to unlock thousands of homes, but I have not heard that yet. It is, frankly, a sign of an Executive who are not delivering for the people. Sinn Féin says that it wants to deliver for the people of the North, but, whether it is on the A5, Casement Park or the simple need to invest in our water system in order to build homes, it is failing the people here.

Trevor Clarke (DUP, South Antrim)

Quite often in the Chamber, we hear Members complaining about the length of time that it takes for questions to be answered. Given the complexities of some questions, I understand that it may take considerable time. Six weeks ago — bear with me — I tabled the following question for written answer:

"To ask the Minister of Health to detail any (i) short-term; and (ii) long-term, plans for the Muckamore Abbey site, particularly for the unused or unutilised buildings."

Given the financial state of the health service and the Health Minister's concerns about raising finance, you would think that that is a fairly straightforward question to answer and that plans for Muckamore Abbey would be at an advanced stage.

Given that, like me, the Minister has representatives in that area, he will, I am sure, have heard by now some of the concerns from people who live in the Antrim area and beyond. Those concerns are that there are allegedly plans afoot — I do not know whether this is true or otherwise, but, if it is not true, it would have been good to kill off the rumours — to take asylum seekers to Muckamore Abbey. If that is true, we will be deeply disappointed.

Just last night, I had a lady on with me who is being made homeless on Monday. The recovery van is coming on Monday. She is a pensioner and has nowhere to go. Three weeks ago, I had a similar case with another pensioner, who called off the recovery van on the morning that the van was to come because the landlord gave her an extension on her lease. Those would all have been viable reasons to use the unused student accommodation and other parts of that building, but, if those rumours are true, it is deeply disappointing.

There is no rationale for it to take six weeks for a priority question for written answer to be answered, given the basic nature of the question. I know that the Minister is here today. I am sure — I hope — that the Minister has had sight of this. While I am on my feet, I make this call on the Minister: if those rumours are not true, can we get that question answered to quell the concerns in the community? This is gathering steam. There are people who live in Muckamore Abbey. There are still clients on the Muckamore Abbey site. Former patients are in supported living beside it. Former staff live on-site. I think that the last thing that those people would wish to hear is confirmation that there are plans, now or in the future, for an immigration centre on that site.

Eóin Tennyson (Alliance, Upper Bann)

I rise to remember the life of Natalie McNally. It has been a privilege to get to know Natalie's parents, Noel and Bernie, over the past three and a half years. In that three and a half years, they have, alongside Natalie's brothers Declan and Niall, carried themselves with immeasurable strength, dignity, courage and grace in the face of the most unimaginable horror and loss. We have all been moved by the stories that they have shared about the happy memories that they shared with Natalie — her sense of humour, her belief in equality, her love of sport — and it was very clear that she had a positive impact on so many people during her short but brilliant life. Although justice was served yesterday, that will not bring Natalie back, though I hope that it brings the family some comfort and closure. I also hope that the family feel the support for them from right across our community as they grieve Natalie's untimely loss and murder.

We must take this moment to reflect on what we can do, in the Chamber and outside of it, to tackle violence against women and girls. We must all reflect on our actions and attitudes and commit ourselves, in Natalie's memory and in memory of all the women who have been so tragically murdered, to build a society that is kinder, more compassionate and inclusive and in which men treat women with the dignity and respect that they deserve.

Maolíosa McHugh (Sinn Féin, West Tyrone)

Bhí an Lá Idirnáisiúnta leis an Ioslamafóibe a Chomhrac agus an Lá Idirnáisiúnta um Idirdhealú Ciníoch a Dhíothú ann an steachtain seo caite. Is cúis imní dúinn go bhfuil líon na gcoireanna fuatha in aghaidh Moslamach ag ardú ar fud an domhain. Léirítear i bhfigiúirí a tháinig amach le déanaí go bhfuil Moslamaigh ar cheann de na grúpaí is minice a ndéantar ionsaithe fuatha ar bhonn reiligiúin orthu ar fud na hEorpa. Cuimhnímis nach staitisticí atá i gceist ach íobartaigh atá ag fulaingt: ní féidir cur suas le hionsaithe ar theaghlaigh mar gheall ar a gcreideamh.

Agus an saol corrach atá inniu ann — tá an teannas sa Mheánoirthear ag gabháil chun donais agus tá Gaza á scrios go fóill — caithfimid bheith ar ár bhfaichill ar an réamhchlaonadh agus ar an naimhdeas le daoine mar gheall ar a gcreideamh nó a gcúlra. Níl mionlaigh ciontach as an ghéarchéim sa chostas maireachtála, agus na daoine sin a deir a mhalairt, caithfear iad a bhréagnú gach am is gach áit. Déanann daoine ón iomad cultúr, creideamh agus traidisiún, déanann sin pobail na hÉireann a shaibhriú; cuireann siad go mór lenár sochaí — go díreach mar a chuireann na hÉireannaigh le pobail eile ar fud an domhain.

Nuair a rinneadh ionsaithe ciníocha ar mhionlaigh ar na samhraí deireanacha anseo, sheas gnáthdhaoine gualainn má gualainn leis na híobartaigh. Níl aon áit ag an ioslamafóibe inár bpobail. Níl aon áit ag an chiníochas ná ag an leithcheal¬ — an frith-sheimíteachas, an homafóibe nó an fuath ar mhná ¬ — sna pobail s’againne. Cuimhníonn na laetha idirnáisiúnta seo dúinn gur saibhre an tsochaí againn de thairbhe na héagsúlachta. Tá páirt le himirt againn go léir leis an chaoinfhulaingt agus an urraim a chothú ar fud na hÉireann. Nuair a sheasaimid le chéile i gcoinne an chiníochais, tógfaimid todhchaí dhearfach fhorásach.

Bhí deireadh le Ramadan agus le féile Eid al-Fitr Déardaoin seo caite. Mar sin de, tapaím an deis seo le "Eid Mubarak" a ghuí do dhaoine Moslamacha ar fud na hÉireann.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

Before I come on to my statement, I want to briefly wish William Mooney well. He has been an usher in the Building for, I think, 28 years. He certainly helped me to navigate the Building when I was lost in the first few years. I wish him well in his retirement. I am sure that others do, too.

Some Members

Hear, hear.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

Today, it has been reported in the news that private rents have increased by 50% in the past five years. That is obviously shocking and appalling and should be condemned, but it is not entirely surprising. The cost of private rents is something that my party and I have been banging on about for many years. Indeed, in 2022, we tried to limit the increase in rents through amendments to the Private Tenancies Bill, but all Executive parties, effectively, voted them down. The Executive parties have failed on private rents: in my view, they do not want to challenge private landlords.

We have gone way beyond the point of not wanting to annoy or aggravate people. This is a question of power and what parties here will do to challenge power and wealth: the power and wealth of private landlords. As you know, Mr Speaker, I am developing a Member's Bill on housing that, hopefully, after going through the hurdles, will deal with some of the problems. It will aim to freeze rents for a period of years, introduce a no-fault eviction ban to ensure that people cannot be evicted by their landlords and, over a period, introduce rent reductions.

It is the view of many people, not just me, that the Minister for Communities has absolutely failed to tackle the housing crisis, particularly in the private rented sector, hence my Member's Bill and other people's action on housing. The Minister, alongside his party colleagues and others, has tried to pour cold water over rent controls and caps. To paraphrase him, he says that they do not work and that he fears that they would be counterproductive. I say this: rent controls do not work for landlords, but they clearly work for private renters by reducing the money that comes out of their account every month and, obviously, putting more money in their pocket.

To the Minister and his officials, if they are listening, I say this: rent controls exist in various countries, including Denmark, Malta, Sweden, the Netherlands, Spain, Germany and France. There are rent pressure zones in the South. They are not perfect, but they exist. Many North American and Canadian cities also have them. The North cannot continue to be a laggard in that regard. It is time for rent controls and rent reductions to ease the pressure on private renters and put more money back in their pockets.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

Week on week, the House continues to see the glaring failures of the Sinn Féin Economy Minister, whether it be her continued support for the so-called 'good jobs' Bill, which does not have the support of a single major business or organisation in Northern Ireland, or the failure to understand that £81 million was there for the taking for an energy support scheme, a fact that was dragged out in the Committee by my colleague Phillip Brett as Chair.

She also continues to cover up information on significant job losses to the Northern Ireland economy.

In January, I revealed to the Committee that 300 jobs were lost from the major US service firm Cantor Fitzgerald. Neither the Committee nor the community knew about that, and the Minister's officials attempted to ensure that none of us got to the bottom of it. The permanent secretary denied that the Committee had asked for the appropriate information, and the Department selectively briefed the BBC before the scrutiny Committee meeting. However, with each piece of information, we are starting to get to the bottom of what happened.

It is sad that only through freedom of information requests have I been able to start to gain a picture. Invest NI and the Department hold over 11,000 records that pertain to Cantor Fitzgerald. On Friday, the first responses to my freedom of information requests started to come through to me, and they revealed a scenario of which we were not aware: on 25 February 2025, the Minister met Cantor Fitzgerald representatives in this very Building with her officials. The Minister is on record as saying at the meeting:

"I want to comment on the positivity of a company like Cantor Fitzgerald coming to Northern Ireland and offering so many good jobs".

Wow. Her Sinn Féin-appointed spad is in the meeting note as suggesting the potential comms to go out on the announcement. Fourteen days later, the Minister travelled to New York, and 300 highly paid jobs were lost to the Northern Ireland economy. What happened in those 14 days? Why did a significant investment that, freedom of information requests have shown, Invest NI evidently went to such lengths to secure go missing?

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

The Member's time is up.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

There are questions to be answered —

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

The Member's time is up. Aoife Finnegan.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

— and we will hold the Minister accountable.

Aoife Finnegan (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

I rise to mark two important anniversaries: 100 years of the Easter lily and 110 years of Cumann na mBan. The Easter lily has long been worn as a symbol of respect for those who gave their lives in the 1916 rising and in the years that followed in pursuit of Irish freedom. It is a simple symbol but one that speaks to sacrifice, courage and a belief in Ireland's future.

We also mark 110 years of Cumann na mBan. Those women stood at the heart of the 1916 rising and the struggle that followed. Cumann na mBan was made up of ordinary Irish women who did extraordinary things for Irish freedom, such as Constance Markievicz, Winifred Carney, Kathleen Lynn and Margaret Skinnider. They did not stand on the sidelines; they led, organised and fought. Their contribution was central, and it must always be recognised.

As we mark the anniversaries, we think of the generation of 1916 and the vision that it held for a free, fair and united Ireland. That work did not end then, and it does not end now, so, today and in the days to come, wear your Easter lily with pride.

David Brooks (DUP, Belfast East)

I rise to mark the passing of Mr John Lockett OBE, who was a former principal of Grosvenor Grammar School; indeed, he was the principal during my time at the school. As someone who had health difficulties that disrupted my education, I benefited not only from the environment of academic excellence that he developed at the school but from the care and compassion that was shown to every pupil there.

Mr Lockett's career in education was marked by dedication and steady progression. Before arriving at Grosvenor, he taught at Lurgan boys' school, where he rose to become the head of biology. He later moved to Banbridge Academy, taking on the leadership of careers and sixth form. In 1989, he joined Grosvenor as vice principal, and, four years later, in 1993, he became principal, which was a role that he held with distinction for 15 years.

Those years were ones of remarkable change at the school. Mr Lockett was a man of vision and determination, guiding the school through significant transformation. One of the most notable milestones during Mr Lockett's leadership was the opening of the Ken Reid science and technology block in 1999, which was a building from which I benefited. That was only the beginning, however. Through his guidance and commitment, Grosvenor evolved into the outstanding campus that we see today at Marina Park. He played a central role in the major development of the school's facilities.

As I said, what made those achievements truly special was that, throughout all that change, Mr Lockett never lost sight of what mattered most: the pupils. He was deeply committed to ensuring that every young person had the opportunity to succeed academically and beyond the classroom, and his passion for the school was evident in everything that he did. The school noted that he gave of his time generously, attended every school event and was a familiar and reassuring presence at Saturday morning sports fixtures.

In 2009, Mr Lockett was rightly awarded an OBE in recognition of his exceptional contribution to education. It was a fitting tribute to a career defined by service, leadership and excellence. Even after his retirement, he remained closely connected to Grosvenor and regularly attended carol services, prize distributions, sporting events and, most recently, the 80th anniversary gala dinner; indeed, I last met him at the Ulster Hall at a concert to celebrate that milestone.

Beyond his school life, the school says, he had a great love of travel, particularly railway journeys, and was a dedicated member of the Railway Preservation Society of Ireland. Mr Lockett will be remembered for his enthusiasm, sharp wit and wisdom. Above all, he was a true gentleman whose legacy lives on in the school and in the many lives that he influenced. Many of us owe him a great debt. He will be greatly missed.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

I call Timothy Gaston. You have a couple of minutes.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

Thank you very much, Mr Speaker. April is Bowel Cancer Awareness Month. As we approach the start of the month, I urge everyone to take part in the bowel cancer screening programme. Northern Ireland is the only country in the UK that does not offer screening to people under the age of 60, so I take the opportunity to call on the Minister of Health, who is sitting in front of me, to redress that imbalance.

Bowel cancer screening in Northern Ireland is currently offered only to people aged 60 to 74. The rest of the UK offers screening to people aged 50 to 74 in line with the UK National Screening Committee's recommendations. As a result, people in Northern Ireland have fewer opportunities for early detection of bowel cancer than those elsewhere in the UK. The charity Bowel Cancer UK has spoken out about the disparity and called on Stormont to act now to help those most in need.

We already know that the drug that can help sufferers of early-stage prostate cancer has not been made available in Northern Ireland but is available in the rest of the UK. Compared with those living in the rest of our Union, Northern Ireland is once again giving its citizens a raw deal. I therefore call on the Health Minister to put in place a screening programme for that younger age group urgently.

Bowel cancer is the UK's fourth most common cancer. It causes the second-highest number of deaths of any cancer, and cases are rising among younger people year-on-year. Around 17,700 people in the UK die from the disease every year, but, if it is caught early, people have a much better chance of survival. Screening saves lives. That is why we must expand the screening service in Northern Ireland.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

It is nice to see you, Mr Mooney.

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

On a point of order, Mr Speaker.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Hold on a minute. It is nice to see Mr Mooney here. He has been around for about 25 years, which is nearly as long as I have been here. We will miss your face, William. I do not normally mention such things, but we all know you so well.

[Applause.]

Thank you.

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

On a point of order, Mr Speaker. You have stolen my thunder somewhat, but, with your indulgence, I will take a few moments to recognise a lifetime of service to this institution, to our democracy and to MLAs by our senior usher Mr Billy Mooney. Billy has been here since the inception of the institutions and has treated every Member who has graced these corridors with respect and dignity.

I am a relatively new Member of the House, and Billy has ensured that I have acted appropriately and entered the Chamber when I am able to do so. Today marks his final day in service to the House and its Members, having first come here in 1998. I wish Billy many years of happy retirement and, on behalf of the whole House, thank him for his service to us and to our democracy.

Some Members

Hear, hear.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

I think that he is embarrassed by all this, but that is typical of the man.

Ministerial Statements

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

The Licensing and Registration of Clubs (Amendment) Act (Northern Ireland) 2021 places an onus on my Department to introduce legislation in Northern Ireland to set a minimum price for the sale or supply of intoxicating liquor and to prohibit its sale or supply below that price. If it has not been reasonably practicable for the legislation to be introduced, the 2021 Act requires me to make a statement to the Assembly on why it is not reasonably practicable so to do. The deadline for that is by the third anniversary of the Act coming into force: 6 April 2026. As the Assembly will be in recess for Easter, I make that statement today. I very much regret having to make the statement rather than introducing legislation on setting a minimum price, as envisioned in the 2021 Act and supported by the Assembly at that time.

All of us will know that alcohol use has long been an accepted part of our social life and culture. Perhaps, to some extent, we have become desensitised to the harm that it causes. To put it in context, each year in Northern Ireland, alcohol causes twice as many deaths as illicit drugs. Much of our current activity is inevitably focused on addressing the harms of alcohol use. The prevention of those harms is more challenging, however the evidence strongly points to pricing initiatives, particularly minimum unit pricing (MUP), as providing one of the most effective ways of reducing such harms. That is why MUP has been under discussion for a number of years and has been proposed by multiple Health Ministers.

My Department consulted on MUP in February 2022, and a summary of the responses was published in 2023. At the same time, updated independent modelling was commissioned to estimate the impact of MUP in Northern Ireland at a variety of price levels. Subsequently, I considered a full options paper, which set out a range of potential ways forward on using pricing mechanisms to reduce the harm that alcohol causes. The paper considered the consultation responses, the updated modelling and evidence and evaluations from around the world. From that very robust evidence base, I concluded that MUP, while not a panacea, would be an effective and targeted way to address the issue. I appeared before the Health Committee in October 2024 and again in February 2025, setting out my belief that we needed to progress legislation to introduce MUP. The Chief Medical Officer also gave evidence to the Health Committee as recently as January 2026, briefing members on the latest evidence and his professional public health position, supporting the introduction of minimum unit pricing.

Primary legislation had been provisionally scheduled for introduction in 2026-27. Unfortunately, however, despite my efforts to provide information and address any concerns, it has not been possible to secure Executive agreement. Sadly, we have now reached the point where legislation for MUP is no longer deliverable in this mandate. That will have an impact on many vulnerable and at-risk people in Northern Ireland.

The British Heart Foundation recently published a report estimating the burden of alcohol on Northern Ireland. That report estimated that 676 people die each year as a direct result of their alcohol consumption. Around half of those deaths are from alcohol-specific causes — those deaths are, by definition, caused by alcohol consumption. The remainder of the deaths are from conditions where alcohol is not the only cause but plays a contributory role. Alcohol-related liver disease is by far the single largest cause, accounting for 248 deaths a year, which is over a third of the total. The report illustrates the breadth of conditions where alcohol plays a direct role in increasing mortality rates, including injuries, seven different cancers and a range of cardiovascular conditions.

The report also shows that, each year, an estimated 7,426 hospital admissions are caused by alcohol consumption. Alcohol-specific causes make up the biggest group of admissions, accounting for over 50% of the total. Alcohol-attributable cancer admissions are the second-largest contributor, accounting for almost one in five admissions.

The report also records that the 25% of drinkers who exceed the UK Chief Medical Officer's guidelines account for 80% of all alcohol-related hospital admissions and 78% of all deaths caused by alcohol. Indeed, over half of all alcohol harms are concentrated among the 10% who drink at the highest levels, and the modelling and evaluations show that MUP targets those groups and highlights its benefits in addressing harm and reducing inequalities. That is why there is wide support for the measure across Northern Ireland. I was delighted to speak at the Northern Ireland Chest, Heart and Stroke MUP event at Parliament Buildings in November of last year. The event showed strong support for MUP across the public health sector, elected Members and the community and voluntary sectors. Their support has been amplified by the recent open letters from the Noncommunicable Disease Alliance and the Alcohol Health Alliance UK.

The evidence presented at the event clearly sets out that an MUP would reduce alcohol consumption and lead to fewer people being admitted to hospital and dying as a result of their drinking. For example, in Scotland, it is estimated that MUP has led to 120 fewer alcohol deaths every year. In addition, the event reinforced that the impacts of MUP are targeted, with the greatest benefits being seen among the heaviest drinkers and those living in poverty, meaning that a minimum unit price would help to reduce health inequalities. For example, while the impact depends on the level at which MUP is set, modelling estimates that a 65p MUP would reduce alcohol consumption by 8·5%, with the largest reduction coming from harmful drinkers and increasing-risk drinkers; increase spending by only 1·9% for moderate drinkers and 2·3% for increasing-risk drinkers but reduce spending for higher-risk drinkers; and lead to a reduction of 82 alcohol-related deaths a year and a reduction of 3,482 alcohol-related hospital admissions a year. It would reduce crime by an estimated 3,188 offences a year, reduce workforce absences by an estimated 58,910 days per annum and result in healthcare savings of £117·4 million over 20 years.

I have always been clear that MUP is not a silver bullet, but it is a proven, effective tool to reduce alcohol harm. It is also surrounded by misunderstandings, and it is important to address those. First, MUP is not a tax; it is simply a way of ensuring that the price of alcohol reflects its alcoholic strength and its potential harm. It will not affect the price of alcohol in the on-trade, which means pubs and clubs, nor will it impact on the price of products above the MUP. It does not target those on lower incomes; it is the heaviest drinkers who consume the cheapest alcohol and come to the most harm. That is consistent across alcohol types and for those in poverty and those not in poverty. Finally, there is no evidence that it causes people to shift to illicit alcohol or other drugs. It is also important to note that MUP is not focused on dependent drinkers. Dependent drinkers need timely access to high-quality treatment and support services. MUP targets the wider cohort of harmful and hazardous drinkers: those who drink above the UK Chief Medical Officer's guidelines but are not dependent. They are a significant population, and they come to harm; thus, MUP is a highly targeted measure.

Through our wider substance use strategy, I am working to deliver improvements to our alcohol treatment system to help all those who are affected by alcohol harm. That is essential with or without MUP. The evidence shows, however, that by cutting off the supply of cheap alcohol, MUP is likely to reduce the number of people who become dependent in the future and reduce demand on our already overloaded health and social care (HSC) system. In fact, there is also evidence that increasing alcohol prices delays the initiation of alcohol use, slows younger people's progression towards consuming larger amounts and reduces heavy episodic use of alcohol among them.

From my perspective, I feel that not introducing minimum unit pricing is a missed opportunity — an opportunity that would have allowed the Assembly to make a meaningful difference to reducing alcohol-related harms and inequalities across our region. Therefore, I reiterate my regret that I am making this statement today rather than introducing legislation.

Finally, while there is clearly insufficient time left to legislate in this mandate, even if there were Executive agreement, it is my fervent hope that an incoming Health Minister and Executive will be able to introduce legislation early in the next mandate to address this important public health issue. I commend the statement to the House.

Colin McGrath (Social Democratic and Labour Party, South Down)

Minister, it is highly regrettable that you are having to make this statement today despite the scientific evidence that supports minimum unit pricing and the moral argument that will undoubtedly be made by not introducing the legislation. You have said that you were unable to get Executive support for the legislation. Can you set out for us who it is who is opposing this at the Executive table, what scientific evidence they are bringing to the table to justify that, what moral evidence they are bringing for that cause and whether they have any suggested message for the dozens of families that will be impacted on by the death of a loved one because we are not introducing this now?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

The Member will know that the business of the Executive is confidential. However, I think that it is very much in the public domain that my party, the Ulster Unionists, supports minimum unit pricing. I think that it is in the public domain that Sinn Féin supports minimum unit pricing, that the Alliance Party supports minimum unit pricing and that the Social Democratic and Labour Party support minimum unit pricing.

The scientific and moral arguments have been made by me. I commend to Members, if they have not seen it yet, a report from the University of Sheffield that is specific to estimating the burden of alcohol on the health of Northern Ireland. I think that there is ample evidence to show that minimum unit pricing works. The Member will know that I have a passion for tackling health inequalities. The formula that we use is that it is 20% health, 40% socio-economic, 10% environment and 30% behaviours. Within that 30%, alcohol misuse is right up at the top of harm.

Philip McGuigan (Sinn Féin, North Antrim)

To put it on public record, Sinn Féin indeed supports the introduction of minimum unit pricing.

The Minister, in his statement and his answer, has outlined some of the scientific and medical advice, and we heard at the Committee the Chief Medical Officer give clear evidence of that. On the evidence on reducing alcohol consumption and a reduction in alcohol harm, Minister, do you share my frustration that, once again — you did not mention it, but I will — the DUP has opted to ignore the scientific evidence and health advice and that people's health outcomes will suffer as a result of this decision? Ultimately, as others have said, people will die alcohol-related deaths because the DUP is blocking this very important health legislation getting through the Executive.

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

As I referenced in passing in my opening remarks, several Health Ministers have tried to introduce minimum unit pricing. That includes at least two Ministers who were members of the Democratic Unionist Party, yet it appears that that did not find favour. As a matter of principle, I can understand why any single party in this Chamber might not support any particular specific piece of legislation, but I think that the right way to do it is to allow the legislation on to the Floor of the House and have the debate. If that party wins the debate, so be it, but let us be mature enough to have the debate in the Chamber and to have scrutiny in the statutory Committee.

Diane Dodds (DUP, Upper Bann)

Thank you, Minister, for the statement. I know that you will agree that preventing alcohol harm is part of a whole suite of measures and not just one measure. To be absolutely clear, it is 18 months since the independent review of tier-4 drugs and alcohol addiction services in Northern Ireland was published, and there is still a lack of targeted detox and rehab services for young people, women and their children. Will you outline, Minister, when you are going to address those situations?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

Mr Speaker, that is pure deflection.

Danny Donnelly (Alliance, East Antrim)

As the Minister said, the Alliance Party is strongly in favour of minimum unit pricing, and I know this to be a personal disappointment to the Minister today. It is a huge missed opportunity. Previous Health Ministers, including Jim Wells, supported minimum unit pricing and its benefits. The current Minister has said that minimum unit pricing was supported in the Assembly in 2021, and he supports its introduction, yet it is still being blocked. Does the failure to deliver minimum unit pricing not illustrate the wider problem of veto politics preventing evidence-based public health policy?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

As I said, in my opinion, the best way to express disagreement with any policy or legislation is to allow it on to the Floor of the House, make your case and try to win your argument. I regret that we are unable to do that. We will be going to the polls in just over a year's time. Think of the number of people who might still be alive if we had introduced minimum unit pricing.

Diana Armstrong (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

I thank the Minister for his statement. Minister, it is deeply regrettable that political arrogance and deadlock have overridden clinical and public health advice in this instance. Will the Minister confirm whether he made his most senior professional advisers available to meet the DUP to try to secure a way forward?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

The Chief Medical Officer, Professor Sir Michael McBride, has been at this much longer than I have and is at least as passionate as I am about the introduction of minimum unit pricing for alcohol. Yes, he was available to any MLA, and I believe that he actually had a meeting with the Democratic Unionist Party.

Linda Dillon (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Minister, in the Assembly yesterday, we debated a DUP motion on tackling waste and inefficiency in government. Given that a British Heart Foundation report found that, each year, an estimated 7,426 admissions to hospital are caused by alcohol consumption, will you agree that the DUP blocking minimum unit pricing will cost our health service dearly through those who have to be admitted to hospital, but, more importantly, as you outlined, it will cost families a loved one? It will cost families the person who may be the most important person in their home; the person who was bringing the money in. It also costs women and girls. We know that violence against women and girls is often —

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Minister.

Linda Dillon (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

— perpetrated by those with excess alcohol.

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

The whole concept of shifting left is to get from hospital to community, with a focus on prevention where possible and early intervention where necessary. Minimum unit pricing is entirely consistent with the shift left, taking the pressure off the hospitals — as the Member said, over 7,000 admissions — and saving lives.

Pam Cameron (DUP, South Antrim)

I thank the Minister for his statement. He referred to revised modelling by the University of Sheffield in 2023. At the heart of that study was an acknowledgement that the estimates were unlikely to reflect the impact of minimum unit pricing on people who are addicted to alcohol and that additional support would be needed for that group if the policy was pursued. Did the Minister follow that advice when bringing plans for minimum unit pricing to the Executive? If not, will he give a concrete commitment to expanding inpatient and residential rehabilitation services?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

Just for the record, the report from the University of Sheffield that I referred to was from September 2025. It was, indeed, 2023 research, but once again, like her colleague Mrs Dodds, the Member is choosing to go for the other half of the equation, which is about what we do to support drinkers who are in need of support. This debate is about minimum unit pricing.

Órlaithí Flynn (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

I thank the Minister for his statement. The word "regrettable" has been used a number of times by a number of representatives. I am going to use the word "disgrace". It is a disgrace that this piece of proposed legislation has been blocked. It has continued to be blocked at the Executive by the DUP. We have the opportunity and potential to save people's lives. People continue to die because of alcohol, year-on-year. Since 2014, there has been an 80% increase in the number of deaths due to alcohol. It rose to 397 in 2024. We now have an opportunity to change that and save lives. Minister, do you share my disbelief and frustration that the DUP would block this legislation, which gives us the opportunity to save lives?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I believe very firmly that the legislation would have a significant impact on the 30% of behaviours that are part of the formula for tackling health inequalities. I am not in the business of trying to censor a Member's expressing himself or herself with their own language in their reaction to the position that we find ourselves in.

Diane Forsythe (DUP, South Down)

The Minister's statement referenced Public Health Scotland's assessment of the impact of the policy in Scotland, including headline estimates about a reduction in alcohol-related deaths and admissions. However, despite a minimum unit price being introduced in 2018, the National Records of Scotland reported in 2024 that the number of alcohol-specific deaths in Scotland was at its highest level since 2008. Minister, how do you square that circle?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

As part of the introduction of minimum unit pricing for alcohol in Scotland, a five-year evaluation of the impact of MUP was commissioned to inform future decisions by the Scottish Government. The evaluation sets out strong evidence that MUP reduced deaths directly caused by alcohol consumption in Scotland, compared with what would have happened in the absence of MUP. The overall reduction was driven by reductions in deaths due to chronic causes. A chronic condition or cause is one that develops slowly and may worsen over time, such as alcoholic liver disease.

While the Scottish evaluation also concludes that MUP may be associated with relative increases in deaths due to acute conditions, an acute alcohol-attributable condition is one that is likely to be associated with an episode of excessive alcohol consumption, such as alcohol intoxication. There was considerable uncertainty around that finding, which was not statistically significant.

Brian Kingston (DUP, Belfast North)

I thank the Minister for his answers so far. Further to the previous question, I refer you, Minister, to an evaluation by Public Health Scotland in 2023, which found "no consistent evidence" of any impact from MUP on:

"ambulance callouts, emergency department attendances and prescribing of medication for alcohol dependence."

Does the Minister believe that those trends should be ignored when considering the long-term effectiveness of minimum unit pricing?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

Scotland's evidence shows a reduction in wholly alcohol-attributable hospital admissions due to chronic causes. There is also strong and consistent evidence of a reduction in alcohol consumption. Total alcohol sales reduced by 3%, which was driven entirely by a reduction in sales through the off-trade; in other words, supermarkets and shops. The households that purchased the most alcohol prior to MUP also reduced their purchasing the most after implementation.

While Ireland has not yet completed a full evaluation, Alcohol Action Ireland has concluded that there are promising early results, including a 5% drop in consumption in 2022, compared with the pre-pandemic level.

All the evidence that I have seen is heavily weighted towards the positive impact of the minimum unit price of alcohol.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Minister, it is genuinely shocking to see the DUP's deflecting attention away from its brazen and shameless blocking of the proposal. Truly, the party of Paisley has become the party of Farage, putting particularly vulnerable and alcohol-dependent people's lives at risk. Minister, have you exhausted all the possibilities of clearing the proposal through the Executive? Specifically, have you used the so-called three-Minister rule in order to force it on to the agenda, or has it been on the agenda and then been blocked by the DUP? I understand that there are limitations on what you can say, but it would be helpful if you could indicate whether all options have been exhausted.

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I believe that I have exhausted all the appropriate options. Perhaps I was naive: I felt that this was, to use the common parlance, a no-brainer, and I was very surprised to find that it did not simply pass on the nod through the Executive. I then took whatever actions I thought were appropriate. A number of papers were presented to Executive colleagues.

The Chief Medical Officer was more than happy to engage, because, as I said, he is at least as passionate as I am about the issue and has been campaigning on it for much longer.

The Member referred to "Paisley versus Farage": some people have said to me, "The party of the devil's buttermilk now refuses to support minimum unit pricing. Who knew?".

Harry Harvey (DUP, Strangford)

How many alcohol-dependent people get prescriptions for alcohol? What is the maximum weekly limit on the value of such prescriptions?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I have no idea.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

Will the Minister detail how much public money has been spent to date on developing the minimum unit pricing of alcohol in Northern Ireland, given that the 2021 Act created a legal duty to introduce legislation, which, five years later, the Executive have again failed to deliver?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I assure the Member that I will ask officials that question. It is not something on which I have been particularly focused; my focus has been on trying to get agreement at the Executive table to introduce the legislation.

Alan Chambers (UUP, North Down)

At a time when the Assembly and the Executive have been widely ridiculed for failing to produce legislation, does the Minister agree that, regardless of any party's position on MUP, it is a gross abuse of political power for one party to single-handedly veto legislation that would undoubtedly have changed and saved many lives by preventing it from even coming to the Chamber for debate and scrutiny? Has the Minister heard one compelling argument from the Democratic Unionist Party as to why the legislation should not proceed?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I have tried to ascertain why some people may not be in favour of the introduction of minimum unit pricing. I have not heard an argument that I find convincing and compelling. As for the Member's other point, I have already stated my view that the best way in which to express opposition to proposed legislation or policy is allow it to come to the Floor of the House for debate. Often in the House, we debate with the objective of victory for our side, but, sometimes, the purpose of debate is to make progress. This would have been progress.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

My family and my community have been deeply affected by alcoholism. I am well aware of its dangers but remain unconvinced that this is the best way of dealing with it.

Minister, will you confirm that, with minimum unit pricing, any money raised would not have gone into the health service or to the state but would have stayed in supermarkets' bank accounts? Will you also confirm that, if minimum unit pricing were to be introduced, it would affect drinks such as cider, vodka and other spirits but leave untouched champagne and other high-value drinks?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

The purpose is certainly to target cheap white ciders and cheap beers. I am told that our supermarkets sell small bottles of water that are more expensive than tins of beer. When it comes to impact, I know that some people felt that minimum unit pricing would affect their local pub, but that is absolutely not the case. If, for example, we were to set a minimum unit price of 65p, a pub could not sell a pint of plain for less than £1·30. If the Member can show me a pub selling Guinness for £1·30, I will look forward to recess.

Nuala McAllister (Alliance, Belfast North)

I thank the Minister for his statement. I was going to say that the DUP follows evidence when it suits it, but we and the public are well aware that the DUP does not follow evidence to inform policy.

It is really important to listen to the voices of people affected. As someone whose grandfather had an alcohol addiction and eventually succumbed to the disease in hospital, I saw at first hand what alcohol can do to a person's mind, body and family. In all likelihood, more than the estimated £117·4 million could be saved. How many lives could be saved by using that money for other preventative measures or to tackle other diseases, such as cancer?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

The Member is aware that the worst moment of my tenure — my 21 or 22 months as Minister — came last September, when I had to say that we could not introduce the real living wage as promised. Mrs Dodds made the point, with which I very much agree, that, if we can find £5 million of savings somewhere, we could introduce 24/7 stroke thrombectomy services, which would impact on around 160 lives per annum — people who suffer permanent damage from a stroke because it happens to occur outside the opening hours of the existing thrombectomy service. Yes, whether or not £117 million is a low estimate, I could very quickly draw up for you a list of services and benefits that would spread across the Health and Social Care system.

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

I thank the Minister for his statement. We are joined in the Public Gallery by the brilliant students from St Clement's College in Limerick city. What a wonderful item of business for them to observe; I am sure that they have opinions on it.

The legislation does not impact on the price of alcohol in pubs, bars, restaurants and hotels; it is aimed only at the cheap, nasty stuff that is so destructive. The SDLP is strongly supportive of minimum unit pricing.

Minister, is it not a damning indictment of the Executive that yet another piece of important, promised legislation has fallen by the wayside?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I repeat that it is a matter of regret for me. I join the Member in welcoming the students from St Clement's, who live in a jurisdiction on the island where there is minimum unit pricing on alcohol, and that is good for people's health.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

That concludes questions to the Minister of Health.

I remind Members that, if they are not in the Chamber for all of the statement, they will be called last. That has been the practice in the Assembly for many years.

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I will make a statement on my visit last week to the United States. My goal was a simple one: to highlight the remarkable connection that exists between Northern Ireland and the United States and, in doing so, to bring benefit to our people. This year, we have a unique opportunity to do just that. The 250th anniversary of the signing of the Declaration of Independence represents not only a milestone for our American friends but a chance for us to shine a light on our shared history; our enduring cultural connections; and the immense contributions made by people from this part of the world to the founding and shaping of the United States.

I believe that relationships develop and grow because of commonalities: the connections that we share; the traits and attributes that define us; and the ties that bind us together. For us, those ties run deep and reach back hundreds of years. They are woven through the stories of 250,000 resilient Ulster Scots who, in the 18th century, left our familiar shores with little more than their determination, drive and Christian faith. As a result, the Ulster-Scots legacy in America is vast and deep. More than 25 million Americans today identify as being Scots Irish or of Ulster-Scots descent. Their forebears brought with them values of hard work, independence, faith and a fierce commitment to liberty. As America marks that historic anniversary, it is essential that we tell our story proudly and with purpose in order to strengthen tourism, cultural exchange and economic ties.

My visit began in Savannah, Georgia, a city with particularly strong historical links to early Ulster-Scots settlers. From the 1730s, many from Ulster arrived in the region, helping to establish settlements such as Queensborough and contributing significantly to the agricultural, religious and community life of colonial Georgia. At Georgia Southern University, I presented a copy of the 'News Letter' from the 18th century that highlighted the passenger ships that were sailing from Belfast and Larne to Savannah. I spoke about the impact of Ulster settlers on that community and encouraged people there to think of their own ancestry and the opportunity to explore more by visiting Northern Ireland, particularly the Public Record Office of Northern Ireland (PRONI). I also welcomed the opportunity to meet local congressman Buddy Carter to again emphasise the role of people from Ulster. We discussed how our shared heritage continues to foster goodwill and mutual understanding between our peoples, and how events, exhibitions and storytelling can bring more visitors from the American south to experience Northern Ireland's landscapes, festivals and rich culture.

From Georgia, I travelled to Washington DC for a series of events, including at the UK embassy, the US Capitol and the White House. At this time of year, Northern Ireland enjoys unparalleled access to senior US political and business leaders. It was right that we engaged and took the opportunity to turn up, stand up and speak up for Northern Ireland. Each of those occasions allowed me, alongside the deputy First Minister, to speak about investment opportunities and the unique appeal of our region as a destination for heritage tourism rooted in transatlantic stories.

A particularly moving part of the visit was our time at Arlington National Cemetery. There, I laid a wreath at the grave of Field Marshal Sir John Greer Dill, the distinguished Lurgan-born military leader who served as chief of the British joint staff mission in Washington during the Second World War. His close collaboration with American counterparts, including General George Marshall, helped forge and sustain the Anglo-American alliance at one of its most critical moments. Standing in that place of solemn remembrance surrounded by the graves of so many who served freedom, it was a powerful reminder of the sacrifices made across generations and the unbreakable bonds that tie our nations together.

On Wednesday evening, I was privileged to co-host a special reception with the America250 commission on Capitol Hill. Over 250 distinguished guests attended, including senior politicians from both sides of the House and Senate, business leaders, cultural figures and representatives of the diaspora. Among them was former Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi, other commissioners and key influencers. The event overlooked the Houses of Congress, which provided a fitting backdrop against which to celebrate the Ulster-American connection.

In my speech that evening, I outlined the extraordinary role played by early Ulster Scots in the birth of the United States. I highlighted figures such as John Dunlap, born in Strabane, County Tyrone, who, as the official printer to the Continental Congress, worked through the night of 4 July 1776 to produce the first broadside copies of the Declaration of Independence, which were distributed far and wide. I also spoke of Charles Thomson, born near Gorteade, Upperlands, County Londonderry, who served as secretary to the Continental Congress for 15 years. Thomson's hands certified the document. His name appears alongside that of John Hancock on the original printed declaration, and he personally delivered the news to George Washington that Congress had chosen him as the nation's first president.

The reception was not just about looking back; it was about looking forward. During the event, I said:

"Over 250 years ago, America provided opportunities for people from Ulster. Tonight, we say to our friends in America: Northern Ireland is a place of opportunity for you. We offer a friendly welcome, stunning scenery, an opportunity to discover your heritage, and a much easier journey than the one your ancestors endured! Come and discover your roots. Come and invest in a place of innovation, creativity, and peace. Come and strengthen the bonds of kinship that have already shaped two great nations."

That was my message to those who were in the room that night. It was also the message that I shared throughout the week to US media organisations, including to eight million people in the New York media market, which carried a promotional feature on my work in this area live during the St Patrick’s Day parade coverage. That is real standout and promotion for Northern Ireland. It demonstrates that turning up can make a difference.

That is not all. Today, I am pleased to announce that, building on the excellent cooperation with institutions such as the Library of Congress, I have secured the loan of key historical records for display in Northern Ireland. They include an original printed Declaration of Independence and a letter from Charles Thomson, as well as other historical documents relating to Northern Ireland. The documents will allow our citizens, schoolchildren and visitors to see tangible evidence of how intertwined our histories have been for over two and a half centuries. That will form part of a broader programme of commemorative activities this year supported by funding that I have allocated for local projects that highlight Ulster-Scots and shared contributions to American independence.

I am particularly looking forward to a major new exhibition this autumn, to be hosted by the Public Record Office of Northern Ireland (PRONI), showcasing original historical documents, including those on loan from US institutions. The US audience is a core constituency for PRONI, and these developments will help drive footfall for roots tourism and enable closer collaborative working with the US National Archives and the Library of Congress.

The visit has reinforced my conviction that relationships matter. Personal connections, shared stories and mutual respect build trust, open doors and create opportunities that last. In an increasingly global world, Northern Ireland must never miss a chance to tell our story — a story of resilience, creativity, innovation and deep historical links. By celebrating the Ulster Scots' role in America's founding, we not only honour our forebears but position Northern Ireland as a compelling destination for heritage tourism, a welcoming place for investment and a partner of choice for cultural and economic collaboration.

The ties between Ulster and America have never been stronger. As the US moves into the heart of the America250 celebration, let us seize the moment to showcase what makes Northern Ireland special: our people, our history and our bright future. I commend the statement to the Assembly.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

A lot of Members want to ask questions, so, Members, I ask you to be succinct in asking your questions and you, Minister, to be succinct in your responses.

Mark Durkan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

The Minister's musings sound like a travelogue, but I suppose that mimicking Bill Bryson is an improvement on mimicking Jamie Bryson. Yesterday, the DUP was outraged about the waste of public money and so-called vanity projects. To date, almost half a million pounds has been allocated to celebrate the 250th anniversary of the liberation of America from the shackles of the British Empire. How much did this trip cost? When people cannot afford to heat their homes — thanks to Donald Trump — does the Minister really believe that this was a good use of money and time?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

The difference between me and Mr Durkan is that I do not believe that it is a waste of money to promote Northern Ireland. I do not believe that it is a waste of money to get standout for Northern Ireland, to promote the historical ties and to say to people, "Come on over to Northern Ireland". How short-sighted is the Member? He would rather that we stayed at home and put our heads in the sand and did not do the work that needs to be done. I do not have a final cost for the trip yet, but I will be more than happy to get it out there. I have not been behind in highlighting what it was before, because I know the value of the work that we are doing and the benefit that will come with it. Eight million people in the New York media market were able to see the coverage on NBC during the St Patrick's Day parade, and I have announced other initiatives today. I make no apology for Northern Ireland, because, unlike the Member, I want this place to work, and I will continue to promote it.

Colm Gildernew (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

Minister, people in our communities are struggling and worried about how they are going to heat their homes, and, at this point, you have £17 million to allocate to that. In the context of having only £17 million for that purpose, will you clarify the total budget for US250 activities, including the projects and events that you have mentioned today?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I have been doing the work on ensuring that we get support out to people. I could do that when I was in the US, because, unlike others, I do not pass it off to other people. I will stand up and do my part —

Pat Sheehan (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

Your job.

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

— to help people who are struggling in Northern Ireland. As Mr Sheehan rightly said, yes, I am doing my job. That is exactly what I am doing; I thank him for acknowledging that. I have the broadest portfolio and responsibilities of any Minister, and I am happy to take on the work of other Departments if they are not willing to stand up and promote Northern Ireland, or to ensure that we get support to those who need it. That work has gone on. I have a number of options on how we can help, but, first, I will need to get that money allocated to my Department. That takes an Executive agreement, not just a proclamation from the Finance Minister or any other Minister. I am working on those things. We will bring forward options.

I can do all aspects of my job at the same time. Promoting Northern Ireland is an important element of that, and I will continue to do it.

Pam Cameron (DUP, South Antrim)

I very much welcome the Minister's statement to the House this morning. It is good to hear about the contacts, the engagement and the positive message that he took to the US, as well as about the deliverables. Minister, what would you have achieved if you had just stayed at home?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I would have achieved absolutely nothing, which is what Members on the other side of the House have achieved. Look at what we have been able to do since we started the engagement with the America250 commission. That is an initiative that we took on because we recognised the opportunity for Northern Ireland to get that standout, because nobody contributed to the early foundation of the United States as much as people from Northern Ireland did. Their influence can be seen not just in those who were elected to the White House and to Congress but in the lives of all the people who left here and contributed so much. That is worth doing and worth promoting, and the very negative attitude of others across the House speaks volumes.

Kellie Armstrong (Alliance, Strangford)

Thank you, Minister. I do not know whether you are aware, but my degree was in history, so it is very important to me that we tell our story, and I am very excited about the exhibition that is coming up in PRONI. However, that story must be honest, and I have to say, Minister, that I am quite disappointed that you mentioned Charles Thomson alongside John Dunlap, a well-known slave owner and slave trader who used his printing presses to print newspapers to sell people in. Will you ensure that the PRONI exhibition is completely honest and tells the full story of some of our ancestors' shameful backgrounds?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Yes, it will tell the full story. In fact, one of the pieces of information that we will share will be letters from Ulster Presbyterians who were some of the first to speak out against slavery. I am more than happy to ensure that we tell the full story. We have to understand all of that and understand the impact that people from Northern Ireland had. There is a positive story to be told, and all of that will be on display.

Alan Chambers (UUP, North Down)

Will the Minister agree that we are pushing at open doors in the USA when we are from Northern Ireland and speak with an accent that our American cousins seem to love to hear? Will he also agree that you need to cross the pond to push those open doors and that every penny spent is a penny well spent on behalf of the future economy of Northern Ireland?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I was speaking to some US political lobbyists when I was in America, and they could not believe the access that we get. It can be hard to get a meeting with a senator or a congressman. We had multiple people coming to multiple events that we hosted. That is important access. I have already continued to engage with some of those representatives, and I look forward to having them over here in Northern Ireland. Some have already accepted an invitation to come. That has been going out on their own social media channels as well. It is about promoting Northern Ireland; we get access, and I wanted to make sure that we took full advantage of that. We get that week, and it is time to use that and build on it so that we can benefit Northern Ireland and get more people here.

Look at the some of the largest employers in our constituencies. Take Foyle as an example. A lot of the major employers there are US companies or have US roots. Those jobs were developed over years by engaging and ensuring that those relationships were developed. It is important that we continue to do that, and I will continue to do it.

[Interruption.]

Cathy Mason (Sinn Féin, South Down)

Minister, you have now taken a number of trips to America during the US250 project. Do you realise that, while you are jetting back and forth to America, rubbing shoulders with warmongers and promoting your pet projects, people here are sitting at home in the cold, are afraid to turn on their radiators and are cutting back on very basic car journeys? Families here are struggling right now, and they will be concerned that you cannot tell us the cost of these projects today. You seem to want a pat on the back for doing your job. When will those people see the support that they need?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

First, I do not need a pat on the back from the Member at all; that is what I have Phillip Brett for.

[Laughter.]

However, I can say this: last week, even though I was in the United States, I continued doing my job. I engaged with my officials and put options together, and I will present options to the Executive. However, I will also require support from Executive colleagues. I am answering —

[Interruption.]

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Order, Members.

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I am answering the question, but they do not like the answer. I am saying that we are looking at options, because none of that is straightforward. There is no easy way. I know that I digress, Mr Speaker, but none of those options is an easy way in which to get money out to people. That is the very reason that Sinn Féin Ministers batted it over to me; they were unable to do it themselves. They said, "We will just give that to the Communities Minister", because I have been successful in the past in getting support out to people who need it. Therefore, I will play my part and find those options. For me, the important thing is that we give money to people who need it. We have mechanisms by which we can get the money out to those who are —.

Pat Sheehan (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

What is keeping you?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

If you would listen to the answer, you might learn something.

Pat Sheehan (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

Stop waffling —.

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

You might learn something.

I do not want that money to go out just to people who are in receipt of benefits, because there are many struggling people out there who are not in receipt of benefits but are the working poor. They need that support. Those are the options that we are considering. That is not what the statement is about, but I am more than happy to answer those questions because I can look after all the different responsibilities in my Department. Unlike others, I will not pass that on to others just because it is difficult.

Keith Buchanan (DUP, Mid Ulster)

Minister, I welcome the work that you are doing here and in the USA. Some people are very animated today about the USA. It was not that long ago that they were mad to get over there to secure arms and bring them back here, but we will leave that there.

Is it possible that the Charles Thomson documents will come back to the people of Upperlands, so that young people and historians can see them in the flesh?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Of course, I would love to see those documents come to Mid Ulster, but, in the first instance, let us get them to Northern Ireland and ensure that we have the appropriate place for them to go. There is work to be done to ensure that we can display them in the right way and in accordance with the sensitivities of their age etc. It is an opportunity for people to see a little bit of that history, and it is also another hook to bring people to Northern Ireland. That is what is important. We talk about the challenges that we face when it comes to heating and all the economic pressures. Getting more tourists into Northern Ireland, and getting them to spend more money in Northern Ireland, is a good thing. That helps our economy overall. Therefore, people should welcome that work, rather than complain about it.

Sian Mulholland (Alliance, North Antrim)

Thank you for your statement, Minister. Given that your Department has not yet opened the public consultation on the culture, arts and heritage strategy, how can you explain the substantial funding that has already been allocated to US250 — one single heritage and culture initiative stream — when the public has not had the opportunity to give its views or shape the overarching policy that should guide such spending? How will that impact on our culture and heritage organisations and sectors here in Northern Ireland?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

The Member tells me frequently about the need to invest more in culture, arts and heritage. That is exactly what I am doing. We are seeing investment through that work. That should be recognised. This is a unique year; it is the 250th anniversary year. It is a unique opportunity for us to piggyback on to that so that we can get benefit for Northern Ireland. Those funds are going arts, culture and heritage projects. I hope that that will be welcomed and that people can see the benefit that comes from it.

Maolíosa McHugh (Sinn Féin, West Tyrone)

There is no doubt whatsoever about the enormous contribution that the Irish people have made to America over the past 250 years. It is only when you are in attendance in the likes of New York on St Patrick's Day — as I was, at my own expense — that you thoroughly appreciate the full extent and power of the Irish in America. However, we know that their positive contribution is not the whole story. When we talk about America250, will we also look at the negative aspects of the impact that many of our people made? I am thinking in particular of President Andrew Jackson, whose father was from Carrickfergus. He was the president who was responsible for what is known in American history as the "Trail of Tears", when the indigenous people were removed from their homes and transported to the other side of America. Thousands of them lost their lives. Will it embrace all of that part of the history, too, Minister?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Unlike the Member, I will not cherry-pick history or try to rewrite it. Rather, I will look at it in its entirety. Of course we are prepared to tell all those stories, but I make no apology for trying to be positive about Northern Ireland and the contributions that its people have made to the United States. The history is something —

Pat Sheehan (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

There was no place called Northern Ireland at that time.

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

— that we will tell in full.

If Mr Sheehan wants to ask a question, perhaps he can rise in his place and do so instead of interrupting. We know from where the frustration comes on the other side of the House. Those Members do not like Northern Ireland to standout. They do not like to see Northern Ireland being promoted, but I make no apology for doing just that.

Some Members

Hear, hear.

Brian Kingston (DUP, Belfast North)

I commend the Minister for building on the strength of the historic contribution of Ulstermen and Ulsterwomen to the development of the United States of America and for winning benefits for us from that. Does the Minister agree that there is a stark difference between the performance of the First Minister and that of the deputy First Minister? One talks about being "First Minister for all", while the other does the work to represent the interests of the people of Northern Ireland.

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Mr Kingston is absolutely right. Emma Little-Pengelly was a force out in the United States. She was unstoppable. She went from event to event to event, promoting and highlighting Northern Ireland. We should all be doing that, and we should all expect that from our leaders, but one was found wanting. Emma Little-Pengelly did her job, and she should be congratulated for that.

Ciara Ferguson (Sinn Féin, Foyle)

Minister, the Irish people undoubtedly made a significant contribution to America and its struggle for freedom from English rule, particularly during the American War of Independence. Will America250 tell the entirety of that Irish contribution, or is it your intention to confine America250 to a narrow, political and single-community approach to those historic events?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I am happy to promote the contribution of anybody from here to the events of 250 years ago. The Member has to recognise, however, that it was overwhelmingly Ulster-Scots settlers — predominantly Presbyterians — who left these shores in the 17th century. It was their values that led to the work that they did and to the establishment of the United States. I am happy to use any connections or hooks that we have to promote Northern Ireland. This is a special year, given the 250th anniversary. The Ulster Scots and Scots Irish were the ones who played a significant role, so I am using that to the benefit of people here.

Diane Forsythe (DUP, South Down)

I thank the Minister for his work in America to promote those historical links. I very much value the history, unlike other parties in the Chamber, which are determined to rewrite all aspects of history. Minister, your work in the area has been described by some Members as "sectarian" and a "vanity project". How do you respond to that?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Those comments demonstrate that they do not understand what they are talking about, because the programme brings benefit to everybody in Northern Ireland. It is not about me. It is no personal project of mine. Rather, it is something that I am trying to do for the benefit of everybody here. Let us remember that, until recent years, other Members had carried out such work. In the past, Sinn Féin and SDLP Ministers recognised the importance of engaging with the US to try to get more tourism and investment for Northern Ireland.

We have a unique opportunity this year because of the 250th anniversary of the signing of the Declaration of Independence and the unique contribution made by those from what is now Northern Ireland. Why would we not use that? It is very disappointing to see such words being used to describe projects that have had such strong support from people across Northern Ireland from all communities, because people applied to the fund, and it was oversubscribed. Tourism Ireland is taking that work forward, as is National Museums NI. The universities see the value in it. It seems that the only people who do not see the value in it are those in the parties opposite.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

I call Pat Sheehan.

Some Members

Hear, hear.

Pat Sheehan (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

Go raibh maith agat, a Cheann Comhairle.

[Translation: Thank you, Mr Speaker.]

Our people are under real financial pressure as a result of the illegal war that was started by a rapist and wanted war criminal.

Does the Minister now regret wasting £5,000 on a genealogy report on JD Vance's Ulster-Scots ancestry, which proved that there are no links whatsoever?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

That is not true at all. It did not prove that. It is very important that the Member gets his facts right when he stands up. If he got his facts right, it would show that there is a first time for everything, because he consistently gets up in this place and does not have a clue what he is talking about. I know that he loves the sound of his own voice, so that brings him the comfort that he needs.

It is important to do that research work to explore the connections. I appeal to the Member: get over your hostility; get over your bitterness about what we are trying to do, and embrace the contribution of the Ulster Scots. The Member has nothing to fear from Ulster Scots: it is for everybody; embrace it and understand it. I would be more than happy to sit down with the Member and take him through the contributions that were made. I would be more than happy to educate the Member so that he has a better knowledge of the contribution that people from here made. I would teach him some of those historical facts. I would let him know about the Presbyterian values that were so important to those who left here and went across the pond. Maybe he would learn something. That invitation is open to the Member for West Belfast.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

Towns and villages across Northern Ireland have long and proud historical links with the United States. Many will mark the semiquincentennial signing of the Declaration of Independence this July. Minister, will you outline to the House what your Department is doing to recognise and strengthen those connections and, in particular, to support the development of a trail between communities in North Antrim, such as Dervock and Cullybackey, and those in other parts of Northern Ireland, such as Coagh in Mid Ulster and Carrickfergus in East Antrim? Will you outline what plans you have to create a lasting trail between those towns and villages?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

It is really important that we create a lasting legacy from this work. I want to get a benefit from it not just this year but in the years ahead. That is why I have had conversations with our tourism promotion agencies and others to see what we can do in the longer term.

The Member mentioned Dervock and Cullybackey. William McKinley's ancestors are from Dervock; Chester A Arthur's ancestors are from Cullybackey; and the place where Andrew Jackson's father and brother were born is in Carrickfergus in my constituency. We all have different views on the presidencies of those who have served in the Oval Office, but the connections that exist are a draw and should be highlighted. I am more than happy to engage further with the Member on the matter. I am very keen to see what we can do to make sure that we get a lasting legacy. One of the biggest opportunities for that is in tourism.

Emma Sheerin (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Many people who fled from this island to America played a significant role in the American struggle for independence from British rule at the time and, in turn, influenced the foundation of modern Irish republicanism, as personified by Theobald Wolfe Tone. Is America250 telling the story of how the American War of Independence inspired the 1798 rebellion, and of the role that Ulster Presbyterians played in that rebellion against British rule here in Ireland?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

We look forward to telling all those stories. It will be up to the organisations that have applied for funding to tell those stories as well. It is funny that a few people have pointed out an apparent irony that, I, as a unionist, am promoting the work of those who contributed to the signing of the Declaration of Independence. Let me be clear: I am deeply proud of those who left here and contributed to the founding of a country. There is a significant difference between Northern Ireland in the 21st century and the American colonies of the 18th century. We are not an overseas possession. Although the Member will not like to hear this —

Emma Sheerin (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

We were all colonies at that time. We were all colonised.

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Northern Ireland —.

Emma Sheerin (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

The USA was a colony of the Brits at that time.

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

She has been very loud in the Chamber over the past few days, but it is OK. Let me take this opportunity to explain. We are not a colony; we are part of the United Kingdom.

Some Members

Hear, hear.

Emma Sheerin (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

The USA was colonised at that time. We all were.

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

We have —.

Emma Sheerin (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Do you need us to explain it to you?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

No. Please be assured that if I need any history explained to me, Emma Sheerin is absolutely the last person whom I would go to for an explanation. Does she want to know the difference? We are a part of the United Kingdom. We have elected representatives whom we send to Parliament. Our constitutional position is protected by the principle of consent, and we are a voluntary political union of nations, which is very different from that which existed in the 18th century in America. In fact, many of the grievances that those in the United States had at that time are grievances that we would all share now. There were grievances that have been sorted out by legislation and by custom and practice. If the Member were to read the Declaration of Independence, she would recognise that some of the concerns that were expressed were about the King not granting Royal Assent to documents. That does not happen any more. There were multiple Representation of the People Acts, which, again, went some way towards dealing with some of the issues that existed at that time. If it gives her some comfort, that is fine, go ahead, but Northern Ireland, despite the efforts of Mr Sheehan and others, is part of the United Kingdom.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

Remembering the defeat and the end of empires is an important thing historically but also in a contemporary sense. As others have said, however, accuracy is key, including telling the story of the genocide against Native Americans, the transatlantic slave trade and the role of people from here who were connected to that. Minister, you may or may not be aware that the Organization of American Historians has been very critical of Trump's America250 programme. Do you have any comment to make on that, and can you detail which historians, who work on the US but are based in the North, you have been in communication with about organising America250 events here? It is important to remember the anniversary, but it must be historically accurate and cannot simply be based on Trump's wishes.

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

The America250 commission is an independent bipartisan commission that is not under President Trump's direction or control, and neither are we under the direction or control of the America250 commission. It is up to us to put on our own programmes, because we are here to highlight the connections that exist between Ulster and what is now Northern Ireland and the United States, and we make no apology for doing that.

Aoife Finnegan (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

Minister, you and the Taoiseach recently referenced the number of US presidents of Irish ancestry, which is something that we are all very happy to promote. What North/South engagement with the rest of the island, including the other three counties of Ulster, is being supported by America250 to explore their historical contribution to America?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I discussed that matter when I was in Savannah, Georgia with Patrick O'Donovan, my counterpart in the Irish Government. We should absolutely take advantage of those opportunities to work together, if it helps us to tell that story. That is certainly what we will be doing through our tourism promotion agencies. I am delighted that Tourism Ireland was at the event that I hosted on Capitol Hill and is promoting America250 because it recognises the value of the initiative and sees it as a way of attracting people to the island of Ireland, but to Northern Ireland in particular. That is something that I welcome.

I noted that, in his remarks, the Taoiseach mentioned John Dunlap and Charles Thomson, who were from County Londonderry and County Tyrone and were very much Ulster people. I will continue to promote that.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Minister, I agree with you that those links are good for tourism. They have been great for your tourism, because you have had literally thousands of pounds worth of free holidays on this subject. Minister, I have said consistently to you in the Chamber that I support celebrating the role of Ulster-Scots and Scots-Irish people in America. However, you have undermined that case today by coming here to troll and invite a reaction. You did that deliberately, and that is clear from your reactions and those of your colleagues.

I will ask you a specific question. Since you lauded the access that you had in Washington, did you or any of your colleagues raise with President Donald Trump the consequences for your constituents and the people whom you serve as Communities Minister — the vulnerable, the elderly and people in fuel poverty — as a result of the impact of the war that he has started in Iran? Did you use your access to raise that vital subject?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Here we go again. He cannot get over Donald Trump. He is obsessed with mentioning this issue. As I have said —

[Interruption.]

As I have said time and again, this is not about any one president. Rather, it is about building relationships, regardless of who is in the White House. When I was the Economy Minister, I engaged with the Biden Administration, and I have done the same with the Trump Administration. As I have set out, my goal was clear: to highlight the connections that exist between this place and the United States, and that is what I did.

Of course we mentioned the war in Iran when I was engaging with others in the US Administration and in Congress. It was a topic of conversation. Ultimately, however, I will do what I am in control of, which is promoting Northern Ireland.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

The Minister's recent trip to the United States stands in stark contrast to that of the Sinn Féin Economy Minister last year, which resulted in 300 highly paid jobs being lost. I therefore congratulate the Minister on a successful engagement with the US Administration, and the 250 commission in particular. I argue that this Minister has done more than any since 1998 to promote the story and contribution of the Ulster-Scots people, of which we all in the House can be rightly proud. In light of that engagement around 250, there will be a real point of legacy and education. Will the Minister look at ways in which we can promote the legacy of the Ulster-Scots people through an education piece and perhaps through shared interest between the United States and Northern Ireland?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Yes, absolutely. I am proud to have been the Minister who has done so much to promote the contribution of the Scots Irish and the Ulster Scots. That story was not well known, but, at the event that I hosted on Capitol Hill, we had numerous senators, congressmen and congresswomen who were talking about it. That promotes interest in Northern Ireland, which can only be a good thing, and I welcome it. However, if it is to have a real legacy, it cannot just be about one year. We need to keep telling the story and making the contribution. I have therefore engaged with the America250 commission about legacy projects to see how we can ensure that the close connections that have been developed can continue. That will look at the possibility of more cultural exchanges, through which we can support our young people to go over there to learn and then come back, and other links that can be explored. It is important that we get real benefit out of this. I see it primarily as getting an advantage in heritage tourism, such as the work that we are doing through the Public Record Office, but there are many other things that we can do to keep those connections, and that can only be good for Northern Ireland through jobs and investment as well.

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

I thank the Minister for his statement. There were, of course, eight signatories from the island of Ireland to the US Declaration of Independence. Given the all-island dimension of the US's break from the shackles of the British Empire, has the Minister thought about President Trump's advice and considered a merger?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I thought that it was funny when President Trump cracked that joke, but not as funny as the reaction to it. It has perhaps been a comfort blanket for some on the other side of the House. The Member asked me whether I had considered a merger. I do not know whether he means a merger between the UK and the Republic of Ireland — we could certainly consider that — but, if he is talking about a merger between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, I can assure him that I have no intention whatsoever of exploring that one further.

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

Minister, 250 years ago, Ulstermen and Ulsterwomen left these shores to write their history in the United States of America. On Thursday, our modern-day Ulstermen will have the opportunity to write their names in the history books as we take another step towards qualifying for the World Cup in the United States of America this summer. As Minister for sport, will you join me in wishing our national football team in Northern Ireland all the best on Thursday in Italy?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

In the 18th century, people from Ulster had great success in the United States. I believe that that could be the case again in America this summer. Unfortunately, they will have to go via Italy first this time, but I join the Member in wishing our football team well. However, let me say this: in his question, there is an opportunity for us to consider how there can be sporting connections between the United States and Northern Ireland as well. On Saturday evening in Belfast, I spoke to 130 US investors who have contributed to Carrick Rangers football team. We want to see more of that. It is about showing the opportunity that exists to invest not just in tourism and jobs but in sport. As Communities Minister, I will continue to do that.

Diana Armstrong (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

Minister, thank you for your statement. It was good to see unionism representing Northern Ireland so positively and, indeed, to see the Ulster Unionist Party leader also having positive engagement in Washington. Minister, was the international Appalachian trail included in your conversations about tourism?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Absolutely. The tourism offering in Northern Ireland was talked about frequently, particularly the links that exist between the United States and Northern Ireland. There was a high level of interest in that, and there is a huge opportunity during this 250th year. Numerous people were asking about what we have on offer and what people can come and see. This work has sparked a bit of interest, so we are going to capitalise on that. I encourage the Member to get in contact with Tourism Ireland. In fact, I encourage all Members to get in contact with Tourism Ireland. I am delighted that it recognises the importance of that, but we should continue to make the case for that sort of tourism that is based on our ancestry. I encourage people to go to the Public Record Office of Northern Ireland as well.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

That concludes questions to the Minister on his statement.

Before I hand over to Deputy Speaker Blair, I welcome Trevor Lunn and Kieran McCarthy, both former Members of the House.

Some Members

Hear, hear.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

I have got to know Mr McCarthy's grandson through the Northern Ireland Youth Assembly, so there might be a McCarthy back here in the future.

Kellie Armstrong (Alliance, Strangford)

On a point of order, Mr Speaker. I wish to raise a point of order under Standing Order 65, which deals with good order in this place. I have not hidden the fact that I have a hearing impairment, and, today, I was not able to hear most of what the Minister was saying because of the shouting coming from the Back Benches. Between Mr Gaston, Mr Brett and others, including Mr McNulty, it made it impossible. If that type of discrimination is going to continue in the Chamber, it prevents people with hearing impairments from taking part in the democratic process. I would like a ruling from you about the noise that is created in the Chamber that stops Members hearing a Minister. Whether I agree with him or not, he deserves to have his place and be heard in this place.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

The point of order is noted. Thank you.

Members, take your ease.

(Mr Deputy Speaker [Mr Blair] in the Chair)

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

Members, before I start, I do not think that I can let this moment pass without adding my welcome to Kieran McCarthy and Trevor Lunn. They are in the Gallery, and I am sure that Members will understand my doing that.

Executive Committee Business

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I beg to move

That the Insolvency (Amendment) Bill [NIA Bill 20/22-27] do now pass.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

The Business Committee has agreed that there should be no time limit on the debate. I call the Minister for the Economy to open the debate.

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

Go raibh maith agat, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle.

[Translation: Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker.]

Today marks an important moment. By bringing the Bill to its Final Stage, the Assembly and my Department demonstrate our shared commitment to keeping our insolvency framework modern, responsible and fully equipped to meet the evolving needs of our economy.

Over the years, the Assembly has always acted with purpose in this important area that supports our local citizens and economy. In 2010, Members supported the creation of our debt relief scheme, an invaluable route for people facing burdensome debt. It removed the need for costly court proceedings for those with lower levels of debt. Latterly, and in recognising the cost-of-living pressures faced by many, we have abolished the application fee for that scheme altogether. It is now entirely free for those who qualify, relieving the stress of problem debt and allowing a fresh start. In 2016, the Assembly enacted a further major reform by reshaping the authorisation and regulation of insolvency practitioners, strengthening the standards, oversight and professionalism of those working in that critical field. The Bill takes a different approach. It does not create new schemes or make significant changes that require additional expenditure; instead, it fine-tunes and updates existing law so that insolvency procedures, whether for individuals, companies or partnerships, can be carried out more efficiently and effectively, with better outcomes for creditors.

While insolvency levels remain modest here relative to the size of our economy, the consequences of insolvency always ripple far beyond the business or individual involved, affecting employees, customers, suppliers and the wider economic landscape. That is why a modern, streamlined system is so important. The Bill introduces around 30 targeted improvements. Each may appear modest in isolation, but, together, they deliver meaningful modernisation.

I will not elaborate on every modification, but I will address several of the key provisions. For example, for companies in administration, the Bill helps to ensure that the process genuinely supports rescue, where possible. It prevents the misuse of winding-up petitions to block the appointment of administrators and allows creditors to extend an administrator's term more easily to enhance the potential for rescue. Administrators will gain powers to pursue directors who are guilty of fraudulent or wrongful trading to provide compensation to those who have suffered financial loss. Crucially, the Bill takes a new route for those actions to be taken forward with the support of specialist firms. That will remove the financial risks that often deter administrators or creditors. That means that misconduct can be tackled more consistently, sending a clear message that wrongdoing will have consequences.

We are modernising processes, too. Creditors will no longer need to attend physical meetings unless they choose to. Remote participation will be the norm. Insolvency practitioners will be freed from outdated formalities that add costs but no value, with the savings redirected to creditors. Small creditors owed less than £1,000 will be paid more swiftly, without having to complete complex claims. The Bill provides extra protections for struggling businesses, guaranteeing access to essential supplies, including IT services, to improve their chances of recovery. My Department's insolvency service will have direct access to all the information that it needs for investigating director misconduct efficiently and comprehensively, eliminating the need to rely on third parties.

Throughout the development of the Bill, engagement with insolvency practitioners and stakeholders has been positive and constructive. They are eager to see these reforms in place, and rightly so. The changes will make our system quicker, clearer and fairer for everyone involved. The Assembly has a strong record of thoughtful and effective action on insolvency. Today, we have the opportunity to build on that record.

I commend the Insolvency (Amendment) Bill to the House.

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

I support the passage of the Bill. As the House is aware, insolvency arrangements are a necessary and important part of business. Clear and understandable procedures are essential to give business owners, investors and creditors confidence. That provides a stable environment where the economy can grow, and a level of certainty for the sector. In that context, the Committee welcomes the Insolvency (Amendment) Bill, which is designed to bring Northern Ireland into line with the rest of the United Kingdom. The Committee noted that the provisions of the Bill include the greater use of virtual creditor meetings, and are designed to reduce costs and streamline processes already in place in England and Wales.

Committee members welcomed departmental assurances that robust rules relating to virtual meetings would be developed, and a review undertaken into their effectiveness in respect of the inclusion of those who lack digital assets or may be inexperienced in using online tools.

On behalf of the Committee, I thank the Department for responding in such a timely manner to a number of Committee queries. I also thank the Minister for proposing an amendment to the regulation-making powers at the Committee's request.

On behalf of the Committee, I commend the Bill to the House and encourage Members to support its final passage today.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

I will briefly commend the passage of the Bill on behalf of the Opposition. It brings forward a series of technical amendments, which, as the Committee Chair said, are largely designed to bring Northern Ireland into line with other parts of the UK. There are some local specifics in the Bill, which have been debated at length in plenary sessions and in the Committee.

Fundamentally, the Bill is about making insolvency processes more efficient, more accessible and more responsive to the needs of those affected, be they creditors, directors of companies, insolvency practitioners or members of the public. As has been said, one of the most practical reforms that the Bill makes is to shift away from the default use of physical meetings towards a greater use of remote meetings. The Bill allows creditors and shareholders to participate through virtual meetings or correspondence, which is obviously a sensible way in which to do business in the 21st century. One hopes that it will have other positive ancillary benefits. For small businesses and individual creditors, that is a particularly welcome change, because their diaries are often burdened as a result of running a small business and managing other issues.

The Bill also streamlines a range of processes for insolvency practitioners, allowing them to take certain actions, such as recovering assets, without the need to get repeated permission from courts or Departments to do so. We are also pleased to see that the Bill strengthens accountability for company directors. In its totality, it is a practical and sensible Bill, albeit it is legislation that is largely rolling over reforms that have already been introduced in Britain. We are pleased to see the Bill get its Final Stage today.

Pádraig Delargy (Sinn Féin, Foyle)

I welcome the Final Stage of the Insolvency (Amendment) Bill. The legislation is about elements that are fundamental to any functioning economy: confidence, fairness and resilience. The Minister for the Economy introduced the Bill in June 2025, and it has progressed through its scrutiny stages. That demonstrates proactive legislative leadership. The Minister's approach has clearly been informed by consultation and engagement with stakeholders across the insolvency and legal sectors.

The Bill is a practical and necessary step towards modernising our insolvency framework. It ensures that businesses, creditors and workers here are not left behind and that there will now exist a system that reflects the realities of today's economy. At its core, the legislation recognises that, when businesses face difficulty, the system around them must be clear, efficient and fair. That means giving viable businesses the chance to recover. Streamlined procedures reduce costs, delay and complexity, and that is particularly important for our small to medium-sized enterprise sector, as SMEs make up such a large proportion of our local businesses.

The Bill is part of a wider programme of work on which the Minister is leading. She is engaging with stakeholders, consulting on reform and taking decisive action to strengthen our economic foundations. The Bill reflects the wider economic priorities of supporting enterprise, protecting jobs and building resilience. At a time when businesses continue to face pressure, having a modern and effective insolvency framework is essential. It allows us not just to respond to difficulty but to build resilience for the future and to withstand shocks through having an increasingly responsive economy. I support the Bill and commend the Minister for introducing it.

Diana Armstrong (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

I also welcome the Final Stage of the Insolvency Bill. The legislation represents a practical and necessary step towards strengthening our insolvency framework. Although much of the Bill is technical in nature, its importance should not be underestimated. By removing unnecessary bureaucracy and addressing inconsistencies, it ensures that our legal processes operate more smoothly and effectively. Aligning our framework with that of Great Britain is a sensible and pragmatic approach to take, as doing that promotes consistency and clarity while helping ensure that businesses in Northern Ireland are not placed at a disadvantage through unnecessary regulatory divergence. If we are serious about supporting enterprise and attracting investment, our legal framework must be coherent, predictable and competitive. As legislators, our role is not only to regulate but to enable. Our laws should support economic activity, not hinder it.

Following a period in which the Assembly was not functioning, it is particularly important that we take such opportunities to modernise and update our statute book. The Bill is a good example of the kind of focused, technical reform that is required to ensure that our systems remain fit for purpose.

We must also remember that insolvency is not a notional concept. It affects real people and businesses. Behind every case are employees, creditors, directors and families facing uncertainty. In those circumstances, having clarity and efficiency in the process is essential. The Bill does not seek to introduce sweeping change. Rather, it seeks to improve how the system operates in practice by making it more straightforward and more effective in what it is designed to do.

I also welcome the scrutiny that the legislation has received. Careful examination strengthens legislation and ensures better outcomes. Not every Bill needs to be ambitious in scope to be valuable; often, technical and procedural reforms such as these deliver the most meaningful improvements. This measured and common-sense Bill enhances clarity, supports business and improves the functioning of our legal system. I am pleased to support it.

Kate Nicholl (Alliance, Belfast South)

I do not have much to add, because Members have made most of the points. I confirm the Alliance Party's support for the Bill at Final Stage. It is a technical Bill, and I enjoyed being a member of the Committee and scrutinising it. It felt like the real job of an MLA, and I look forward to doing more of that. The Bill will modernise insolvency practices. It is so important that our businesses are not disadvantaged by divergence, so it is wonderful that it has come through. I put on record our thanks to the Minister and her officials for their work on it.

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I am grateful to all the Members who have contributed to the debate. I do not have a huge amount to add, but I thank the Committee Chair and the Committee for their thoughtful and considered scrutiny of the Bill. I also thank the officials who have worked on the Bill, doing so diligently and responsively with the Committee to ensure that the Bill, which is complex and technical, passed its stages smoothly. I commend the Insolvency (Amendment) Bill to the House.

Question put and agreed to. Resolved:

That the Insolvency (Amendment) Bill [NIA Bill 20/22-27] do now pass.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

I ask Members to take their ease for a moment.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

I call the Minister for Communities, Mr Gordon Lyons, to move the Consideration Stage of the Bill.

Moved. — [Mr Lyons (The Minister for Communities).]

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

Members will have a copy of the Marshalled List of amendments detailing the order of consideration. The amendments have been grouped for debate in the provisional grouping of amendments selected list. There are two groups of amendments, and we will debate the amendments in each group in turn.

The first debate will be on amendment Nos 1 to 5 and amendment No 22, which deal with the provision of sign language classes and the definition of "deaf community". The second debate will be on amendment Nos 6 to 21, which deal with consultation, the conferral of functions on other bodies or persons, the Department's reporting duties and Assembly control of regulations.

I remind Members who intend to speak that, during the debates on the two groups of amendments, they should address all the amendments in each group on which they wish to comment. Once the debate on each group is completed, any further amendments in the group will be moved formally as we go through the Bill, and the Question on each amendment will be put without further debate. The Questions on stand part will be taken at the appropriate points in the Bill. If that is clear, we shall proceed.

Clause 1 ordered to stand part of the Bill.

Clause 2 (Promotion of interests by lead department)

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

We now come to the first group of amendments for debate. With amendment No 1, it will be convenient to debate amendment Nos 2 to 5 and amendment No 22. Members may wish to note that amendment No 2 is a paving amendment for amendment No 3 and that amendment No 5 is consequential to amendment No 4.

I call the Minister for Communities to move amendment No 1 and to address the other amendments in the group.

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I beg to move amendment No 1:

In page 2, line 13, after "classes" insert "free of charge".

The following amendments stood on the Marshalled List:

No 2: In page 2, line 15, leave out "deaf children" and insert "young people who are deaf". — [Mr Lyons (The Minister for Communities).]

No 3: In page 2, line 17, leave out "children are persons under 19" and insert "young people are persons under 25". — [Mr Lyons (The Minister for Communities).]

No 4: In page 2, line 17, at end insert—

"(4) The Department must also make arrangements for ensuring the availability of classes—

(a) taught by accredited teachers or other suitable persons, and

(b) for people aged 25 and over who become deaf, and their close families and carers, to learn (or improve proficiency in) the Language.

(5) The Department may by regulations subject to negative resolution provide for a fee to be payable for classes provided under subsection (4).

(6) In setting a fee the Department must aim to ensure that in any financial year the income from the fee does not exceed the costs arising from the provision of classes.". — [Ms K Armstrong.]

No 5: In clause 4, page 3, line 7, leave out "Chapter" and insert "section". — [Ms K Armstrong.]

No 22: In clause 11, page 6, line 33, leave out "who normally use" and insert "who will benefit from using". — [Ms K Armstrong.]

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

The amendments that I have tabled to clause 2 do not alter the intention of the Bill; rather, they refine and strengthen it. Clause 2 places a statutory duty on my Department to actively promote British Sign Language (BSL), Irish Sign Language (ISL) and deaf culture across Northern Ireland. That includes ensuring access to sign language classes for deaf children and young people and their families or carers. The clause transforms recognition of the languages into practical action, ensures increased visibility, awareness and understanding of BSL and ISL not just in public life but in wider society, working in partnership with the deaf community. That is where meaningful change begins. A priority of the Bill is ensuring early access to sign language, which is vital for communication development, educational progress and family relationships. Making early access a departmental responsibility will remove barriers and ensure consistent and equitable support for families.

The amendments were tabled following constructive engagement with the Committee and deaf organisations that deliver classes, and through legal refinement by the Office of the Legislative Council (OLC). The amendments guarantee that classes will be free of charge, now and for future generations. The age threshold will rise to include young persons of up to 25 years of age, reflecting developmental, educational and transitional needs.

The Queen's University Belfast report on free sign language classes for deaf children and families, which was commissioned by my Department, demonstrates that early exposure to sign language improves communication, social development, educational attainment and emotional well-being. Families learning together and being able to do so without financial barriers creates the strongest foundation for children's confidence and development. Free access would prevent inequality by ensuring that support does not depend on a family's ability to pay.

Economic analysis by the British Deaf Association (BDA) found that early acquisition of sign language is an investment in children and young people, and, for the public purse, every £1 invested in early British Sign Language provision yields up to £14 in lifetime benefits, boosting education, employment and health outcomes for deaf children in society. That demonstrates that early years sign language support produces long-term personal, social and economic gains. That is the case for British Sign Language, as well as for Irish Sign Language.

Amendment No 2 is consequential to amendment No 3. Following the Committee's request that my Department consider amending the age threshold for family classes from including those under 19 years of age to including those of up to 25 years of age, my officials engaged with the National Deaf Children's Society (NDCS), which strongly supports raising the age threshold to include those under the age of 25, noting that language and communication development for deaf young people continues into their early 20s.

Families remain central to communication support, even as young people transition towards independence. The period from 19 years of age to 25 years of age includes major transitions such as the move to further and higher education or training and employment, all of which create new communication pressures. Many statutory frameworks already recognise extended needs beyond the age of 18, including the Commissioner for Children and Young People (Northern Ireland) Order 2003 and support for education and training up to the age of 24 under the Children (Northern Ireland) Order 1995. In England, the Children and Families Act 2014 provides special educational needs and disability support up to the age of 25. The NDCS therefore regards raising the age threshold as being consistent, fair and aligned with modern developmental pathways, and its services extend to those aged 25 for precisely those reasons.

The amendments ensure that families will never face financial barriers when seeking essential sign language support. Deaf children and young people up to the age of 25 can access classes that directly support communication development, educational participation and healthier family relationships. The provision aligns with best practice across comparable children's services.

The Bill delivers practical, meaningful support to those who rely on early and ongoing access to signed communication. For those reasons, I tabled an amendment to clause 2 that inserts "free of charge" into the duty to provide sign language classes and an amendment that replaces references to "deaf children under 19" with "young persons who are deaf under 25 years of age". Those changes strengthen the Bill, reflecting evidence from Queen's University Belfast, deaf organisations, Action Deaf Youth, the British Deaf Association and the National Deaf Children's Society. They ensure that families and young people receive the support that they need during the most critical developmental years, and they ensure that the Bill keeps pace with the real needs of deaf children and young people and their families.

I come now to amendment No 4, which will be moved by Kellie Armstrong. Clause 2 places a statutory duty on my Department to actively promote BSL, ISL and deaf culture across Northern Ireland. As I have made clear, a key element of that is ensuring access to sign language classes for deaf children and young people and their families and carers, especially during those crucial developmental years. I have therefore sought to embed that principle in primary legislation and have secured Executive approval for that provision in the Bill that I introduced in February 2025.

I do not oppose support for adults who become deaf: on the contrary, as I will explain. However, the Bill is about sign language promotion, not broader disability policy. The issue of providing classes for those aged 25 and above who become deaf was raised during Committee scrutiny. My officials advised the Committee that primary legislation was not required to offer the classes. My Department already provides accredited BSL and ISL qualifications across Northern Ireland; taster sessions across schools and the voluntary and community sector; and classes for children of deaf adults. It does all of that without primary legislation.

My officials' engagement with deaf sector organisations and Health and Social Care (HSC) sensory support indicates very low demand for classes for deafened adults. My officials were advised that many adults who become deaf already rely on a first language and do not wish to adopt a new language. There is, therefore, demand for modern assistive technologies — hearing aids, implants, captioning, speech to text — to meet many communication needs. Practical adjustments such as lip-reading or clear speech are often preferred to learning a full new language. Many deafened adults do not identify with the signing community. However, where there is a wish by some deafened adults to explore sign language, they may attend classes in further education colleges.

Robbie Butler (UUP, Lagan Valley)

I thank the Minister for giving way and for his indulgence on the issue. I am interested in the topic, and I have been liaising with my party colleague Andy Allen on it. We very much welcome the Bill and the changes that will be adopted. However, it occurs to me that the Bill's success will change how we communicate across the piece in Northern Ireland and that, for people who develop deafness, it may be better if that provision is in the Bill, because, in 20 years or 25 years, the whole tapestry will change drastically. It may be beneficial to put that in the Bill at this stage so that we future-proof it against the anticipated changes.

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I do not necessarily believe that those changes will come about, because those who find themselves in the situation of becoming deaf later in life already have English or another language as their first language. As I have just said, the demand is low. Where demand exists, it is for modern assistive technologies. I recognise that the Member is shaking her head, but that is the evidence that we have. That is what we have been told. I know that she has a different viewpoint on that, and I know that her experience is one that she will speak to, but this is coming from direct engagement with deaf sector organisations. It is coming directly from Health and Social Care sensory support, which has told us that there is very low demand and that people want to see investment in hearing aids, implants, captioning and speech to text. We often talk in this place about the importance of co-design and listening to the experts. That is what I am following in this instance.

I am happy to give way to Mr Donnelly, if he wants to come in.

Danny Donnelly (Alliance, East Antrim)

Thank you. I am a bit shocked. When we were talking about minimum unit pricing, there was a disregard of the evidence, so I am shocked to hear what the Minister has just said.

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

We are digressing, but I assure the Member that that is an issue that I have looked at. I have looked at the evidence, and I suggest that it is not as clear-cut as the Member thinks it is. Regardless, on this, I am going on what the experts have told us about what we have in front of us. The Member has a different view, and she will be able to explain that.

There is a difference between deafness acquired late in life and deafness that has been there since childhood; and, secondly, it is what people want. I concede that some people would like sign language classes — that is why provision for those has been made — but I do not believe that we need to put that into primary legislation now. I enter into this genuinely, and I am content to listen to what the Member has to say and the evidence that she brings forward. We will engage in that in a genuine way. It is also worth pointing out that many deafened adults do not identify with the signing community, as I have said, but there will be an opportunity for that to be explored further.

This is a Sign Language Bill that is designed to recognise both sign languages and to improve the lives of the deaf community; it is not intended to replace existing disability legislation. It is based around the culture and languages of the deaf community. However, choice and identity are at its core. My Department takes seriously its duties with regard to promoting BSL, ISL and deaf culture as widely as possible across society. Therefore, as a result of the discussions with the deaf sector and the Department of Health, my Department will fund a limited pilot programme of BSL and ISL classes for deafened adults and their families to assess the demand for such classes and to explore curriculum need. The lessons learned from the pilot will be shared with deaf organisations and Department of Health officials to consider the merits of access to such classes alongside the existing supports as outlined. Subject to further discussions with delivery partners, it is anticipated that those classes will launch in the coming weeks.

I refer to the reference within the amendment that:

"The Department may by regulations subject to negative resolution provide for a fee to be payable for classes provided under subsection (4)."

For context, although there is a reference to fees in clause 10 — fees that my Department has no intention of collecting presently — I have agreed to the Communities Committee's request to amend clause 10 from negative resolution to affirmative resolution, given the potential for the collection of fees. The negative procedure stipulated in amendment No 4 to directly impose new fees would be inappropriate for the same reasons, and it should be considered only under the affirmative process.

For the reasons that I have outlined, I do not believe that such classes require provision in primary legislation. Furthermore, the suggested statutory procedure for imposing fees is inappropriate.

I move now to clause 4 and the further amendment from Kellie Armstrong. As the Bill stands, it is unnecessary, as the "Chapter" referenced in clause 4(5) is chapter 1, which the clause is in. However, it can be seen as consequential if the Member's amendment is successful. I have outlined my opposition to the Member's amendment at clause 2, and I have outlined my view that, if that amendment is carried, for the purposes of consistency, affirmative resolution is the appropriate route. I also refer to my agreement to the Committee's request to amend clause 4(5) to replace regulations by negative resolution with affirmative resolution. The Member is, of course, part of that Committee, and she made it clear that she is not in favour of the use of negative resolution.

That brings us on to amendment No 6. Clause 4 provides the Department with the statutory powers to list in regulations the public bodies that will be required to take the reasonable steps outlined in clause 3. The amendment is technical in nature and clarifies how the Department must, by regulations, list public bodies as prescribed organisations for the purposes of the Bill. The Committee had requested that, rather than listing public bodies as prescribed organisations by negative resolution, the Department should use affirmative resolution. My officials were of the view that that is an administrative duty and that negative resolution would provide a proportionate level of scrutiny for such an administrative exercise and would also expedite the listing of public bodies to ensure that they are subject to the duties of this —.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

Minister, I do not want to interrupt you deliberately, but we are addressing amendment Nos 1 to 5 and amendment No 22. I think that you referred to amendment No 6.

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Is it just amendment Nos 1 to 5?

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

And No 22.

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

In that case, I will move on to amendment No 22. I apologise to the House for that. I thought that amendment No 6 was in group 1, but, if that is not the case, I will move on and make a few brief comments about amendment No 22.

Membership of the deaf community needs to be factual in order to work everywhere else referred to in the Bill. Key rights to access services and information correctly turn on the actual use of or reliance on sign language. Therefore, this is not about a hypothesis, an abstract or a potential benefit from using sign language but, rather, is about guaranteeing access to services for deaf or deafblind people who normally rely on BSL or ISL in the present. Deaf or deafblind sign language learners now — for example, deaf children — may well become users who rely on sign language in the future and would automatically have rights under the Bill at that point. The amendment would undermine the intention and purpose of the Bill, as it would place sign language users who rely on BSL or ISL and those who could hypothetically benefit from sign language in the future on an equal footing under defined membership of the deaf community. That is not the intent of the Bill. If I were to learn sign language, I could get a future benefit from that. However, I should not be in the same category as those who rely on it. That is the distinction, and that is the policy intent of the Bill. I am happy to give way to the Member, if she wants to comment on that, but that is the case.

That brings me to the end of group 1.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

Minister, thank you.

Members, the Business Committee has agreed to meet at 1.00 pm today. I propose, therefore, by leave of the Assembly, to suspend the sitting until 2.00 pm. The debate will continue following Question Time, when the first Member to be called will be the Chair of the Committee for Communities, Colm Gildernew.

The debate stood suspended.

The sitting was suspended at 12.58 pm.

On resuming (Mr Speaker in the Chair) —

Oral Answers to Questions — Health

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Question 1 has been withdrawn.

Peter Martin (DUP, North Down)

2. Mr Martin asked the Minister of Health whether he is aware that almost 90% of pharmacies were unable to pay their wholesaler bill in January 2026. (AQO 3350/22-27)

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I recognise the vital work that community pharmacy teams do each day to ensure the safe supply of medicines to patients. That is reflected in the considerable investment that my Department has made over recent years, the aim of which has been to strengthen the role of the sector in primary care, including making yearly increases to recurrent funding, annual pay uplifts and exceptional investments, such as for National Insurance increases. Government funding for community pharmacy Health and Social Care (HSC) service provision has increased by almost £60 million, or 57%, since April 2018. That is the highest level of funding to date and is commensurate with funding in the rest of the United Kingdom.

Community pharmacies access medicines via a range of commercial arrangements, with different pharmaceutical wholesalers operating within a UK-wide supply chain for medicines. Those commercial arrangements are agreed between the wholesaler and the community pharmacy business and operate in a competitive market. Wholesalers compete on price, service levels, delivery speed and credit terms. Departmental officials engage with wholesalers to ensure that the continuity of supply of medicines to patients and members of the public is not affected. Notable examples include work that is related to EU exit, the COVID pandemic and times of medicine shortages.

Wholesalers have advised of pressures in the community pharmacy sector across the UK, including here. Claims that 90% of pharmacy customers of one wholesaler did not pay their bill in January are concerning for the company involved. My officials will continue to engage with wholesalers to ensure that the continuity of supply of medicines to patients and members of the public is assured.

Peter Martin (DUP, North Down)

I thank the Minister for his answer and declare an interest, as my wife is a pharmacist. Can the Minister state the extent of the concerns that medicine wholesalers have expressed to his Department about the ability of community pharmacies to pay their wholesaler bills?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I am a daily user of medication, so I can say anecdotally, from speaking to my own community pharmacist, that I have been made aware that pharmacists are feeling particular pressures from price points at the moment. It is fair to say that we have regular negotiations and conversations with Community Pharmacy NI but have yet to find a joint landing space when it comes to what we think is the right thing to do about investing in community pharmacy and what it thinks we need to do for it. I am not happy that we are not in the same place. I therefore want those discussions to continue until we are in agreement.

Philip McGuigan (Sinn Féin, North Antrim)

On Saturday night, I was at the North's Pharmacy in Focus Awards 2026, at which the really good work that our community pharmacists do to provide healthcare and improve patient outcomes for members of our community was extolled. Notwithstanding that engagement and my Committee engagement, I am aware of real pressures in the community pharmacy sector. There is the issue of medicine supply, but clawback and core funding are key concerns for the industry. Will the Minister commit to engaging directly with community pharmacists to try to resolve some of the outstanding issues?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I can certainly make that commitment, because I have met Community Pharmacy Northern Ireland directly on a number of occasions. I believe that I have a relationship with Gerard Greene. I am interested in the clawback that the Chair of the Health Committee mentioned. My Department has worked with the Scottish Government to gain a greater understanding of their funding arrangements. That engagement has identified that recurrent core funding levels in Northern Ireland and Scotland are broadly comparable.

Scotland's suspension of generic discount clawback has been feasible only because of legacy differences between Scotland and England's drug tariff prices, which are now beginning to align. There is a request from Community Pharmacy Northern Ireland to adjust or remove long-standing discount clawback arrangements to allow in excess of £20 million to be retained by community pharmacies but with no additional service provision or benefits for patients or the HSC. I am afraid that that is a bridge too far.

Danny Donnelly (Alliance, East Antrim)

We have heard time and time again from community pharmacists who are struggling to pay their bills and are sometimes juggling different accounts. Northern Ireland pharmacies are particularly exposed, because, traditionally, we have had fewer wholesalers. One wholesaler has already left Northern Ireland. Those pharmacists tell us that they are also particularly exposed because of the clawback, which means that they lose £20 million a year that could go back into the health service. Will you consider removing the clawback so that we can sustain that important industry?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I quoted the figure of £20 million to Mr McGuigan. Removing clawback arrangements would allow in excess of £20 million to be retained by community pharmacies. The actual annual margin achieved by community pharmacies in Northern Ireland has significantly exceeded the guaranteed level, and, when that is coupled with the fact that any excess in margins is not recouped by us, we cannot consider the removal of discount clawback at this time, I am afraid.

Colin McGrath (Social Democratic and Labour Party, South Down)

Community pharmacy provides a service that your Department has to provide, but it cannot do so with the funding that you are giving it. It is going to collapse. The Minister suggests that the £20 million clawback needs to be connected to new services. It was put to me recently that that is like giving nurses a pay rise but asking them to work a Saturday and a Sunday; it does not make sense. Will the Minister undertake to sit down with representatives of the community pharmacy sector and hear exactly what the situation is in the community? I am not even entirely sure about some of the figures that he has quoted today, because the Committee was told that it had been given misinformation that had to be corrected. I do not know whether the Minister's pack has been corrected for Question Time.

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I assure the Member that I have sat down and listened to the community pharmacy people about their concerns. I have been told that provision has increased by almost £60 million since April 2018. We are coming towards the end of this financial year. We started with a £600 million shortfall in the Department. I said that that was unprecedented and unmanageable, and I was correct on that, because it is only through the Treasury reserve claim of up to £200 million, which we will have to pay back, that we hope to balance the books. Effectively, we are finishing £200 million light. Going into next year, our starting position is at least £800 million short. I would love to do more for community pharmacy. Community pharmacy and GPs are central to the shift-left agenda, and I want them to get more. I want everybody, when they wake up in the morning, to feel content and to look forward to delivering HSC services, but that is not where we are.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

3. Mr Gaston asked the Minister of Health for an update on resolving industrial action with the Northern Ireland Ambulance Service to ensure category 2 ambulance calls are responded to in the last hour of a shift. (AQO 3351/22-27)

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

The Northern Ireland Ambulance Service (NIAS) continues to engage constructively with recognised staff-side representatives regarding the current industrial action and associated action short of strike (ASOS). Since November 2023, three of the four recognised trade unions in NIAS have been undertaking ASOS. The issues that have been raised relate primarily to safe staffing levels, staff welfare and the impact of prolonged hospital handover delays, which contribute to late finishes and reduced opportunities for rest.

NIAS has established regular partnership forums with trade union representatives to review those issues, monitor operational data and identify actions to reduce the impact on staff. Progress has been achieved across a number of areas, with further improvements expected through ongoing hospital handover reform. That includes the Release to Rescue protocol, which is scheduled to go live next month. It will allow ambulance crews to safely return to the community when extended hospital handover delays occur, helping to restore lost capacity at emergency departments (EDs).

NIAS continues to engage constructively with trade union representatives on the issues underpinning the action short of strike, including staffing, staff welfare and the operational impact of hospital handover delays. I am scheduled to meet trade union representatives and the Ambulance Service leadership later this week to discuss those matters further.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

The late Willy Darragh passed away at the side of the road on 21 December 2024 after suffering a heart attack. The initial 999 call from his wife Caroline was classed as a category 2 call, and, due to the action short of strike, it was not passed to the crew in the local Ballymena ambulance station. Minister, will you commit today to meeting the Darragh family and to ensuring that the action short of strike is brought to an end so that no other family is left in the same position as the Darragh family?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

First of all, I extend my sympathies to Mr Darragh's family. That is a very regrettable loss of life. I hope to see improvements in hospital flow that are expected to help restore the capacity of the Ambulance Service. The future operational approach to responding to category 2 calls in the final hour of shift will depend on the outcome of ongoing discussions with trade union representatives, so I can make no promises there. Regardless, category 2 calls will continue to remain fully visible, clinically governed and actively managed at all times, even when immediate deployment is constrained by wider system pressures.

As for meeting Mr Darragh's family, of course I agree to that.

Linda Dillon (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Will the Release to Rescue protocol go live in April, as we were previously told? What impact do you anticipate that will have on resolving the industrial action? I concur with Mr Gaston's comments on the death of Mr Darragh. It is very unfortunate, and I know that no Ambulance Service staff would want to think that they would leave anybody lying on the side of the road, but, unfortunately, we have all had constituents who have been in that exact position. That is not because staff want it to be that way, and we need to be very cognisant of that. How do we improve that? What impact will the Release to Rescue protocol have?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I agree with the Member. I do not think that there is anybody working in Health and Social Care who does not want to deliver the best for their patients and service users. However, the Member will know that such are the pressures, particularly in emergency departments. Nurses, doctors and ambulance crews are trained to do the best thing for patients, but, because of the pressures and the numbers, too often, they end up trying to decide what is the least worst option. That is not a single decision. Once they have made one least-worst-option decision, there is another one in their face and then another one and another one for the whole of their shift. That is why we get to this sense of moral injury and of staff going home and waking up the next morning not looking forward, as they should, to going on shift because they cannot see any light at the end of the tunnel.

With regard to the Release to Rescue protocol, I have no indication other than that it will go live in April. It puts more pressure on the workforce in the ED because there will have to be a handover so that they can release the crew.

Nuala McAllister (Alliance, Belfast North)

Minister, you anticipated part of my question. We have heard from some concerned nurses. The Royal College of Nursing (RCN) also has concerns about the protocol, but we have to do some things differently. What has the engagement been like to ensure that we have buy-in from not only the RCN but emergency departments and clinicians who will run it on the ground? Ultimately, they will look after the patients who are released to the hospitals so that the ambulances can go back into the community.

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

As it happens, I was at Windsor Avenue this morning at a conference that was being run by the Royal College of Nursing. The relationship there is good, but I go back to the point that I understand the pressures and the moral injury better than I can provide a proper solution to it, because it requires more funding and more resources.

With regard to the specific Release to Rescue protocol, I am not aware of any significant concerns. Maybe the concerns are significant, but that may be a judgement call.

I sense a willingness on the RCN's part to try to make this work; let me put it that way.

Alan Chambers (UUP, North Down)

I am glad that a further meeting is planned in the coming days. Whilst ambulance capacity continues to be lost due to prolonged hospital handover delays, I very much welcome the significant improvements that have been made in recent months. Is the Minister hopeful that, whilst all-year-round pressures will, no doubt, remain, we are through the worst of the winter pressures and, therefore, securing a sustainable end-of-shift protocol should be more achievable?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

Hopefully, we are through the winter, but the Member will be aware that, very early on, I stopped talking about winter pressures and described them as additional winter pressures, because the pressures are on, 24/7/365. I am confident that we are moving in the right direction. I am not satisfied that we are moving as quickly as I would like, but, in the real world, everybody is focused on trying to do better. I am very grateful to the health and social care staff and workforce, not least in emergency departments, who are trying to push for better.

Daniel McCrossan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, West Tyrone)

Minister, in the past year, £10 million has been spent on private ambulance providers. Would that money not be better spent on the Northern Ireland Ambulance Service?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I recognise the point that the Member is making. If we had a blank map and we were starting from scratch, absolutely, but we are in a position where the pressures are, to some extent, unprecedented. If we do not spend the money on those independent services, people do not get seen in a timely manner, or they are seen in an even less timely manner than they are being seen at the moment. In an ideal world, absolutely. Is it a position that I would like to move to? Absolutely. Would I like to be spending less on the independent sector generally? Absolutely, but we do not have the capacity to do what we need to do within the HSC.

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

4. Mr McNulty asked the Minister of Health to outline the safety measures and practices being put in place to protect front-line healthcare staff from physical harm and harassment. (AQO 3352/22-27)

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

My Department implemented a new violence and aggression in the workplace HSC framework in December 2023. The framework outlines the HSC's commitment, developed in partnership with staff representatives, to ensure prevention, reduction and management of violence and aggression towards staff in the workplace. Since its launch, all HSC organisations and key stakeholders have been working to embed the framework's principles and support local implementation. I am clear that creating a culture of zero tolerance towards violence and aggression in the workplace is not a one-off action but a sustained commitment. Every member of staff has the right to feel safe and respected at work. We will continue to take all necessary steps to protect and support our workforce.

HSC trusts have a number of measures in place to protect front-line staff, including safety intervention training, which helps to equip staff with the skills to identify potential risks and effectively de-escalate situations. There is also the use of trained security staff, who respond to incidents 24/7; CCTV coverage, which is effectively used to deter and detect criminal and antisocial behaviour; and the use of body-worn cameras. A number of trusts are piloting the use of those cameras, which act as a potential deterrent and allow staff to capture video footage of instances of violence and aggression. I would welcome a change in the law that would strengthen employers' ability to support the progression of incident reports to the PSNI.

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

I thank the Minister for his answer. There have been 72,000 physical and verbal attacks on health and social care staff in the past five years in the North — sometimes in circumstances where there is no blame, where Alzheimer's or mental crisis patients act unpredictably and violently towards staff — causing physical and emotional harm in the workplace. Earlier, the Minister mentioned moral injury as well. Is enough being done to keep staff safe?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

it would be tempting to say that we can never do enough. However, once again, we are moving in the right direction. I am very much in favour of body-worn cameras, and there is evidence that they are a successful and appropriate deterrent. My focus, Mr McNulty, is on changing the law. At the moment, it prohibits the employers — the trusts — from taking action to prosecute somebody who has been physically or verbally violent towards a member of their staff. We are actively looking at what we might do by way of a legislative change to empower the trusts to do more to ensure prosecutions rather than leave staff feeling that they are on their own and have to get a solicitor to do their own prosecution.

Emma Sheerin (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Minister, you referred to the fact that you support the use of body-worn cameras, and I welcome their introduction in Antrim Area Hospital and then in the Ulster Hospital. What plans do you have to roll them out regionally across all trusts?

You referred to the legislative element. The Justice Minister has spoken about including assaults on front-line workers as an aggravator in the Sentencing Bill. What conversations have you had with the Justice Minister to bring that forward, and what impact will that have on this?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

The pilots will run their course. I hope that we will end up with body-worn cameras being available to all HSC staff who work in areas where there is engagement with patients or service users where appropriate. Ultimately, however, it will be for the trusts, as it is an operational matter for them. I would like to see that it is consistent and regional across the five geographic trusts. We should not end up in a position where one trust does one thing and another trust does another. That does not appeal to me.

The Justice Minister and I have sat down face to face. We have discussed the issue and the fact that the employer has no legal vires to step in, protect their staff and operate a prosecution on their behalf. We think that we have a workaround in legislation that, I hope, will be passed by the Assembly before we hit purdah, which, I believe, may kick in one year from tomorrow.

Gareth Wilson (DUP, Newry and Armagh)

Like other Members, I welcome all efforts to protect our front-line healthcare staff from physical harm and harassment. Minister, in the circumstances that have been brought to you, is there evidence of violence being carried out in our healthcare settings of which the basis is substance misuse?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

Yes, there is certainly anecdotal evidence. It seems that, if you visit emergency departments or their environs, you will find people who have taken substances, including illegal substances, that are the motivator for physical and verbal violence towards staff. Well before COVID, I was fascinated to be told that Monday nights were the busiest in emergency departments because some people do not want to give up their weekends, so they thole it until they get to Monday morning. I asked to spend an overnight in the Ulster Hospital, and one thing that happened was that a man came in by ambulance, full of alcohol, and a chair was found for him. At around 2.00 am, the chair was empty. I asked the nurse, "Have you managed to deal with that gentleman?", and she said, "No, he has gone". A couple of hours later, however, he arrived back in a second ambulance. He had gone home for a drink. I repeat: he had gone home to get himself a drink.

I will also say that, yes, I support the use of body-worn cameras, and, yes, it is potentially a good thing, but it is also a sad thing that we have come to the position of needing them.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

5. Mr Blair asked the Minister of Health to outline any assessment that has been made to ensure his Department’s current data definitions provide an accurate understanding of pressures across Health and Social Care. (AQO 3353/22-27)

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

Data definitions do not directly measure or describe pressure within Health and Social Care. Rather, they serve to enable the consistent recording and reporting of information across the sector. That consistency supports robust assessments of system pressures using statistical and operational data. The Department makes use of a combination of official statistics and management information, grounded in standardised data definitions, to evaluate pressures in health and social care environments.

That is further supported by statistical quality assurance processes, ongoing collaboration with data producers through the system and regular reviews of both data definitions and sources to ensure continued relevance and accuracy in reflecting operational realities.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

I thank the Minister for that reply. On the subject of data, further to the question, given the BMA's warning that consultant vacancies may be significantly under-reported because only posts under active recruitment are counted, does he accept that decisions may be flawed if the data that he referenced previously understates the scale of need?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

The logic of that is that the answer is yes, but there is a logic to reporting only vacant positions that are under active recruitment because we are so strapped for funding in the Department that that is almost an inevitability. Does it skew the risks and the shortfalls? Off the top of my head, I am saying that, yes, I would like to know exactly what is missing rather than what we are trying to fill.

Diane Dodds (DUP, Upper Bann)

Minister, we all welcome the reduction in waiting lists, and those are really important, valuable and good steps forward. However, recently at the Health Committee, we had presentations that talked about large reductions in waiting lists of those who had been waiting for four years and more. The South Eastern Trust came in two weeks ago to tell us that it had a 60% reduction in its waiting list. The figure had fallen from around 20,000 to around 8,000; I do not have the exact figures in front of me. When I asked the representatives to detail for us how many of those people had been treated, they said that they did not know. Do you not think that data, particularly data around waiting lists, needs to be accurate, transparent and full of information?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I absolutely do. The Member is maybe suggesting that some of the reduction in waiting lists is not through activity beyond validation: maybe or maybe not. Validation is a very important and necessary process. By the end of the financial year, which is a week or more away, I want to know not that we have exceeded the Programme for Government target of 70,000 but how we have exceeded it. I want to see it broken down by appointments, diagnoses and procedures. That, by necessity, will involve knowing the numbers trust by trust. I was not aware of the experience that the Member had with that trust, but I would like to rectify that as we come to financial year end.

Órlaithí Flynn (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

Minister, I have been informed that the publication of the quarterly child and adolescent mental health services (CAMHS) data has been paused until quality assurance is undertaken. You referenced that in your original answer to John Blair. Can you elaborate a bit more on why that is the case or why that process is being taken forward?