Northern Ireland Assembly, 23 March 2026

400 contributions from 58 members. The official report.

Executive Committee Business

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

The Budget Bill has received Royal Assent. The Budget Act (Northern Ireland) 2026 became law on 20 March 2026.

Matter of the Day

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Claire Sugden has been given leave to make a statement on the deaths of Amy Doherty and Ellie Flanagan and the urgent need to address violence against women and girls, which fulfils the criteria set out in Standing Order 24.

Ms Sugden, I wish you well; I am glad to see you back in your place. I have not yet had the opportunity to say that. I am pleased to see you, Claire. I trust that your health continues to improve and that you get stronger all of the time.

I, with Women's Aid, held an event some months ago, at which Leah McCourt, a former MMA world champion, spoke of her experiences of domestic violence. It was a powerful and emotive event. It is appalling that we are discussing this issue today. We have reached 30 deaths of women — mainly young women — who have had awful violence perpetrated against them. It is about not only about the women who die, but those who are injured and those who live constantly with domestic violence and coercive control and all that goes with it. It is an incredibly important issue. Any Member who wishes to speak on it will have three minutes, the same as Ms Sugden. Claire.

Claire Sugden (Independent, East Londonderry)

Thank you, Mr Speaker, and thank you for your kind comments to me and your subsequent comments about domestic abuse. Another woman has lost her life in Northern Ireland. The uncomfortable truth is that none of us can say that we are surprised. I offer my sincere condolences to the families of Amy Doherty and Ellie Flanagan. Their loss is unimaginable, and, sadly, two beautiful babies have lost the most important person in their life.

We have a strategy to tackle violence against women and girls. We accept that the issue is complex and that it will not be fixed overnight, but we have to ask — honestly and directly — what is changing. What we are seeing suggests that not enough is changing. We are still not prepared to confront clearly enough what is at the heart of this: misogyny, male aggression and the normalisation of both. They can show up in different ways. At one end, it is the objectification and devaluing of women, and, at the other, it is violence and, in the worst cases, murder. That does not just destroy the lives of victims; it devastates families, traumatises communities and, ultimately, ruins the lives of the perpetrators.

We can see those attitudes being reinforced in parts of our culture and online spaces with the like of harmful messages about women and relationships being amplified and normalised. However, it does not begin there; it begins much earlier. It begins in how children are raised; what they see; what they hear; and what they learn about respect, relationships and boundaries. It begins in our homes, schools and how we support families. However, our response is still weighted towards the point at which things have already gone wrong. Justice steps in after the crime, and health services respond to trauma, addiction and mental health issues once they have already taken hold. That is not prevention.

If we are serious about reducing violence, we have to be serious about where it starts. That means properly resourcing early intervention; equipping parents; ensuring that education is doing more to teach about healthy relationships and emotional resilience; and recognising the role of trauma and addressing it before it manifests as harm. I accept that prevention is harder to measure, because you cannot count the crime that did not happen, but that is exactly the point, because, if we continue to measure success only by how we respond after the fact, we will be standing here, after the next tragedy, saying the same things.

We have a severe problem of violence against women and girls in Northern Ireland. The question is whether we are prepared to act on that knowledge at the point at which it is most meaningful. Thank you.

Ciara Ferguson (Sinn Féin, Foyle)

The tragic loss of another young woman's life, in Derry this weekend, is a horrific reminder that we have a long way to go to end the scourge that is violence against women and girls in our society. In fewer than three weeks, three women have lost their lives in the most heartbreaking of circumstances. Since 2020, 30 women have been murdered.

This recent devastation in Derry city has left two young children without their mother and another family to try to pick up the pieces that should never have been broken. I want to take a moment to express our collective support across the Chamber to Amy Doherty's children, wider family, friends, loved ones and local community in Derry city as they come to terms with the latest tragedy.

Enough is enough. No more families should be left to bury their daughters. No more children should be left to grow up without their mothers. No more women should be shamed, stigmatised and silenced in our society. Whether on our streets, in our schools or workplaces, or in our homes, women deserve to feel safe and be safe.

The epidemic of misogyny and violence against women and girls is a public safety crisis, and we have the highest rate of femicide in Europe. It begins with the very fundamentals that we teach our children: equality, respect and responsibility for our own behaviour. It continues into adulthood by never looking the other way and never minimising or normalising misogynist words, actions or behaviour. Even when it feels uncomfortable, we have to call that out. Women can be surrounded by people and still feel unsafe, so the importance of bystander awareness and intervention cannot be overstated.

We all have a duty to remember their names and honour their lives by working together, by implementing the strategic framework to end violence against women and girls, and by supporting Women's Aid in its work to challenge attitudes, structures and systems that perpetuate domestic violence. If we support women only when it is easy, nothing will change. Let us speak with one voice. Ending violence against women and girls in our society is everyone's responsibility.

Joanne Bunting (DUP, Belfast East)

I rise in the shadow of the tragedy of two more femicides in Northern Ireland. The murders of Amy Doherty and Ellie Flanagan are devastating reminders that violence against women and girls remains a very real and present danger in our society. Two more lives have been lost, two families have been left grieving, and two communities are asking how this can still be happening. Children will forever bear the scars of being left motherless. As a people, we must not and will not accept that.

Saturday saw the murder of Amy Doherty, a young mother of two who was found seriously injured and, sadly, later passed away. Like Ellie, she had her whole life ahead of her, and her young children have been left to grow up without their mum to help, love and guide them through life. My colleague Julie Middleton has indicated that the local community is devastated, shocked and horrified at that terrible loss of life and at how a life was stolen so violently.

We are all too aware that violence against women and girls continues to have a devastating impact on many in Northern Ireland and that the damage inflicted can extend far beyond the immediate victim and last for a lifetime. We know that it knows no boundaries, does not recognise class, creed or age, and that we can never really know what is going on behind closed doors. Every woman and girl has the right to live free from fear and harm, particularly in the sanctuary of her own home and when in the company of those who purport to love her. They should be free to walk, exercise or socialise and know that their dignity and safety will be upheld. When that basic right is violated, it is not just an individual tragedy; it is a failure that we must all confront.

Those who commit such heinous acts must face the full force of the law, but enforcement alone is not enough. We must also address the culture that allows violence against women and girls to persist. That begins in our homes, our schools and our communities. Respect must be taught early, modelled consistently and reinforced at every level of society, because, although this may be a problem that affects women and girls, the solution has to involve men and boys. I want to acknowledge that they, too, can be impacted and be victims. Numerous sons will have witnessed the domestic abuse of their mother in the home.

While the majority of perpetrators are men, there are plenty more men who are allies of women in this fight, and the more that we open their eyes and educate them to these problematic behaviours and mindsets and how they impact their mums, daughters, sisters, aunts and friends, the more they can be in our corner, understanding the issues and safely challenging what is unacceptable before it can escalate.

There is great work under way in the community, but we have a long way to go. We must recognise the importance of supporting victims and those at risk and ensure that services are accessible, responsive and properly funded. Victims of domestic abuse and violence must feel confident that, if they speak out, they will receive the help and support that they need.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

The Member's time is up.

Joanne Bunting (DUP, Belfast East)

I extend my deepest and heartfelt condolences to Ellie and Amy's families.

Connie Egan (Alliance, North Down)

I rise in real anger and devastation that two more women in Northern Ireland have had their lives tragically taken away from them.

That the murder of Amy Doherty in the Foyle area over the weekend followed on so quickly from the murder of Ellie Flanagan in Enniskillen is beyond comprehension. Since 2020, 30 adult women have been killed in Northern Ireland. They were all beloved women with their interests, dreams and opportunities ahead. They had their whole lives to look forward to, but, instead, they were cruelly and unjustly taken away. I send my sincerest condolences to the loved ones of Amy and Ellie. I cannot fathom the pain and grief that they must be experiencing right now.

Violence against women and girls remains an insidious blight on our society. When will everyone finally get a wake-up call, stand up and take it seriously? We cannot take our attention away from putting it to an end. In order to truly tackle such violence, we must look upstream and recognise the behaviours that often precede it. That includes the misogynistic attitudes and behaviours that most women experience almost daily. Everyone, particularly those of us in the Chamber, has a role to play in challenging misogynistic aspects of our culture that lead to gender-based harm, violence against women and the rape and murder of women. As public representatives, we have a duty to model the respectful behaviours that we need everyone across our communities to exhibit for change to happen.

I urge anyone who has any information about the deaths of Amy and Ellie that could be relevant to the investigation to please get in touch with the police as soon as possible. My heart breaks for those women, their families and their children.

Diana Armstrong (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

This is a solemn day. Once again, the Assembly is forced to confront the killing of not one but two women in such a short space of time: Ellie Flanagan and Amy Doherty. I will name them both because they deserve more than to be reduced to statistics, to be entries on a list or to be numbers on a growing tally. Ellie Flanagan and Amy Doherty were not numbers; they, along with the 28 other victims of femicide since 2020, were daughters and loved ones, women with futures that have now been stolen. They were known and cherished, and they should still be here. Their deaths are not isolated incidents. They represent a pattern that is repeated, relentless and utterly unacceptable.

Too many times, we have stood in the Chamber offering condolences. The words have become routine and the statements predictable, yet the violence continues. That is the uncomfortable truth. The strategy on ending violence against women and girls is not delivering the protection that it promises. Northern Ireland has, for some time, been described as one of the most dangerous places for women to live. We cannot allow our children and the next generation to grow up and believe that it is right for girls and women to be harmed. What message are we sending when perpetrators believe that they can abuse, assault and even kill without meaningful consequence? Where is the deterrence? Where is the urgency? We cannot allow the issue to silently become white noise for the general public.

The Justice Minister and the First Minister and deputy First Minister must act and act decisively. We are living in an emergency. If the Executive cannot deliver a strategy that works, they must have the humility to invest in those who make it work. Organisations like Women's Aid are on the front line every day supporting women in crisis, often with inadequate resources. I have seen that first-hand in my constituency. They are stretched and underfunded, yet they are indispensable.

This is not a women's issue; it is a failure of our society and a test of our political will. If we continue as we are, we will be back here again, offering more condolences, naming another victim and explaining once again why nothing has changed.

I offer my heartfelt sympathy to the Doherty and Flanagan families. I appeal to anyone who needs assistance or reassurance to reach out to support groups like Women's Aid.

Mark Durkan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

Today, Derry is mourning a devastating loss following the murder of Amy Doherty, a young mother, a carer with North West Care and a woman who gave so much of herself to others. Alongside that grief, something else is sitting heavy in all of us: anger and a deep uneasiness that so many women know only too well.

Our hearts go out to Amy's children and family. I visited them last night and struggled to find words of comfort in the aftermath of that unspeakable crime. They have lost a daughter, a sister, a niece, an aunt and a granddaughter. Two more wee children face a future in this frightening world without their mammy.

It is shameful and shocking but, sadly, not surprising that we are here again, grieving the loss of another woman in such horrific and heartbreaking circumstances. I spoke with people at the weekend, and they told me in no uncertain terms that this is why women do not speak up and why they are afraid to leave their abusers. It feels like an impossible choice: leave and risk death or stay and risk it anyway, all the while trying to manage, placate and survive day by day in situations that no one should ever have to endure. Women are being silenced, broken down and murdered in their homes, because the system too often does not catch them when they are falling and support does not come until it is too late. We need a system that protects women from day 1, one that believes victims and allows them to access support early and safely without fear or judgement. We need to ask why the North is the most dangerous place in Europe for women to live and why 30 women have been murdered here since 2020.

Amy's name was on the lips of everyone across the city this morning. Going about our day-to-day lives does not feel right, nor should it, because something is deeply wrong with our society. Again and again we stand here after the fact, mourning, remembering and asking questions that we have asked so many times before: what do we do, and how do we stop this? Talk to your daughters. Talk to your sons. Believe victims the first time. Perpetrators of abuse must be punished, but the prevention of abuse is paramount.

My thoughts are with women across this island and those who are afraid, feel trapped and feel that no one is listening. We see and hear you. We cannot —

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

The Member's time is up.

Mark Durkan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

— and will not accept a world where your safety is uncertain.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

I express my sincere condolences to the families of Ellie Flanagan and Amy Doherty. My mind turns particularly to Amy's two young children, who have been left without a mother and robbed of that centrepiece in any family. I am sure that I am not alone in the House when I say that my sincere prayer is that they will know the comfort of almighty God, whom the Bible describes as:

"the Father of mercies and the God of all comfort".

As policymakers, we need to face up to the issues that have been highlighted in the aftermath of that murder. This morning, a lady from Foyle Women's Aid pointed out that, while there has been much talk about ending violence against women and girls and the funding that has accompanied that flagship scheme, the reality is that we are falling down when it comes to the basics. There is no core funding for the groups that provide services daily for those who suffer domestic violence. In the PSNI, there are no specialists who should be assigned to domestic violence cases as a matter of course. There is an appalling backlog in our court system. All of those are real issues about which this place could and should be doing something, particularly in the Executive Office and the Department of Justice. Spending millions of pounds on grants that are awarded through councils instead of on targeted interventions through schools and youth clubs is a missed opportunity in my eyes. It is time that we had more than platitudes from the parties that head up those Departments and real delivery for groups on the front line, such as Women's Aid. That, not speeches in the Chamber after a murder has taken place, would show determination to address the issue.

Recently, at the Executive Office Committee, Youth Assembly Members shared with us experiences of women and girls in the education system.

If we want to do something about this issue, that is where we need to target our money and focus to ensure that no other generation has to grow up living through a time like this when such a number of women and girls have been murdered in Northern Ireland. This needs to be a living, breathing document, but, for that to be the case, we need to spend our money and time in a targeted way; not, as is currently the case, through grants that we award through councils. We need to get our core funding right for those who are on the front line and delivering services daily, and we need to put money into our education system to ensure that no generation has to live through what we are going through at the minute.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

I remind Mr Gaston and, indeed, all Members that we do not use props in the Chamber. That has historically been the case.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

Thank you, Mr Speaker, for selecting this important matter for debate. I extend my sympathy and solidarity to the friends and family of Amy Doherty, a young mother of two who was murdered in Derry at the weekend. As other Members said, she was the thirtieth woman killed since 2020, which is unbelievable when you say it out loud. She was the second to be killed in fewer than two weeks, with Ellie Flanagan also having been killed.

Those are shocking and shameful statistics, and those two names will go on the list of women who were murdered by men, mostly men whom they knew. Barely a day passes without another horrific story of a woman being assaulted, attacked, violated or killed, and those are just the stories that make the news. Unfortunately, this Executive do nowhere near enough to tackle violence against women and girls, whilst defunding the very services that help women to survive, such as Nexus and Women's Aid. Disgracefully, the North remains the only part of these islands without consistent public funding for groups such as Women's Aid. Does that sound like a Government who are serious about tackling gender-based violence?

There has been a lot of talk about education. Our young people absolutely deserve standardised, inclusive relationships and sexuality education (RSE) in every school: education that challenges toxic gender stereotypes and builds relationships rooted in respect, equality and consent. Instead, they get, at best, a postcode lottery of patchy provision. At the same time, we watch political leaders from this place jet off to the White House to pose for photographs with Donald Trump, a man accused of rape and sexual assault by at least 28 women and whose name is littered throughout the Epstein files. Are those the actions of people who value women's lives, be they American, Iranian, Irish, British or Palestinian?

Over the past while, many people have pointed out that two women hold the highest positions of political power in the North. Yet, all the while, the epidemic of violence against women actually accelerates. Therefore, without political will and funding, representation alone does not change things .The austerity policies pushed by this Executive will see further erosion of health and social care, good jobs, wages and housing, and they will put more women at risk of violence. We need urgent action on gender-based violence. It has to be real action that is backed by real funding to eliminate its root causes from the top our society down.

Linda Dillon (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

First, I offer my sincere condolences to the families of Ellie and Amy and to the families of all the other women who have died in the North at the hands of men. That is the thing that is missing from this conversation: it is violence against women and girls by men. Who are those men? They are mostly men who are related to them. They are partners or ex-partners who are known to the women and are supposed to love, protect and look after them. They are not strangers or bogeymen.

Many of the men who perpetrate those crimes are men in leadership roles. We in this Chamber are in leadership roles, and we need to show leadership. We need to show people that there is no tolerance for any level of misogyny and no tolerance for any level of violence against women and girls, whether that is through what you say or what you do. We have seen many in very high positions in the PSNI and some elected representatives be accused — some have been found guilty — of very serious crimes against women and girls. We have to be honest about that and call it out for what it is. We need people to stop making excuses for men and boys who carry out horrific actions against women and girls.

We need to say that and call it out for what it is. If we do not change the culture and we do not change society, all of the investment in the world in any statutory body or voluntary and community organisation will not be worth a jot. We have to be honest about it.

I absolutely concur with the commentary about the need to fund organisations such as Women's Aid and many others that help and support women. People need to stop saying, "Why do they not leave?". Where the hell would they go? Where would many of those women go with families and children? They have no home to go to, and, often, they do not have family support or the means to leave, so people should stop saying that. As has been highlighted today, women are often in the greatest danger when they try to leave. Let us take that out of the conversation and the equation. In many cases, those women cannot leave. We need to be honest about who is a danger to them. It is not the bogeymen in the streets; it is the men who live in their homes. It is their male relatives, their partners and their ex-partners.

Paula Bradshaw (Alliance, Belfast South)

Thank you, Claire, for raising the matter in the Chamber today. My party colleague Naomi Long, the Justice Minister, is at a family funeral this morning; otherwise, she would be with us in the Chamber.

The tragic and heartbreaking recent deaths of Amy Doherty, aged just 30, in Derry and Ellie Flanagan, just 23 years old, in Enniskillen illustrate to us all the reality of violence against women and girls in our society. First and foremost, we must highlight what their families have lost. They were two young women with futures, friendships and lives that mattered. Their deaths are not just individual tragedies; they are part of a wider, deeply troubling pattern in Northern Ireland. If we fail to confront that pattern honestly, we fail them and their loved ones. Too often, when such cases arise, the public conversation focuses narrowly on their circumstances. However, we know that violence against women and girls is not random; it is systemic and is rooted in inequality and in harmful attitudes and behaviours that are too often minimised, excused or ignored until it is too late.

That is precisely why the ending violence against women and girls strategic framework exists. It recognises that this is not simply a policing or justice issue but a societal one. It requires a whole-system approach from education and early intervention to support services and the consistent enforcement of the law. I thank the voluntary and community sector organisations that are delivering on programmes related to the strategic framework. We have to ensure that that work is sustained, targeted and funded at the level required to make a real difference to our society.

Behind every statistic is a person, and behind every missed opportunity to intervene is a life that might have been saved. There is a responsibility of all of us in the Chamber and beyond to lead cultural change. That means calling out behaviours that demean women, supporting organisations on the ground that do that vital preventative work and ensuring that the issue never slips off our political agenda. Unless we are prepared to confront the root causes, we will continue to see similar tragedies.

Aoife Finnegan (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

I rise today with a heavy heart at yet another tragic loss of women's lives. The deaths of Amy Doherty and Ellie Flanagan have shocked communities across the North. They were women in our community. One was a mother. They were daughters, they were loved and they should still be here. Their loss is a devastating reminder that violence against women and girls is not a distant issue; it is here and it is real, and it is happening far too often. We simply cannot allow such tragedies to become moments of outrage that fade with time. They must be turning points, because the reality is that too many women live in fear in their homes or in their relationships, simply for being women. For many, that fear is not unfounded; it is based on lived experience.

We have strategies, commitments and words, but what women need and deserve is action.

That means properly resourced services for those experiencing domestic and sexual violence. It means early intervention and education, particularly for young men and boys. It means having a justice system that victims can trust and that protects them, holds perpetrators fully to account and recognises abusive behaviour as it is happening. Anything less is not enough.

It means recognising patterns of behaviour and not treating incidents as one-offs. Too often after such tragedies, we hear the same thing: that there were signs and that concerns had been raised. We need to be better at joining the dots. As public representatives, we have a responsibility not just to respond but to lead, in order to ensure that tackling violence against women and girls is not treated as a side issue or used for sound bites but as the urgent, cross-cutting priority that it is.

To the families of Amy and Ellie, all that I can say is that my heart absolutely goes out to you. It is devastating that we are in the Chamber again today to discuss women's deaths. To everyone out there who is grieving and to any victim who is suffering, I say that my heart is with you. We have to do better.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

We normally allocate 30 minutes to a Matter of the Day, but, given the importance of the issue and the fact that there are still Members who wish to speak, I intend to extend the time.

Jon Burrows (UUP, North Antrim)

I extend my condolences to the families and friends of Ellie Flanagan and Amy Doherty. People have tired of slogans, straplines and hashtags about dealing with the epidemic of violence against women and girls. The Executive Office has a strategy that is clearly not working, but even the best strategies take years to take effect. Changing cultural and behavioural norms takes years. That is why, in the intervening period, we need a justice system that deals decisively with domestic violence and violence against women and girls. We do not have that.

It is no coincidence that we have the slowest and softest justice system and the highest rate of femicide in the United Kingdom. Domestic violence perpetrators exploit the slowness of the justice system in particular. They put off pleading guilty until the very end, hoping that a vulnerable victim will pull out, because victims often do not have the resilience to carry on. Instead of providing an exemplary sentence for people who plead guilty at the last second, the justice system still rewards the last-minute plea. The system is not just slow but soft. Sentencing is not tough enough in cases of domestic violence. There is a revolving door of bail at court. The victim who needs to pluck up the courage to report someone who has controlled and abused them for years needs to know that, when the police turn up, that person will be locked away for a sufficient time for them to make a new life, but that is not the case. They live in fear that the person will be released on bail.

There are big gaps in our legislation. It should be the case that, if someone is convicted of domestic violence, they cannot change their name. We have a system in which people will be repeat abusers. They will befriend new victims, and those victims will have no idea of their background. We need to better promote the law that gives victims the right to come forward and make a request of the PSNI to see whether their partner has engaged in domestic violence. The Department of Justice should be promoting that. It does not help when the perpetrator can change their name. The PSNI, for which I am an advocate, still does not do enough to publish the mugshots of convicted domestic violence perpetrators. If a woman in Northern Ireland meets someone, they may have a different name, the police will not have published their mugshot and she will have no idea with whom she is striking up a relationship. Instead of empowering and educating women about whom they might be getting into a relationship with, we withhold information that we could legally provide.

For all the work on strategy, what we need is a criminal justice system that is on the side of victims and provides the space, once they make a report, for them to access the housing support that they need, to rebuild their credit rating and to have all the things that men have denied them in the first place. We need to get serious. The justice system is too slow, too soft and too often on the side of the suspect rather than the victim.

Cara Hunter (Social Democratic and Labour Party, East Londonderry)

Amy Doherty was in her late 20s.She was mother to Rhea and Ronan; a loved daughter of Patrick and Sharon; a sister to Shane and Ryan; a granddaughter, a niece, a cousin and a friend to many. Over the weekend and today, I have been genuinely lost for words to say about the continuing murders and to say to Amy's family to provide them with comfort.

There really is nothing to say other than what other Members have echoed today. It feels as if, every other week, we stand in the Chamber, grieve the life of another woman brutally taken and demand change. We demand action; a few weeks pass; and then, sadly, the cycle begins again.

In the past week, women across the North have shared online their stories of surviving domestic abuse. They have compared living with abusive partners to a living, breathing nightmare. Their lives are lived on eggshells, and their children are scarred for life. We all know and love someone in a domestic abusive relationship — someone whom we check in with regularly. We know the fear that they feel. We pray and hope that the next horrific headline will not be about them. I say that that is not good enough. That collective holding of breath for women across Northern Ireland is not only wrong but unfair.

We must call this what it is: femicide. We cannot become accustomed to 30 women being brutally murdered since 2020 as "normal". Ellie Flanagan was 23 years old with her whole life ahead of her. She was known and loved by all in her community, her family and her friends. It is a true tragedy. Those beautiful, caring, loved women are so much more than just statistics and names on a page. I say, "No more" to this horrific behaviour. The cruelty and brutality of such men must end. That means ensuring that men speak up and join our voices and believe us when we tell our stories. We must get to the root of this horrific, ongoing problem. Many women feel that men get more time in prison for a drugs offence than they do for attempted murder. The system is not fair, and it needs changed. It is time for harsher laws; for more education; and to make those who instil fear in women feel the fear of the law and the consequences of their violent actions. Enough is enough. An unchanged society will continue to leave a generation of Northern Ireland's daughters dying at the hands of inaction and brutality.

May God bless Amy, Ellie and their families in the coming days, and may their precious souls rest in peace.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Thank you, Members, for your contributions.

Members' Statements

Philip McGuigan (Sinn Féin, North Antrim)

Living in and representing North Antrim as an MLA is a huge privilege for me. In my biased view, in terms of natural beauty and tourist attractions, no place in Ireland compares. In North Antrim, with all its special places to live, at the top of the tree sits Ballycastle. Is it any surprise that, last week, Ballycastle town won an award naming it the best place in the North to live? That recognition is richly deserved. Anyone who knows or has spent time in Ballycastle will understand exactly why the town has received that accolade. It is a place of extraordinary natural beauty from the stunning coastline to its position as the gateway to the glens, Rathlin Island, Carrick-a-Rede rope bridge etc.

Like any town, city or village, what makes Ballycastle special is its people and its welcoming atmosphere. Ballycastle is a place with a strong independent retail and hospitality sector. The cafes, restaurants, hotels, shops and producers' local markets give the town its unique character and energy. It is a town renowned for good food and great craic. There is a real vibrancy about Ballycastle, with a thriving arts and cultural scene; a proud and growing Irish-language community; and an events calendar that continues to grow from strength to strength. Last week, I was down there for the St Patrick's Day celebrations. We are all acutely aware of the Lammas Fair. We also have new, exciting festivals such as the Lir sessions and the Ballycastle Rock and Blues Festival. Those events do more than bring people together; they support local businesses, strengthen tourism and showcase everything that makes Ballycastle town special. If any of you are planning a trip over the Easter holidays or in the summer, I suggest that you make your way up to north Antrim and the north coast to Ballycastle town.

Not content to stand still, Ballycastle is looking to the future with investment in projects such as the shared campus and the indoor leisure centre, which will be huge assets for the community and for visitors in years to come. The award is recognition not just of what Ballycastle is today but of the people who built the town, those who sustain it and those who will shape its future. As we celebrate and congratulate Ballycastle town on receiving the award, we must also ensure that Ballycastle continues to grow in the right way, supporting local people, protecting its identity and building on its strengths.

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

St Patrick's week in Washington DC offers unparalleled opportunities to build connections, establish relationships and promote and champion Northern Ireland. Last week, I travelled to Washington DC to engage in more than 22 meetings and events, not just as deputy First Minister but as an advocate for our people, our businesses, our tourism, our academic institutions and our ambition. I went to DC as part of my commitment to keep turning up, standing up and speaking up for Northern Ireland at every opportunity. In a world that is noisy and crowded, if you do not show up, your story does not get told; if you do not stand up, your interests do not get promoted; and, if you do not speak up, others take that opportunity for themselves.

Over the course of the five-day visit, I engaged with hundreds of people: key decision-makers from the president to members of his cabinet, leaders on both sides of the aisle in the Senate and the House, business leaders, investors, young people and those with an interest in Northern Ireland. People who believe, as we do, that Northern Ireland is not defined by its past but inspired by its potential.

I delivered a clear message: Northern Ireland may be small, but our ambition is not. Let me tell you something: they are listening. They heard how the people from Ulster, what is largely now Northern Ireland, helped build modern America 250 years ago and how the same driving values of hard work, grit, determination and innovation continue to define our people today. They heard how Northern Ireland is a place of innovation and talent, where global companies come not just to invest but to grow. Investors today see Northern Ireland not just as a location but as a launch pad. None of that happens by accident. Progress happens through engagement. It happens when we build relationships not just when it is easy but when it is necessary. It happens when we sit at tables, even with those with whom we might not always agree, and choose dialogue over distance. Relationships are not just soft power but real power. That was something that I was reminded of time and again in Washington. Strong economies are built on trust, and lasting peace is built on understanding. That is our responsibility: to keep reaching outwards and building bridges. Northern Ireland's story is still being written, and we decide what comes next.

To our universities, tourism bodies, business organisations, political representatives and community and voluntary leaders, I say a huge "Thank you" for turning up, showing up and speaking up. When we do that together there is no limit to what Northern Ireland can achieve.

Stewart Dickson (Alliance, East Antrim)

I will use my Member's statement to mark Marie Curie's daffodil appeal for the month of March, an appeal that, this year, reaches its 40th anniversary. That is indeed a significant milestone, and it is right that the Assembly takes a moment to recognise that.

Marie Curie provides palliative care at the end of life to thousands of people across Northern Ireland in their homes and in the Belfast hospice. The nurses, volunteers and support staff who deliver that care do so with immense dedication. That support means so much not just to the patient, the person who is at the end of their life, but to the whole family around them.

The scale of the challenge is significant. Research shows that around 90% of people in Northern Ireland would benefit from a palliative care approach at the end of life. Yet too many face real barriers to accessing that support when they need it. The Health Committee of the Assembly published a 'Report on Access to Palliative Care Services' in December 2025. The direction of travel is clear: we need to invest in community-based services that allow people who are dying at home to be cared for at home or closer to home, rather than ending up in acute settings at the worst moment of their life.

Marie Curie has four asks of the Assembly and our Health Department: that palliative care is prioritised in government policy and planning; that crisis situations are avoided so that people can be cared for in the place of their choosing; that no one dies without support; and that, as a community, we are informed and empowered to know when and how to access those services before things reach crisis point.

There is a real opportunity here for the Minister to make significant strides before the next election. I urge him to take those asks seriously. People in Northern Ireland deserve a better end to their lives, and there is no second chance to get this right.

Jon Burrows (UUP, North Antrim)

On 30 June 1990, two community police officers were murdered in Belfast, shot by the Provisional IRA: Constable Harry Beckett and Constable Gary Meyer. They left behind a wife each and three children who were later orphaned. Another man was killed in a linked attack: James Babington, an entirely innocent man, was also murdered by the IRA.

(Madam Principal Deputy Speaker in the Chair)

The unimaginable grief of the families and colleagues of those two innocent men was compounded in 2015, when BBC journalist Chris Moore made a 'Spotlight' programme alleging that the weapons used in their murders had been in the possession of the Royal Ulster Constabulary's Special Branch and that, having been tested, they were handed back to the IRA, which committed the murders. That caused real devastation, but there was not a scintilla of evidence to support Chris Moore's assertions. In fact, the weapons were recovered after the attack. One had been dropped, and the other came from the dreadful murder of two corporals in Belfast.

A complaint went to the Police Ombudsman about the assertions made by the 'Spotlight' programme. The Police Ombudsman took 10 years to come to the conclusion that the guns involved had not been in the hands of RUC Special Branch at any time. In fact, inquiries conducted since show that Chris Moore relied on a whistle-blower who had left the relevant department six years before these guns got into the hands of the IRA, let alone Special Branch, which they never did. The journalist did not reveal in his programme that the star whistle-blower had stopped cooperating with him during the making of it. He did not disclose that he had encouraged the widow of Constable Meyer to wear a wire and try to get the whistle-blower to repeat his unsubstantiated evidence.

It took the ombudsman 10 years to get to the truth — the same ombudsman that complains about RUC investigations being slow. What made it worse was that a senior member of the ombudsman's office took part in the BBC 'Spotlight' programme and gave validity to Chris Moore's false allegations. Complaints were made to the BBC and the ombudsman; they were brushed under the carpet. Fresh complaints have been made against Chris Moore and the BBC. The programme should never have gone out. No due diligence was carried out, and there was no evidence or truth to it. The widow of Gary Meyer went to her grave waiting for the truth; she did not get it. There needs to be accountability and an end to the besmirching of the proud reputation of the Royal Ulster Constabulary.

Aoife Finnegan (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

Molaim Gaelphobal Ard Mhacha Theas as an obair mhór atá déanta aige le linn Sheachtain na Gaeilge. Bhí imeachtaí ceoil, díospóireachtaí agus comórtais i measc na n-imeachtaí a d’eagraigh sé ar fud an cheantair. Ba mhór an onóir dom páirt a ghlacadh ina fheachtas ar na meáin sóisialta leis na himeachtaí sin agus Seachtain na Gaeilge a chur chun cinn. Spreag rath na n-imeachtaí sin mé níos mó úsáid a bhaint as mo chuid Gaeilge féin, rud a chuireann imní orainne nach bhfuil ach cúpla focal againn, ach, mar a deir an seanfhocal, "Is fearr Gaeilge bhriste ná Béarla cliste".

Chuala muid figiúr spreagúil eile an tseachtain seo caite: tá méadú 400% tagtha ar líon na bpáistí atá ag freastal ar an Ghaelscolaíocht le 25 bliain. Sin breis agus 7,000 duine óg atá ag foghlaim trí mheán na Gaeilge. Tá an Ghaeilge ag fás léi; tá sí faoi bhláth. Ní gá dúinn ach breathnú ar Sheachtain na Gaeilge agus ar na figiúirí sin mar fhianaise ar an bhláth sin. Molaim iarrachtaí gach duine atá ag obair lenár dteanga a chur chun cinn. Is mór againn a n-obair; tá sí thar a bheith luachmhar.

[Translation: I praise Gaelphobal Ard Mhacha Theas for the great work that it carried out over Seachtain na Gaeilge. Musical events, discussions, competitions were among the plethora of events that it organised throughout the area. I was honoured to be asked to take part in its social media campaign promoting the events and Seachtain na Gaeilge. The success of the events that it organised has inspired me to use my Irish more, something that can be intimidating for those of us with only a cúpla focal, but, as the saying goes, “Better broken Irish than brilliant English". Last week, we heard another inspiring statistic: a 400% increase in children attending Irish-medium education in 25 years. More than 7,000 young people are learning through Irish. The Irish language is growing rapidly; it is flourishing. We need only look at Seachtain na Gaeilge and those statistics as evidence of that. I commend the efforts of everyone who works to promote our language. The work that they are doing is invaluable.]

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

I make my statement in memory of all the innocent victims of IRA terrorism, whether they be Catholic or Protestant, security personnel or civilian. The blood-soaked pain, the inhumanity and the injustice continue to this very day. Gerry Adam's recent appearance at the High Court in London compounded that grief and pain. The case represented an opportunity — for some, perhaps, the final opportunity — for clarity, accountability and truth. Those victims and the many hundreds of others like them across Northern Ireland and beyond have lived for decades with loss, trauma and unanswered questions. They deserve their day in court. They deserve to have their claims fully and publicly tested. Instead, we are left, again, with uncertainty.

And so, I come to the central question. What and where precisely was Sinn Féin's president, Mr Adams, during the darkest days of the 1970s and the 1980s? The answer remains at large. For many, that question has never gone away. Despite countless security assessments and images, as well as countless first-hand accounts from those in the Provisional IRA, we and, indeed, the victims of terrorism are all left to somehow believe Mr Adams's repeated position that he was never in the IRA. I will not rehearse every claim and counterclaim, but I will say this: whilst Mr Adams appears to be embarrassed to say that he was ever in the IRA, he was never embarrassed to honour and give cover to the its murder and mayhem, whether that was through wearing the black beret of the Provisional IRA or carrying countless IRA coffins, including that of the Shankill bomber Thomas Begley, who had, days earlier, murdered nine innocent men, women and children. There were IRA funeral orations and the language of justification, yet we are told to accept that it never happened.

To this day, victims of paramilitary-sponsored terrorism continue to be failed. They account for 90% of all the murders during the Troubles, yet we watch as the state is endlessly persecuted whilst the IRA command, bombers and gunmen and gunwomen —

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Time is up, Jonathan.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

— continue to evade the justice that they deserve.

Nuala McAllister (Alliance, Belfast North)

As many Members will be aware, Endometriosis Awareness Month takes place in March. Today, Endometriosis UK is hosting a drop-in event in the Long Gallery to provide education on the realities of living with the condition.

The theme of this year's awareness month is "Endometriosis Doesn't Wait". As Endometriosis UK puts it:

"Endometriosis doesn’t wait whilst you’re trying to get a diagnosis or access care. It doesn’t wait for your career. Your education. Your social life or your relationships."

Yet women still wait for years. In 2025, the average waiting time for women in Northern Ireland to receive a diagnosis following their first GP visit was a shocking nine years and 10 months. In addition, research shows that it took, on average, three and a half years following symptoms beginning to show for women to take that first step of reaching out to their GP. That means women are experiencing over 12 years of ever-worsening symptoms, including severe pain, chronic fatigue and heavy periods, before finally having their experience formally acknowledged with a diagnosis. That is simply not acceptable.

Last week, the Chamber agreed on the urgent need for a women's health strategy and the action plan that was promised over two years ago this month. The Health Minister has committed to commencing investment in specialist endometriosis care in 2026, but what does that mean, and what will the service entail?

The issue unites us all in the Chamber. We have all called for more acceptable waiting times, quicker diagnosis and treatment and, most importantly, for women to be listened to. However, we still have too many questions. How do the Minister and the trusts plan to reduce the unacceptable waiting times? Where are we with the pilot to transfer patients from secondary to primary care? Where are we with the ongoing work on the endometriosis clinical pathway? How will the plans for gynaecology ambulatory hubs work in practice? We ask those questions because we are talking about a condition that affects real life and has devastating consequences for the women and girls who live with it.

This month, women have been bravely sharing their stories online and in the media. They have been sharing how they have been stuck at home, unable to move due to the pain; how they have been unable to go to work; how they have crowdfunded for private treatment; and how they have waited for 14 years and had four surgeries just to get a diagnosis. We have even had clinical professionals say that, in Northern Ireland, women get a raw deal. I hope that many Members will join me in dropping into the event this afternoon and that they will continue to apply pressure and speak up for the women affected.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

In the past couple of hours, the price of Brent crude — the oil price that determines how nearly two thirds of the public in Northern Ireland heat their home — fell after the lunatic Donald Trump indicated that he had had "productive" conversations with Iran, which he began bombarding three weeks ago. Then, not long after that, the Iranian regime said that that was not the case. It said that Trump had backed down, which, as we know, he has done in the past, and that there had been no such negotiations. Now, as we speak, we are seeing the price of oil rocket, which will hit two thirds of our constituents, not only those in rural areas but those in my constituency and your constituency, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker, in Belfast.

Members of the House were in the US over the past week. We have just heard from the deputy First Minister, who lauded the engagement that she had there, and from Mr Buckley — not the only dramatically gifted Buckley seeking attention in North America last week — who was over in Washington getting photo ops. We heard from them how pleased and delighted they were with their engagement with the Trump Government. Our constituents are paying the price for Trump's insanity. We are seeing that today.

By the way, while people are struggling to heat their home, our Communities Minister flew thousands of miles across the world for, by my count, at least his third visit to America to talk about the 250th anniversary of the founding of America, the declaration of a republic and the role that the Scots Irish had in that. Let me say this to those who are celebrating, plámásing and praising Donald Trump and his Government: those Ulster Scots and Scots Irish would have had nothing to do with the lunatic — the crook — that is Donald Trump. They believed in a republic that was free from the Crown but with its citizens bound under law. People such as Ulysses S Grant did not believe in a vain emperor — a deluded fool such as Donald Trump. Mr Buckley is laughing. His constituents in Upper Bann are paying the price for Trump's madness and a war — an insane bombardment of Iran — that the DUP backed. It has nothing to do with people in Iran who want democracy. They are cowering in their homes and being bombarded by the US and Israel. Engaging with Donald Trump is a preposterous act. Some sovereign Governments have to engage with Donald Trump. They have a job to do. They have to engage with him diplomatically. You guys do not. Mr Buckley, you do not need to go over there and flatter him: it is not your job, but you have done it anyway. All the while, your constituents are paying the price of his unacceptable, reckless and meaningless bombardment of Iran, which is forcing up prices, destabilising the world and putting all of us at risk.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Time is up.

Trevor Clarke (DUP, South Antrim)

For Northern Ireland supporters of Rangers, and, indeed, Rangers themselves, Saturday finished up being an exceptionally good day, with a 4-1 win at home against Aberdeen. However, the day did not start so well. It was deeply disappointing to read on social media that a supporters' bus that had come from Northern Ireland was stopped and searched in Scotland. The first question that the police asked was not, "Are you visitors to Scotland?" but, "Are you football supporters?". Some will say that there are justifiable reasons for that, but I do not think that there are. If there had been any issues, or had there were materials that Police Scotland wished to find, they could have been easily accommodated when those people were entering the match. It reminds me of the debacle in Londonderry a few years ago, when the PSNI got on to buses with children on them, just as Police Scotland did at the weekend. Football, like every other sport, is a family sport. There were children on that bus on Saturday, who were disturbed by police entering the bus, making their way down it and searching bags. Some of the video stuff that I have seen shows small bags being searched. What exactly they were looking for, no one knows. The police did not indicate what, or who, they were looking for. It was very disturbing.

I wrote to the Chief Constable of Police Scotland, Jo Farrell, on Saturday night and am looking forward to a response. I also read at the weekend that one of the supporters, who has been travelling for 20 years to most matches, said that that was the first time that he had witnessed such an act. That shows the gravity of the case. I do not know why the police felt it necessary to act in such a way. It was an overreach of their power, and I am very disappointed by what they have done. I look forward to hearing an explanation, if one ever comes, from Police Scotland.

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

I rise to speak of a man who has brought unfathomable joy to countless people for over a generation. On St Patrick's Day, as we walked down Newry's Hill Street, we could hear the soothing tones of Irish traditional music. As we walked a little further, we could hear the steps and the taps, and, as we walked further, we could hear the clarity and direction of the céilí caller, Raymond Carroll. Raymond has been calling céilithe in Newry and all around the country on St Patrick's Day for 38 years. I note Raymond's mastery and expertise, and the joy and happiness that he has brought to so many dancers — from master dancers and virtuosi céilígoers to novices. He brings structure, organisation and joy to everyone involved, within minutes. Maith thú

[Translation: Well done]

, Raymond. Keep going.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Phillip, I will bring you in. You have two minutes.

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. On Thursday, Northern Ireland — our national football team — once again stands on the brink of history, and of writing yet another chapter in our proud history. It faces a giant of the game — Italy — in our World Cup play-off semi-final. Anyone in the Chamber who knows anything about our national football team will know that we do not fear history; we write our own and rise to every challenge. Over the years, we have gone toe to toe with the world's greatest, over-performed and written our name into the history books.

I pay tribute to the Amalgamation of Official Northern Ireland Supporters' Clubs, which has ensured that over 1,200 of us will travel on Thursday to support our national team. Those of us who were lucky enough to get tickets will be joined by those who, although not lucky enough to get tickets, will be able to watch the game in Italy thanks to the work of Gary McAllister, who has secured an outdoor screen for Northern Ireland fans. This is a history-setting moment for our team. It is an opportunity for people from all backgrounds to, once again, place the green shirt on their back and play for the team that we are all proud to call Northern Ireland. I hope that I speak on behalf of the whole House when I say, "Come on, our wee country" for Thursday.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Timothy, you have two minutes.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

Thank you very much, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. That is grand.

Last week, the civil case against Gerry Adams collapsed. Anyone in the Building can go to the Library, lift Peter Taylor's book about the Provos and read that Gerry Adams was part of an IRA delegation that met a senior Northern Ireland Office official on 20 June 1972 in Londonderry. One attendee said of that meeting:

"We were obviously representing the IRA."

Six days later, an IRA delegation flew to London for talks with the Government, and, again, Gerry Adams was there. For 30 years, the IRA waged a murderous campaign across this land, leaving thousands dead and injured. Throughout those years, Adams remained at the centre of the IRA — a fact attested to by numerous journalists — so what were victims to think when the case collapsed? They see a system that cannot give them answers and a process that ends without resolution, and they see Gerry Adams emerge to address the press flanked by not one but two bombers: Pat Sheehan and Gerry Kelly. How crass and insensitive. Victims are told that that is justice. Is it any wonder that victims say that they have been failed by the law?

On a brighter note, there will come a day when Mr Adams and his cohorts will stand before a higher court, where justice will be satisfied. That is the only peace that victims will get. They have been denied justice in this life, but Mr Adams will meet justice in the next.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

That ends Members' statements.

Executive Committee Business

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I beg to move

That the draft Renewables Obligation (Amendment) Order (Northern Ireland) 2026 be approved.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

The Business Committee has agreed that there should be no time limit on the debate. I call the Minister to open the debate on the motion.

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

Go raibh maith agat, a Phríomh-Leas-Cheann Comhairle.

[Translation: Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker.]

Today, I seek the Assembly's approval of the draft Renewables Obligation (Amendment) Order (Northern Ireland) 2026. The statutory rule (SR), made under the Energy (Northern Ireland) Order 2003, seeks to change the index used to apply inflationary increases to the Northern Ireland renewables obligation (NIRO) scheme's buyout price from the retail price index to the consumer price index. The change is being implemented concurrently with that for the two renewables obligation schemes in Britain, namely the renewables obligation scheme in England and Wales and the renewables obligation Scotland scheme. It is appropriate and necessary that we implement the same approach here. There are no financial implications arising from the instrument. Moving to the consumer price index reflects best regulatory practice and provides a more accurate and stable basis for adjusting costs than the retail price index.

In summary, given the ongoing enactment of similar regulations in Britain, this is a necessary measure, and I welcome the Assembly's support for it.

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

As the Minister has outlined, this is an important motion to be passed by the Assembly today. The Committee was content to support the rule, as it will keep us in line with the rest of the United Kingdom and permit the industry in Northern Ireland to continue to enjoy the benefits of the scheme. I am therefore pleased, on behalf of the Committee, to commend the rule to the House.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

No one else has indicated that they wish to speak. I call the Minister to make a winding-up speech on the motion.

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

Go raibh maith agat, a Phríomh-Leas-Cheann Comhairle.

[Translation: Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker.]

I thank the Chair of the Committee for the Economy for his contribution and members of the Committee for their consideration of the regulations. As has been set out, the regulations change the inflation index used for the NIRO scheme from the retail price index to the consumer price index, ensuring parity with the two renewables obligation schemes in Britain. I commend the motion to the House and thank Members for their support.

Question put and agreed to.

Resolved:

That the draft Renewables Obligation (Amendment) Order (Northern Ireland) 2026 be approved.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Members, will you take your ease, please? Thank you.

(Mr Speaker in the Chair)

Private Members' Business

Declan McAleer (Sinn Féin, West Tyrone)

I beg to move

That the Second Stage of the Areas with Natural Constraints (Payments) Bill (NIA Bill 24/22-27) be agreed.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

In accordance with convention, the Business Committee has not allocated any time limits to the debate. I call Mr Declan McAleer to open the debate on the Bill.

Declan McAleer (Sinn Féin, West Tyrone)

I welcome the opportunity to outline the key elements of the Areas with Natural Constraints (Payments) Bill at Second Stage. At its core, it is a straightforward but important Bill. It places a statutory duty on the Department of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs (DAERA) to make regulations governing payments for areas with natural constraints (ANC) under powers in the Agriculture Act 2020. Its purpose is clear: to secure ongoing financial support for farmers in areas where natural conditions limit agricultural activity; to provide legal certainty and continuity of support schemes; and to ensure that payments are maintained and updated annually in line with inflation. Those areas face structural disadvantages, including poor soils, shorter growing seasons and challenging terrain. ANC payments, therefore, play a vital role in sustaining active farming, supporting rural communities and maintaining responsible land management.

The Bill contains two clauses. Clause 1 places a duty on the Department to make regulations within 12 months of commencement. It also requires that payments must be no less generous than those provided under the Areas of Natural Constraint Regulations 2018 and that payments must be updated annually and, at least, in line with the consumer price index. That would ensure continuity, fairness and predictability for farm businesses. Clause 2 provides standard legislative provisions. The Act would come into operation on the day after Royal Assent and may be cited as the Areas with Natural Constraints (Payments) Act (Northern Ireland) 2026. As a small farmer, I declare an interest in this and other farming items.

In my constituency of West Tyrone, almost 60% of land is classified as "severely disadvantaged". Over 90% of land in Fermanagh is disadvantaged land. The figure is over 50% for the East Derry constituency and over 60% for East Antrim. Those figures underline the scale of the challenge that faces our rural communities. Farming operates under a significant regulatory burden. Farmers must comply with cross-compliance requirements; machinery and safety standards; farm quality assurance schemes; Food Standards Agency (FSA) inspections; and unannounced checks. They also meet high standards in animal health and environmental protection. Those obligations increase cost and complexity, particularly in marginal areas. ANC payments, therefore, play an important role in helping to offset additional costs where production margins are already extremely tight.

Claims that an ANC scheme is not good value for money must be assessed against the full cost of removal, including the wider consequences of losing active land management and environmentally sensitive farming practices, and the associated social and economic impacts on rural communities. The evidence is clear: over the past decade, output from ANCs has been in steady decline. If that trend continues unchecked, the consequences will stretch far beyond upland farms and will, ultimately, threaten the long-term sustainability of the red meat sector in the North. Figures from the 2025 DAERA census paint a stark picture: the number of beef cattle has fallen by 21% over the past 10 years, with a particularly sharp decline since 2018-19, when the ANC scheme was discontinued. The North now has its lowest beef cattle numbers in 55 years. During consultation on the Bill, many stakeholders pointed to the end of the ANC payment as a contributing factor to that trend.

The importance of ANCs to the wider agricultural economy must not be understated. Of the North's 213,000 beef cattle, almost 100,000 are in severely disadvantaged areas (SDAs) or ANCs, and 64,000 are in disadvantaged land. In total, around three quarters of the region's essential breeding beef stock are in less-favoured areas (LFAs). The same is true for sheep farming. Of the North's 1·8 million sheep, over 1 million are in ANCs, with a further 400,000 in disadvantaged areas (DAs). Those flocks and herds are critical breeding stock that provides a vital supply chain for lowland farmers, who rely on upland producers to supply cattle and lambs for finishing. Farming is an integrated ecosystem in which all parts rely on one another.

Recent livestock trends underline the scale of the challenge. Over the past year alone, the total number of beef cattle has decreased by 5%, and sheep numbers have fallen by 7%. The sectors that dominate marginal land — beef and sheep — are precisely those that are experiencing the greatest decline. Farmers have told us that switching to alternative enterprises simply is not realistic in ANCs. The land, terrain and climate limit what can be produced. The DAERA census highlights that. Across the entire North, there are only 10 cereal farmers in ANCs.

When set against the public goods that ANCs deliver — landscape stewardship, biodiversity protection, flood mitigation and community resilience — the scheme represents a prudent and preventative public investment. There are also compelling environmental and ecological reasons to support farming in upland areas. Abandoned and overgrown land does not support biodiversity and increases the risk of wildfires during dry spells. In short, not doing the scheme represents a higher cost when it comes to environmental management and farm sustainability than investing in an ANC scheme.

The Department previously suggested that redistribution of the former pillar 1 payments could replace ANC support. However, I strongly feel that that suggestion does not stand up to scrutiny. The former pillar 1 adjustments could not replicate the targeted support that farms operating under severe natural constraints need. Many of those holdings face higher unit costs, lower yields and limited enterprise options due to soil quality, slopes and climate. The partial redistribution of area-based payments did not address those structural disadvantages or the additional cost of managing marginal land. It is also important to recognise that the previous trajectory of convergence was halted in 2020, removing a planned mechanism intended to smooth the transition for the most marginal farms. As a result, many farms are still exposed.

If we are serious about sustaining rural livelihoods and active land management, we require a targeted funding approach that reflects the real costs of farming in our most disadvantaged areas. The financial pressures are there for all to see. The farm business data for 2023-24 illustrates that farms in less-favoured areas, which include severely disadvantaged areas such as ANCs and disadvantaged land, recorded an average loss of more than £10,000. Remove direct support payments, and that loss deepens to around £17,000. Supporting ANCs is not only an agricultural intervention but an equality and community safeguard that protects families, skills and the social fabric of our most fragile rural areas.

The Bill is not only about financial assistance but about rural stability and environmental stewardship. For many households, ANC payments were a critical part of total income and provided the stability needed to remain in production, invest in their businesses and support local economies. Such targeted investment in disadvantaged areas has existed since the UK Agriculture Act 1947, and, today, Scotland and the South of Ireland continue to have ANC schemes.

It is also important to be clear that the Bill creates a statutory duty to make regulations. It does not allocate funding. Funding mechanisms remain a matter for the Department and can be addressed through the appropriate budgetary routes, including reallocations, Barnett consequentials or transitional arrangements.

The delivery of a statutory scheme requires political will and prioritisation.

With regard to farm support, I stress that the ring-fenced agriculture budget exists to provide stability and resilience for farm businesses. This is already overstretched due to a 17% cut to fund other schemes. Any further diversion of funds from that scheme will undermine that certainty. The ANC scheme is intended to complement existing supports, not to replace or compete with them.

Crucially, transparency and accountability will be built into the process. Draft regulations that will follow on from the legislation will be accompanied by full financial assessments, be subject to Assembly scrutiny via affirmative resolution procedure and be informed by a statutory public consultation in which farmers and rural stakeholders will have a say. The Bill creates a legal framework to establish the scheme.

The Bill provides the necessary legal framework to give vital support to farmers in areas of natural constraint, and it promotes rural viability, environmental stewardship and economic fairness. It gives the Department the duty and clarity to act. Most important, it recognises a simple truth: farming land is not equal, and policy must reflect that reality if we are serious about sustaining agricultural communities and the environment in our most challenging landscapes. I commend the Bill to the Assembly.

Robbie Butler (UUP, Lagan Valley)

On behalf of the Committee for Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs, I welcome the opportunity to speak in this Second Stage debate on the first private Member's Bill (PMB) of the mandate. I thank the member of the Committee for bringing it forward. He should have declared an interest as a member of the Committee, as well as having a small farm.

Committee members fully recognise the challenges facing farmers today, with increasing economic pressures and significant environmental demands. We also acknowledge the additional layers of difficulty experienced by those farming in areas of natural constraint, otherwise known as "ANCs". The Committee was first made aware of the proposal by the sponsoring Member, Mr Declan McAleer, in November 2024, and was formally notified in July 2025. An update following the public consultation was provided at the Committee's meeting on 6 November 2025. We received an introductory briefing on the details of the Bill at an extra Committee meeting on 16 March, and the Committee thanked the Member for that engagement, which was substantive. We heard that the aim of the Bill is to restore income from support payments that were previously vital to upland farmers in a range of ways that may be described as social, economic, environmental and financial.

Clause 1 places a statutory duty on DAERA to use its powers under Part 1 of schedule 6 to the Agriculture Act 2020 to make regulations for ANC payments, with subsection (2) requiring that to be done within 12 months. Clause 2 provides for commencement on the day after Royal Assent.

The Member advised us that the intention of the Bill was:

"to compensate farmers for all or part of the additional costs and income forgone due to production constraints in areas with natural constraints (ANCs)",

ease the burden of operating in challenging farming environments,

"address the reduction in agricultural opportunities ... in designated ANCs; and better promote equality of opportunity for farmers in those regions".

We heard that most stakeholders who responded to the Member's public consultation supported those objectives. We heard that those farmers could not switch to alternative enterprises due to the land and terrain in ANCs. For example, the Member advised that the DAERA census shows that there are only 10 cereal farmers in ANCs across Northern Ireland.

The Committee also heard that previous ANC payments helped to sustain hill farming, support low-carbon livestock production and maintain areas of outstanding natural beauty (AONBs). The Member advised that ANCs are important for our red meat sector and that, of the more than 200,000 beef cattle in Northern Ireland, 100,000 are in ANCs and 64,000 in disadvantaged areas. We heard that lowland cattle finishers require cattle bred in upland areas and that ANCs cannot support pedigree herds due to the cooler climate. We were advised that the same was true of the sheep sector, which has already been subject to cuts to fund other schemes, and that sheep farmers cannot access many of the schemes that are available to other farmers.

The Committee was informed that, over the past decade, beef cattle numbers in ANCs had fallen by 21%, representing the lowest number in 25 years, with broader environmental and ecological consequences such as an increased risk of wildfires due to reduced grazing and land management. We heard that ANCs are complex agricultural ecosystems that play a pivotal role in maintaining biodiversity. The Committee saw that at first hand on a visit to Glenwherry Hill Farm Centre.

The Committee then took the opportunity to question the Member on several issues, including the limited detail in the Bill, the source of funding and the possible implications for other farm support schemes. The Member advised that the proposal was introduced as a Member's Bill because the Department did not include ANC payments in its sustainable agriculture programme, unlike that in the Republic of Ireland and Scotland. We heard that the Agriculture Act 2020 contains powers to make regulations to provide for ANC payments.

The Committee queried the assessment of costs in the explanatory and financial memorandum (EFM). The Member advised that the scheme envisaged under the Bill mirrors the previous ANC scheme, which finished in 2018, as that was considered the most efficient basis on which to proceed.

The Committee raised concerns around the financial implications of the Bill for other support schemes, as the commencement of the Act is the day after Royal Assent. The Member advised that the Bill establishes the legislative framework to enable ANC payments to be made and that identifying funding and advancing the statutory regulations will commence once Royal Assent has been granted. The Member also stated that the payments should not come from a reallocation of the existing farm sustainability payment (FSP), as it has already been subject to several reductions and there would be strong opposition to further cuts.

The Committee further discussed the Bill's direct and indirect budgetary implications, its viability as enabling legislation and the Minister's confirmation that no funding for ANC payments is currently available.

There will undoubtedly be interest from the farming community in the proposals, and, should the Bill pass Second Stage today, the Committee will ensure thorough scrutiny and engagement with DAERA, farmers, producers and other stakeholders.

At its meeting on 16 March, the Committee agreed to reserve its position on the Bill. We look forward to considering it in further detail should it proceed to Committee Stage.

I will now make a few comments as the Ulster Unionist spokesperson on agriculture, environment and rural affairs. We have to accept that the Bill cannot be looked at in isolation from all the other events since 2017, and I put Brexit at the top of that list. The reality is that, since Brexit, farmers in Northern Ireland have not had access to established and specified EU funding streams that recognise the specific challenges faced by farmers in disadvantaged areas. That funding provided a degree of stability and predictability that is now sorely lacking. Meanwhile, in other jurisdictions, support has not only continued but, in some cases, strengthened. In the Republic of Ireland, the ANC scheme remains a central pillar for rural support. It provides hundreds of millions of euros annually with payments targeted specifically at those farming on disadvantaged and severely disadvantaged lands. In recent years, the Government in the Irish Republic have allocated in the region of €250 million a year into its ANC programme, with €180 million to €190 million of that coming from EU coffers. Similarly, in Scotland, the less-favoured area support scheme payments, now transitioning into the new support mechanisms, have contributed around £60 million annually to farmers operating in challenging conditions. Questions need to be asked. How can it be right that farmers in Northern Ireland facing similar if not greater natural constraints are left at a competitive disadvantage? It is not just an agricultural issue; it is an issue of fairness, economic sustainability and rural survival for some of those farmers.

We welcome the intent of the Bill; the Second Stage is about looking at the intent of the Bill. While it is commendable, there are areas to grapple with, and the Member who introduced the Bill will understand that. There are areas on which the Ulster Unionist Party requires significant clarity before it can move beyond conditional support. The first pillar of that is funding. Where will the money come from? Is it a reallocation of existing DAERA budgets, or is the Member proposing new investment? If it is the former, which programmes would lose out? If it is the latter, what discussions have been had, if any, with the Finance Minister to identify where the money could come from? We cannot simply shift pressure from one part to another. We saw that in the previous mandate when we brought forward legislation that simply did not stand up.

The second area is targeting and outcomes. The Bill refers to the role of ANC farmers in delivering environmental benefit but makes no requirement of those outcomes.

If the Bill is to move forward, there is a chance to do more. If public money is to be invested, it should be linked to public good, carbon sequestration, biodiversity enhancement and environmental stewardship. Organisations such as the RSPB have rightly pointed out that payments should be tied to measurable outcomes. That is not a barrier; it is an opportunity to strengthen the Bill.

We should also ask how the proposal aligns with our wider environmental ambitions. We talk about 30x30 commitments, restoring nature and increasing afforestation rates, but, across Northern Ireland, progress has been slow. Could the proposal be part of the solution? Could it incentivise land management practices that deliver farm viability and environmental gain? Those are questions that are worth exploring if we get to Committee Stage.

There is also a broader strategic question: is the Bill part of a coherent, long-term agricultural policy, or is it a piecemeal response to mounting pressures? In my time as Chair of the AERA Committee, the sheep task force and representatives of sheep farming have said that they have felt very much that they have been left behind. There is a need for a targeted sheep support scheme; perhaps the Minister will refer to that. The Bill may represent a step in that direction, because I know that sheep farm numbers could be particularly impacted by the Bill. We must ensure that the Bill is just one of a number of significant steps.

The Ulster Unionist Party supports the progress of the Bill to its next stage, but we do so with significant caveats and questions. We must ensure that, if funding is deliverable, it is credible and sustainable; that support is fairly targeted and outcome-driven; and that Northern Ireland farmers are no longer left behind their counterparts in Scotland or the Republic of Ireland, particularly those who farm near the border. If we fail to act properly, we risk not just the loss of farm incomes but the erosion of our ANC and rural communities.

Michelle McIlveen (DUP, Strangford)

We are at a stage of the mandate similar to the situation in 2021, when Members brought forward poorly drafted pieces of legislation that were often vanity projects and raised expectations of change in the public sphere. In their eagerness to please, Members and parties in the House, who, frankly, should know better, rush through the Lobbies to approve legislation that has unintended consequences and, importantly, no business case, which means no budget. Do Members need to be reminded of the Climate Change Act (Northern Ireland) 2022 or, indeed, the Hospital Parking Charges Act (Northern Ireland) 2002? Of course not. Tomorrow, the Minister of Health will move the Consideration Stage of the Hospital Parking Charges Bill to defer its introduction again. Why? It is because the Department of Health cannot afford to fund it. In Westminster, if a private Member's Bill proposes spending public money on something not previously approved by Parliament, a money resolution must be agreed to. Perhaps a version of that needs to be considered by the Assembly moving forward; in fact, it is essential that such a mechanism be introduced.

I speak on behalf of the Democratic Unionist Party to oppose the Second Stage of the Areas with Natural Constraints (Payments) Bill. That is not because we do not want to support growth in agriculture or provide financial aid to farmers; rather, it is because we feel that the Bill does not deliver either and could adversely impact on both. It has been 10 years since we had a substantive debate on an ANC scheme. That came after the actions of the now First Minister. As we know, when she was Agriculture Minister, she continued with the ANC scheme, contrary to the advice of her officials. It did not meet the requirements of 'Managing Public Money', and a ministerial direction was given to proceed. When she acted to extend those payments, she did not do so permanently, because the business case did not support that, so should we really be surprised that Sinn Féin has introduced a Bill that would not deliver value for money? In fact, if enacted, any new scheme would not restrict support to the businesses that last received the grant when the old ANC scheme closed in 2018; it would be much more expensive.

At the end of 2016, when I was AERA Minister, I announced a one-year transitional scheme: the 2018 ANC scheme that is referenced in the Bill. At that time, there were budgetary pressures, and it was a challenge to fund the scheme. Fast-forward 10 years, and we can only dream of having those types of budgetary pressures. We were also working in an entirely different context for farm support. It is clear that much of the public support for the Bill that has been voiced to date is predicated on an expectation of additional funding that is not grounded in fact. While the Ulster Farmers' Union (UFU) appears to support the reinstatement of the payment, it has stated a clear caveat:

"provided that it is funded through additional resources that are separate from existing direct agriculture support funding."

Indeed, when the sponsor of the Bill came to the AERA Committee last Monday, he said that the ANC scheme should not come out of the earmarked Department of Agriculture budget: if it is not to come from there, where will it come from? Let me be clear: there is no reference to ANCs in the Sinn Féin draft Budget. Those playing fast and loose with the truth on the issue are promising a false dawn for the farms affected and wrongly downplaying the concerns of those in lowland areas, who rightly fear for the future of their direct support payments. Not only would a mandatory ANC scheme have to be funded from within the existing Agriculture budget, reducing financial support for other farm businesses under the farm sustainability payment, but that disparity in treatment would deepen, as there is a proposal in the PMB to link ANCs payments to inflation. That link is not afforded to any other element of the sustainable agriculture programme. In essence, what is proposed is a hierarchy in agriculture, and where is the fairness in that? Is it Sinn Féin policy to move money from suckler cow and sheep farmers in lowland areas to large landowners in severely disadvantaged areas?

It is also important to address the misconception that farms in seriously disadvantaged areas are deprived of financial support or have found themselves in a worse situation than was previously the case. Since the ending of ANC payments, I understand, there has been no significant change to agriculture in LFAs relative to lowland areas in Northern Ireland either in livestock numbers or, indeed, in farmed areas. The move to a flat-rate, land-based payment has, in fact, seen more funding under the basic payment scheme moved from lowland areas and DAs to SDA land types, more than compensating for the loss of the old ANC scheme.

Declan McAleer (Sinn Féin, West Tyrone)

I thank the Member for taking an intervention. In 2016, there were 269,746 beef cattle in the North: last year, there were 213,744. That is a 21% drop. There has not been a transition towards a flat rate. We were in year 5 of seven when the scheme was halted.

Michelle McIlveen (DUP, Strangford)

I thank the Member for his intervention, but we know that businesses can also access support through the beef sustainability package and the Farming with Nature package.

Between 2018 and 2020, only 705 of the 4,256 farm businesses in receipt of support through the environmental farming scheme (EFS) were exclusively in lowland areas, so how does that fit with the narrative that those in SDAs struggle to access funding streams?

Rather than seeing further regressive area-based payments that are not linked to productivity, we want to see programmes focused on efficiency and resilience in order to support profitable and sustainable agricultural activity across Northern Ireland. We support the need for a designated sheep scheme, for example, which would have a significantly positive impact on SDAs, where over half our sheep are located. Those farmers already contribute significantly to the environment and to rural communities, providing employment on farms and across the supply chain. The sector is also a multiplier for the Northern Ireland economy more generally. We want to see tailored support, building on previous work by the Northern Ireland sheep task force, to safeguard those family farms for the next generation, but that also means providing them with help to invest in infrastructure, equipment and technology, which will increase productivity and lead to improved animal health and welfare.

Next Tuesday night marks the closure of the first year of the suckler cow payment scheme. For the first time in 20 years, farmers throughout Northern Ireland will receive £100 per eligible cow as a direct payment. Surely, if Sinn Féin really wanted to maintain cow numbers, it would lobby for that payment to be increased. However, over the past few weeks, Sinn Féin has politicised the issue in carefully selected constituencies through posters and leaflets, so let us have a quick look at how Sinn Féin really supports farmers. Sinn Féin continues to refuse to engage in a conversation to amend climate change targets that directly impact on our farming community, placing on it unrealistic net zero targets. What about the farmers in West Tyrone, where farms are directly impacted by the A5? In the current mandate, those farmers have been treated shamefully by Sinn Féin. Their land was illegally vested, literally ploughed through and completely destroyed. Farmers throughout West Tyrone still have no certainty about the future of their land whilst the Department for Infrastructure, run by Sinn Féin, continues to progress shambolically with that project. It is absolutely disgraceful.

Reintroducing ANC support without additional funding would redistribute already limited support in the sector, create inequality between farm types and undermine confidence in the sustainable agriculture programme. It risks setting farm businesses against one another, in effect robbing Peter to pay Paul.

A Member

Will the Member take an intervention?

Michelle McIlveen (DUP, Strangford)

I am coming to a conclusion.

Taking the Bill through to Committee Stage would not change that fundamental flaw, as the Committee has no role in allocating budget and certainly has no business raising unrealistic expectations. Therefore, I appeal to the Minister to work at pace to introduce a targeted package of support that is fair, effective and sustainable.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

I begin by recognising the effort and dedication of the Member who has introduced the private Member's Bill. I am going through the same process, so I fully understand how challenging it can be. I also acknowledge the real difficulties faced by farmers in upland and other constrained areas. Harsh winters, shorter growing seasons, poor soils, higher input costs and higher infrastructure costs are among the challenges that they face. Where we differ with the Member is not in recognising the pressure on farmers in areas with natural constraints but on how best and most responsibly that pressure should be addressed.

From the Alliance Party's perspective, all farmers should be valued and supported, whether upland or lowland; whether large or small; and whether they specialise in livestock, crops or horticulture. We have no business pitting one group of farmers against another. The underlying rationale for ANC support is to maintain agricultural activity in constrained areas and to prevent land abandonment. However, there is no evidence that sticks of significant land abandonment in Northern Ireland nor of a particular drop in productivity since the previous ANC payments ceased following EU exit. Indeed, ANC payments were previously provided under ministerial direction and, then, as explained today, phased out.

Furthermore, it is important that we consider the Bill in the context of what the Department already delivers. The Minister has made it clear that he does not intend simply to recreate an old, EU-style ANC scheme; instead, he has chosen to invest dedicated and ring-fenced funding of over £330 million a year in a comprehensive farm support and development programme. The new farm sustainability payment already provides support for agricultural activity across Northern Ireland, including in disadvantaged and constrained areas. Alongside that, there is the beef sustainability package, the emerging Farming with Nature package, the soil nutrient health scheme, the ruminant genetics programme, farming for carbon projects, the Farming for the Generations pilot, new knowledge transfer schemes, horticulture support, capital investment and supply chain initiatives. Together, those measures show that the Minister is already supporting farm businesses in constrained areas in a way that treats all farmers fairly and links public support to wider — I will give way to the Bill sponsor.

Declan McAleer (Sinn Féin, West Tyrone)

Thank you very much for taking an intervention. There are just a couple of points that I want to refer to. We, too, believe that all farmers should be treated equally, but, as I said in my introduction, all land is not equal. We are talking about farms in severely disadvantaged areas: the scheme creates something to help balance that.

John, you said that there was no drop in productivity: there has been a 21% drop in the number of cattle over the past 10 years and a 7% drop in the number of ewes in the last year alone. That is clearly a drop in productivity.

Finally, historically, from 2005, entitlements in ANC areas have always been lower than those in other areas. The transition to a flat rate was stopped, so it has not happened. Therefore, there is an historical imbalance, and we feel that restoration of the payment is a step in the right direction to rebalance things.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

As I indicated at the start, I understand some of the principle behind the Bill and the challenges facing farmers in areas of constraint. In summary, a number of the points raised by the proposer of the Bill can be addressed by reference to or checking of the existing schemes and environmental initiatives that I mentioned a moment ago.

All farmers should be treated fairly, and there should be links to public support of wider environmental and climate responsibilities.

Michelle McIlveen (DUP, Strangford)

Will the Member take a question?

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

I will not give way again so soon. I hope that Members understand that.

Those factors lead to the next fundamental difficulty that Alliance has with the Bill: its complete lack of environmental safeguards. The Member's explanatory notes highlight the potential environmental benefits of upland and constrained farms, but the Bill reflects none of that. In the current context, that is not acceptable. Climate change has already affected Northern Ireland agriculture with more frequent extreme rainfall, flooding and unseasonal weather, impacting on farm incomes and viability. We also face serious challenges with ammonia and phosphorus pollution, the health of Lough Neagh and wider biodiversity decline. In that situation, the environment cannot be treated as an afterthought. As a minimum, there should be clear conditions and standards around stocking densities, soil and peatland protection, water quality, habitat management and an explicit link to schemes such as Farming with Nature and to the new farm sustainability standards that the Minister intends to introduce in 2026. I am left wondering whether the Member was willing to work with the Minister to include some of those measures in the Bill in the first place. In the context of the climate and biodiversity crisis that I mentioned, we should help farmers in marginal, constrained areas to pivot towards maximising the delivery of environmental public good alongside sustainable food production, not locking in a blunt, area-based payment that simply recreates the old model.

That leads me to our next major concern: funding. Departmental budgets are already seriously stretched, particularly in the Department of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs. The explanatory and financial memorandum acknowledges that an ANC scheme would cost around £11·4 million per year, with costs rising over time to keep pace with inflation. To put that into context, that is more than double the amount ring-fenced each year for the restoration of Lough Neagh, which stands at around £5 million per annum. The Bill provides no new funding, and the Minister would therefore have to find the money in DAERA's existing, highly constrained, budget; indeed, that is acknowledged in the financial memorandum provided with the Bill. It would be irresponsible to sign up to a new, inflation-linked annual spend on that scale without being clear about where the funding comes from. I note in that regard that the draft legislation provides for that inflationary uplift to ANC payments, whereas no other agriculture scheme enjoys a similar automatic uplift.

I am particularly concerned that funding might be diverted from beneficial and urgently needed programmes such as environmental improvement and animal welfare initiatives. Those are precisely the areas that we should be scaling up, not cutting. There is also, as I mentioned, the realistic prospect of a negative financial impact on other areas in the agri sector.

Opposing the Bill does not mean turning our backs on farmers in upland and constrained areas. I recognise the depth of concern among those farmers about their livelihoods, communities and the future of their family farms. However, the Alliance Party cannot support the Bill at Second Stage, because the Alliance Minister for Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs already supports farmers in constrained areas through initiatives such as the farm support and development programme and the others that have been mentioned and because there is little evidence of land abandonment or a drop in productivity since previous ANC payments ceased. Further reasons not to support the Bill are its failures to integrate environmental standards at a time of climate and nature emergency and to offer a credible, sustainable funding plan to a Department with budgets that are already under intense pressure.

Alliance will continue to work constructively with the Minister, farmers and stakeholders to ensure that all farmers — upland and lowland — are properly valued and supported and that our spending advances rural prosperity and environmental responsibility. For those reasons, the Alliance Party will vote against the Bill at Second Stage.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Mr McCrossan is next. We have four minutes, Mr McCrossan, before I would have to call on you to stop.

Daniel McCrossan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, West Tyrone)

I can make no guarantees, Mr Speaker.

[Laughter.]

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Yes. Historically, you have taken a little longer than four minutes. You may prefer to make your speech uninterrupted.

Daniel McCrossan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, West Tyrone)

Yes, I would.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

That is fine. We will take our ease for a moment before Question Time and hear an uninterrupted Mr McCrossan post 3.30 pm.

The debate stood suspended.

Oral Answers to Questions — Education

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Questions 1 and 6 have been withdrawn.

Linda Dillon (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

2. Mrs Dillon asked the Minister of Education whether he has any plans to announce new school builds for the primary-school sector. (AQO 3320/22-27)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

Due to the current capital budget position and the number of major works projects that have been announced but are yet to be delivered, it is not my intention to make a fresh call for new major capital projects in the near future. A number of projects that are at the pre-construction stage cannot be progressed to construction at this time, due to funding availability. I have made and will continue to make the case for significantly increased and sustained investment in our schools estate.

Linda Dillon (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I thank the Minister for his answer. I say that I thank him, but, if I am being honest, I am not sure that I do. I acknowledge the work that your officials are doing to progress the new build at Gaelscoil Uí Néill. It is very welcome that you visited that school, and we look forward to seeing ground cut there very soon. I am also, however, dealing with St Joseph's Primary School in Galbally. Last week, a ceiling fell in there, and it has almost no outdoor space for its children. It amalgamated 50 years ago, when nobody was amalgamating, and there is nowhere for its overspill of children to go, because the nearest school is Donaghmore Primary School, which also has —

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Will you get to the question, Mrs Dillon?

Linda Dillon (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

— far too high a number of children. Will you give a commitment to meeting those at the primary school in Galbally to look at what is happening there from a health and safety perspective and at the access to outdoor space —

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Minister.

Linda Dillon (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

— for those children and young people in a growing community?

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Minister.

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I understand the sentiment that the Member has expressed, and I share in the frustration with there being many schools across Northern Ireland that require significant investment. I can invest only what is allocated to my Department in capital allocations, and we are significantly underfunded. That has an impact on routine maintenance, which needs to be carried out in a planned and strategic way. Indeed, that is what the Audit Office (NIAO) report recommended, but we are still having to react and make emergency responses.

As part of the Budget process, I put in a significant bid for major capital schemes to be taken forward. I await the outcome of that Budget process. In the event that I get increased investment, I hope to be able to move forward on schools that are currently at the pre-tender stage, taking them to construction. That will, however, be entirely dependent on the available capital.

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

One school that has been at pre-tender stage for a considerable time is Seaview Primary School in my constituency of North Belfast. The Minister is aware of my insistent and ongoing requests for him to move that along. Will the Minister provide an update and state his commitment to ensuring that that school gets the investment that it deserves?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

Mr Brett has campaigned for Seaview Primary School and for other schools in his constituency of North Belfast. I commend him on those ongoing representations. The Education Authority's (EA) asset management team has drafted the business case for Seaview Primary School, but that cannot be finalised until a site valuation report is received from Land and Property Services (LPS). It is anticipated that the business case will be lodged with the Department for its consideration by the end of April. Should the business case be approved by the Department, the preferred option will be progressed to design stage.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Minister, there has been a challenge with the opacity of how decisions are made on prioritising schools that are in urgent need of maintenance. I can think of two in my constituency. The first is Rosetta Primary School, about which you wrote to me recently. It has a school hall that is not safe, and that needs to be addressed. The second is Botanic Primary School, which is in real need of maintenance. I ask for clarity on how prioritisation is done. I understand that you are operating within a constrained budget, but how is it prioritised?

Minister, will you also give a brief update on the construction of a new build at Forge Integrated Primary School? Have you had any conversations with the Minister for Infrastructure about moving along the construction of that new build?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The necessity of maintenance works being carried out will be considered by the EA. Many MLAs have corresponded with me on the one in Rosetta, providing information in respect of it. I know that the church hall is being utilised to try to facilitate the delivery of parts of the curriculum, but a process is being followed to try to take through the works that would be required for that school. When it comes to the criteria, those are dealt with by EA. Often, the decisions are operational. There is a de minimis level of spend for those decisions that people are authorised to take. Decisions about what works should or should not be prioritised are very rarely escalated to ministerial level.

Diane Dodds (DUP, Upper Bann)

3. Mrs Dodds asked the Minister of Education for an update on progress towards the creation of a managing authority for controlled schools. (AQO 3321/22-27)

Keith Buchanan (DUP, Mid Ulster)

9. Mr K Buchanan asked the Minister of Education for an update on legislation to establish a managing authority for controlled schools. (AQO 3327/22-27)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

With your permission, Mr Speaker, I will answer questions 3 and 9 together. I am grateful for the opportunity to update the Assembly on my proposals to improve the management arrangements that support controlled schools. The controlled sector encompasses half of all schools in Northern Ireland and is the most diverse sector, comprising a wide range of nursery, primary, post-primary, special, Irish-medium and integrated schools. It is therefore of considerable concern that the independent review of education found the management arrangements for the sector and the 150,000 pupils whom it serves to be "suboptimal".

Acting on the recommendations of the task force, I commissioned the bringing forward of proposals for improvement in management arrangements. I brought a proposal to the Executive in June last year to establish a dedicated body to support controlled schools. In the absence of agreement, I progressed a public consultation on the proposals, the outcome of which was published in January. Ninety-one per cent of respondents agreed that support for controlled schools must improve, and 84% backed the creation of a new dedicated organisation. Propelled by that powerful and unequivocal mandate for change, I wrote again to Executive colleagues, and I am pleased to advise that, at the end of February, agreement was reached to permit commencement of the drafting process that will legislate for the creation of a new organisation.

In the interim, whilst we work to progress the long-term solution, I am pleased that a discrete controlled schools unit has been established in the Education Authority to give focus to the authority's duty to provide a managing authority for controlled schools. Working with school leaders, the Controlled Schools' Support Council (CSSC) and other stakeholders, the dedicated team has developed a clear understanding of the specific needs of the controlled sector to tailor an offer that complements existing supports and service provision. It is clear from the public consultation that the unit has been positively received and is having an impact.

Diane Dodds (DUP, Upper Bann)

Thank you, Minister. I am encouraged that things have progressed and that there is agreement to progress this important issue. However, this afternoon, I was disappointed to hear politicians in the House question the need for such a body. We are fortunate that that is not the position of the education sector. For the advisement of the House, will the Minister outline the views of the Council for Catholic Maintained Schools (CCMS) on the initiative?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

Not for the first time, the comments of some Members are out of keeping with where the education sector is. They often make politically motivated points despite the evidence, which is what they should be following. I am not surprised that the Member has reported that ill-informed commentary continues to be articulated by some.

The Member, rightly, highlights that the Catholic maintained sector has CCMS, which is of greater advantage than what controlled schools have at present. CCMS's response to the consultation was highly supportive of the proposal for a new dedicated organisation to strengthen management arrangements for the controlled sector. The CCMS submission articulated an authoritative and robust rationale. It stated the following:

"There is a strong evidence base demonstrating that statutory, sector-specific support such as that provided by CCMS delivers clear, measurable improvements in school outcomes, governance and leadership confidence ... The Controlled sector deserves to benefit from the same kind of tailored, responsive and human-centred support. Establishing a dedicated organisation with an ethos, skill set and statutory authority comparable to CCMS will enable Controlled schools to access the high-quality, bespoke and compassionate support that has proven so effective elsewhere, ultimately improving outcomes for children and young people across Northern Ireland."

That is a compelling and persuasive endorsement from CCMS. I welcome its approach to delivering equality of treatment for the controlled sector when it comes to education. That is why I welcome the Executive's agreement on bringing forward the legislation.

Keith Buchanan (DUP, Mid Ulster)

Minister, what were the views of the members of the independent review of education panel on the proposal?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

All members of the independent review of education panel were supportive of the proposal.

The panel was of the view that the establishment of a single managing authority to manage all schools, apart from the voluntary grant-aided sector, is the ultimate goal for which we should aim. However, it acknowledged that that would require agreement among numerous stakeholders and would likely take some time. The panel regarded the need to improve support for controlled schools as very urgent. Panel members considered that 'Investing in a Better Future' — the independent review of education report — strongly aligned with the establishment of a managing authority for controlled schools as a crucial stepping stone towards a broader, single managing authority for education. The panel members viewed the establishment of a managing authority not as an end point but as an essential interim measure on the path to a single, system-wide managing authority.

Pat Sheehan (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

The Minister has asserted on a number of occasions that the creation of a managing authority for the controlled sector will improve educational outcomes and that there needs to be equality of treatment for the controlled sector. Given those assertions, will he agree to setting up managing authorities for the integrated sector and the Irish-medium sector?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The integrated sector has the Northern Ireland Council for Integrated Education (NICIE) — the body that represents its views. Interestingly, the majority of integrated schools are controlled integrated schools. We also have Irish-medium schools that fall within the controlled sector. Therefore, the proposition that the Member makes — that controlled schools are somehow exclusive and do not incorporate other aspects of our education sector — is false, given that the sector is inclusive of the integrated and Irish-medium sectors.

Nick Mathison (Alliance, Strangford)

Minister, later today, we will debate your party colleagues' motion, which sets out an argument that there should be a presumption against the establishment of new public bodies. With that in mind, what will the new managing authority do that the already established and active directorate in the EA that you have established, which, you have said, is working well and which has been positively received, cannot do under the existing structures?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I am glad that the Member raises that point, because he allows me to re-emphasise the evidence that I have just provided in response to the two questions. I trust that the Member listened to those responses. If he does not want to listen to me, I hope that he listens to the over 90% endorsement from the consultation. I hope that he listens to the overwhelming endorsement from school principals in his constituency and the constituencies of other Members, who are actively supportive of and campaigning for this, or is the Alliance Party ignoring the demands from the principals of the controlled schools in its Members' constituencies? That is the suggestion that, I infer, the Member is making. The evidence is there.

A controlled sector support council advocacy group already exists. That will be dissolved and merged into the managing authority, so a further body will not be created. There will be an efficiency. The controlled sector unit that has been established in the EA is giving much clearer purpose to the current functions that ought to be discharged by the EA, but all of the evidence shows it to be inadequate. Therefore, as that work is consolidated in that controlled sector unit, it will be able to be transitioned seamlessly towards the creation of the managing authority that the legislation will be able to take forward. I have no doubt that, in due course, the Member will be able to provide the relevant scrutiny as it appears before his Committee.

Colin McGrath (Social Democratic and Labour Party, South Down)

The adequate funding of all sectors of education is critical. The ring-fenced budget of the Youth Service is under severe threat. Does the Minister agree that the Youth Service is desperately important in our communities, that it needs to be funded and that a certain amount of protection came from that ring-fencing? Will he agree to meet me urgently to discuss some of the issues and to allow me to passionately explain the importance of youth work, having spent a career in it?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I agree with the Member about the importance of youth work. I see it in my constituency. I have witnessed the increase of the community sector's ability to deliver that provision, rather than the statutory sector doing it. The community sector has made a significant contribution to outcomes in the constituency.

The EA is the decision maker on the criteria for the assessment of applications. The Department will continue to set the overarching policy and framework, but operational decisions sit entirely with the EA and do not come to the Department. The EA takes the decisions on applications, and it is therefore appropriate that it also take the decisions on the level of funding that will be allocated to youth services. In the past, the earmarked funding was often looked at as being a limit that would be spent on youth services. The EA will have the opportunity, if it decides to do so, to put more money into youth services. I certainly do not anticipate that it will put less money into youth services. Rather than regarding the previous policy of earmarked funding as a cap, the EA will be able to increase funding if it feels that that is where the priority lies.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

4. Mr Buckley asked the Minister of Education whether the number of available funded preschool places in non-statutory settings meets the need in areas of high demand. (AQO 3322/22-27)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The Education Authority is responsible for managing the preschool admissions process and ensuring that sufficient places are available to accommodate all target-age children whose parents want a place. In doing so, the EA takes account of all provision across statutory and non-statutory settings. My Department plays no role in that process. The EA wrote to settings on 4 November 2025 to notify them of their provisional pupil allocation number (PAN) for the 2026-27 academic year and explained that those allocations may be subject to change.

The 2026-27 preschool admissions process is ongoing, and parents, I know, will have been advised of the outcome of stage-1 applications today. The EA has advised that the level of demand for provision in all areas will continue to be monitored. Where necessary, PANs will be adjusted to ensure that sufficient provision remains available. In each of the past 12 years, at least 99·8% of children whose parents stayed with the process to the end received an offer of a funded place in a setting of their preference. It is, however, important to remember that it is not possible, nor is it the aim of the programme, to accommodate every child in their parents' first-preference setting. Parents are encouraged to consider all preschool provision in their area, to list a number of preferences and to stay with the process to the end to maximise the opportunity for their child to be offered a funded preschool place.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

The Minister will recognise that it is a very anxious time for parents, particularly as stage 1 completes today. He will also recognise that preschool, playgroup and nursery places are vital for the viability of many schools, particularly some of our rural schools, whose ability to be agile as numbers fluctuate in the years ahead has been frustrated, limited and made difficult. I ask the Minister whether he will seek to ensure that children, especially those in rural areas with more limited options, have access to the appropriate settings, which will help feed local primary schools and ensure their viability into the future.

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I can assure the Member that the EA's processes will continue to review preschool provision levels in all areas, including rural areas. The Member makes a compelling argument about the importance of preschool provision, particularly in rural settings. Where additional funded places are required, the EA will adjust allocations to those settings accordingly.

Last year, I asked the EA to review its admissions and PAN processes to bring about improvement and to provide better transparency for settings and parents. The report on the review is available on the EA website. That was done in response to concerns that were raised as a result of last year's process. I believe that it has improved the way in which the process has been carried out, but I am aware that a number of pupils and parents have been in contact with me today and will also have contacted colleagues in the Assembly. I will seek to provide more information to them on specific, case-by-case examples.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

Minister, I have written to you to make the case for additional nursery places at Cloughmills Early Years and Taylorstown Cross Community Preschool, which do not have enough places to meet this year's demand. This morning, both preschool settings had to turn away children who live in those small villages, with the PAN having been based on the previous year's intake. How will you support non-statutory settings to allow them to grow and meet demand instead of continuing to penalise them because of one year's low intake?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

When it comes to PANs, the EA follows a process, and I know from my constituency that the experience last year was not satisfactory. Significant adjustments had to be made, not least in the Moira area of my constituency. We were able to do that. Where there are particular examples, I am happy for Members to raise them with me, and we can engage with the EA. However, I will also say this to the Member: increasing the allocation in some settings could lead to a reduction in other settings. My colleague Mr Frew made a strong case to me about the increase needed to the numbers at the nursery school adjacent to Kirkinriola Primary School. Having looked at the evidence on applications, we were able to move its allocation from seven, which would have meant that it would no longer function, to eight. It has been able to be retained as a result of the work in which Mr Frew engaged. I say this to Mr Gaston: yes, make the case for other settings —

[Interruption.]

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Order, Mr Gaston.

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

Make the case for other settings

[Interruption]

but be aware that, in making the case for other settings, where there is movement, that can also have a negative impact in particular settings. I certainly commend Mr Frew for his work in North Antrim.

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

5. Mr McNulty asked the Minister of Education when his Department plans to undertake a formal evaluation of the Addressing Bullying in Schools Act (Northern Ireland) 2016. (AQO 3323/22-27)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I recognise the importance of evaluating the implementation and impact of the Addressing Bullying in Schools Act 2016. While the Act does not require schools to share the data that they are required to record on bullying-type behaviour with the Department, significant work over the past two years has focused on addressing existing data gaps to support meaningful ongoing evaluation of the implementation and impact of the Act.

While a formal evaluation of the Act has not been conducted, officials have progressed work to improve access to reliable, region-wide data with a view to confirming the extent to which the Act is being implemented across schools; supporting a deeper understanding of the frequency, methods and motivations associated with bullying-type behaviours; assessing the impact of the Act and of the EA's addressing bullying in schools implementation team's work; and informing future policy and practice for both the Department and the EA.

The available evidence base includes information from the termly reports provided by the EA's addressing bullying team; questions on bullying-type behaviour that were included in the school omnibus survey for the first time in 2024; work by the Education and Training Inspectorate (ETI) to help to inform understanding of the implementation and impact of the Act; and learner questionnaire responses to provide further insights into pupils' perceptions of safety and anti-bullying efforts. I considered that the emerging evidence from those data sources on the implementation and impact of the Act was broadly very positive, while recognising that more can always be done.

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

I thank the Minister for his answer. No child or young person should ever have to endure the insidious distress and hurt that is caused by bullies.

The Addressing Bullying in Schools Act introduced detailed reporting requirements for schools. What analysis has the Department undertaken to ensure that the collection of data on bullying is translating into measurable improvements in pupil safety and well-being, especially in the new context of potential 24/7 exposure to cyberbullies?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I agree with the comments that the Member has just made. I assure him that, following the introduction of the Addressing Bullying in Schools Act, the Department supported the establishment of an implementation team in the Education Authority in September 2022. That team was created and provides practical support to schools, educational settings, young people and parents, helping them to understand and meet the requirements of the Act and to embed cultures that eradicate bullying-type behaviour in schools.

We ought to do all that we can to address bullying. The Member highlighted the evolving nature of some of that bullying, particularly given the greater accessibility to smartphone devices and what can occur by way of messaging, WhatsApp groups, TikTok and so on. That is why I changed the policy in the Department to have a prohibition on smartphones in our schools. That is why I approved the smartphones pilot in nine of our schools; a pilot that the Alliance Party called a waste of money. Tell that to the children in those schools who have benefited. When I visited, they told me that it has made a positive impact in reducing the bullying behaviour that had been taking place. Tell them that it is a waste of money. Shame on the Alliance Party for scoring points on an issue related to those types of behaviours in our schools. Instead of doing that, I encourage Members to get behind the policy, and we should seek much greater effectiveness of it in our schools. That will go a long way to minimising that form of bullying, which often takes place.

Nuala McAllister (Alliance, Belfast North)

I thank the Minister for his answer, although I point out that bullying that commences in school often takes place outside school hours. There is such a thing as a cardboard box that does not cost £20,000 a pop that can be used to hold phones.

The Minister talked about data gaps and where we might be able to see those. Has he considered collating anonymous data? If not, might he reconsider that, so that the Department can see the trends more thoroughly?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I am always happy to take on board Members' comments about being more effective. The Member clearly has not engaged with schools about the challenges that there are with cardboard boxes. When it comes to smartphones and "off" buttons, I regularly encourage the Alliance Party Members to hit their "off" button and stop engaging in some of the activities that I have witnessed on their Twitter feeds. You do not need to have a cardboard box or a pouch in order to do that. If you were all to find the "off" button, you would do us all a favour.

Colm Gildernew (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

7. Mr Gildernew asked the Minister of Education to outline any assessment that has been made of the value of small rural schools. (AQO 3325/22-27)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I am aware of the important role that schools, including those in rural areas, play in their communities. The sustainable schools policy (SSP) recognises the needs of rural communities, and that is reflected in a lower enrolment threshold for rural primary schools; an accessibility criterion that provides guidance on home-to-school travel times; and a "Strong links with the Community" criterion that recognises the central place that a school has for many communities.

The aim of the SSP is to ensure that all children, no matter where they live, receive a high-quality education that meets their needs and enables them to achieve their full potential in strong schools that are educationally and financially sustainable. Children in rural areas have the same right as their urban counterparts to access high-quality education, and the needs of children, as opposed to institutions, must always be to the fore. Ideally, I want to see all communities with vibrant, sustainable education provision that provides the best educational opportunities for all our children and young people.

Colm Gildernew (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

I thank the Minister for his answer and for placing value, as I do, on all schools and small rural schools in particular. Does the Minister recognise that there are some strategically important small schools, the closure of which would have social and community impacts beyond the impact on educational outcomes? Does he agree that, in those situations, we should look at measures that can support schools?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I understand the Member's point; indeed, I will be in his constituency on Wednesday, I think, with Jemma Dolan and my colleague Deborah Erskine. We will visit schools in Belleek, which is a very remote area. During that visit, I will be in one of those schools. I share the views that the Member expressed around how strategically important some rural schools can be. That is why that is reflected in the sustainable schools policy criteria. We need to ensure that our schools are sustainable. Unfortunately, over the next 10 years, we will live with a significant reduction in population, and that will have a ripple effect on school enrolment. It is better to manage that process than to have to react in a way that I do not think would be planned. No decisions have been taken in respect of that. Part of the broader policy proposals for a more sustainable education sector is that a commission would look at the sustainability of schools. The Member makes a really strong argument about the importance of small rural schools to those communities.

Gareth Wilson (DUP, Newry and Armagh)

A number of small rural schools in my constituency continue to provide a vital and welcome service to the community. Will the Minister outline how he would identify such schools and subsequently support them with meaningful action?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I accepted the independent review of education panel's recommendation 20, which was to "Reconfigure the network of schools", in principle.

That panel determined that Northern Ireland has too many non-viable small schools and too many small sixth forms. To tackle that problem, which has educational and financial dimensions, the panel stated that we needed a new approach to area planning. Therefore, my Department set out its proposals for a five-year education budget strategy. Consultation on the strategy closes on 3 April. The strategy includes proposals that would restructure the schools estate. The details of how that will be taken forward are yet to be determined, and in any future work that my Department undertakes in that area, the SSP and rural issues will be key considerations.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

We now move to topical questions. Questions 1 and 4 have been withdrawn.

Peter McReynolds (Alliance, Belfast East)

T2. Mr McReynolds asked the Minister of Education how he will ensure that youth work services are protected in his Department's 2026-27 block grant allocation to the Education Authority. (AQT 2182/22-27)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I addressed that question when Mr McGrath raised the importance of the youth sector. I shared his sentiment about the importance of the youth sector, particularly having witnessed it not just in my constituency but in many others. The remarks there were quite clear, namely that there was an opportunity for the EA, if it wished, to provide additional funding when it comes to youth services and not regard the earmark process as a cap on the amount of funding that should be provided to those youth services.

Peter McReynolds (Alliance, Belfast East)

I thank the Minister for his response. Minister, we regularly hear about the budget pressures facing the EA, so how do we ensure that these vital services do not get absorbed within those and that the most vulnerable children in Northern Ireland do not miss out?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

There is a financial challenge facing the entirety of the Department of Education when it comes to meeting the needs within not just youth services but special educational needs provision and the wider issues around routine maintenance. What the Department of Education needs is a significant increase in its allocation. That is why, as part of the Budget process, I have made the case that there needs to be hundreds of millions of pounds more put into education. The best way for all services to get additional funding will be for the Alliance Party to support me at the Executive to provide increased funding to the Department of Education, which will then benefit our constituents.

Danny Baker (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

T3. Mr Baker asked the Minister of Education, after stating that he completely agreed with the Minister's response to an earlier question when he said that we ought to do all that we can to address bullying, to confirm, given his position of leadership, whether he has ever been accused of bullying within his Department. (AQT 2183/22-27)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I can confirm that no such allegations have been made against me in my Department.

Danny Baker (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

To reassure parents, pupils and staff across our education system, can the Minister categorically confirm that he has never been subject to any investigation, formal or informal, in relation to allegations of bullying within his Department?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

What I can say to the Member's remarks is that if any allegations of that nature were made, I would expect them to be thoroughly investigated. I am confident that in any such investigation, no such allegation, disgraceful as it would be to have made it in the first instance, would be substantiated or upheld.

Diana Armstrong (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

T5. Ms D Armstrong asked the Minister of Education what guidance has been issued to remind school governors that female teachers have the right to request flexible working arrangements, including job sharing, and to ensure that governors do not question the character or competence of teachers for exercising that right. (AQT 2185/22-27)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

Any requests that come into a school for flexible arrangements are considered by the board of governors in the first instance, and I know that, where those can be accommodated, schools often accommodate such requests.

Diana Armstrong (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

Thank you for your response, Minister. Do you agree that shrinking school budgets should never supersede women's rights in the workplace?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I agree with the Member. As a father of three girls, I absolutely believe that women's rights ought to be upheld in workplaces and that there should not be any practices in any sector, but certainly not in the area that I am responsible for, that discriminate against women in the workplace.

Kate Nicholl (Alliance, Belfast South)

T6. Ms Nicholl asked the Minister of Education, after stating that he will be well aware of the issues that Rosetta Primary School is facing with its hall, and further stating that, even though she knows that she should not have favourite constituents, her favourite constituent is Lucy, who is aged nine, goes to that school and came into her office on Friday, what message he can give Lucy about the state of the hall and when it will be fixed again because she wants to do PE in it. (AQT 2186/22-27)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I have visited the school in my role as Education Minister, and I am aware of the issues. I have sought assurances from the Education Authority that it is giving it the priority that it merits and that it is working through the processes so that the relevant stages are completed and works can be carried out. I say to the Member's constituent — Lucy — that I very much want to see the school getting the proper facilities that it deserves. Interim arrangements have been put in place with the church hall, and the EA is working through a process to try to reach a resolution.

Kate Nicholl (Alliance, Belfast South)

I thank the Minister for his answer. Some children who are now in P2 and P3 do not even know where that hall is. I understand that work is being done. Can any time frame be given so that those children know whether they will get into the hall during their time at primary school?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The EA will work closely with the school principal. It has engaged with the school to outline the works that it needs to complete to go through the process in order for the necessary business cases and so on to be completed. Then, the necessary funding needs to be made available for that.

I will make the point that I made earlier during Question Time. Many schools require significant investment, and the only way that we will be able to deliver that investment is for my Department to receive the appropriate allocation that it needs. The failure to provide funding to Education over many years is now being acutely felt in schools, not just in Rosetta but across the school estate. The estate is decaying and crumbling, and it requires significant financial investment for that to be put right.

Keith Buchanan (DUP, Mid Ulster)

T7. Mr K Buchanan asked the Minister of Education to provide an update on the review of the religious education curriculum. (AQT 2187/22-27)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

That is something that we have taken forward as a result of the UK Supreme Court judgement. The review of the syllabus is now firmly under way. As Members will be aware, I have agreed the terms of reference for the review and have appointed Professor Noel Purdy as chair and Mrs Joyce Logue as vice chair. The chair and vice chair have commenced a significant programme of engagement with key stakeholders, ensuring that the review is informed by a range of perspectives, with those early engagements shaping the work ahead.

In line with the terms of reference, I have established a Church consultative group to provide theological expertise and advice to the drafting group. The group comprises representatives from the four main Churches, and it has held its first meeting.

The chair and vice chair will be supported by a drafting group comprising practising teachers of religious education from primary and post-primary schools, with a breadth of experience. There was significant interest in those roles, and I expect members to be formally appointed this week.

Furthermore, my Department launched a call for evidence on 24 February, inviting views from the public to support the group of experts, teachers and school leaders taking forward the review. Over 1,000 responses have been received to the call, which closed on 20 March. That represents a vital component of the process and will complement wider engagement as the drafting group develops proposals for a revised syllabus.

As I have previously stated, the review represents a significant opportunity to ensure that the future RE core syllabus reflects the needs of learners now and into the future. I look forward to receiving the recommendations arising from the process in due course.

Keith Buchanan (DUP, Mid Ulster)

Thank you, Minister. Last week, Michelle Guy said that the Minister:

"has pushed his own department to take a case on religious education all the way to the Supreme Court."

Would the Minister like to take this opportunity to point out the basic factual inaccuracy in that statement and why it is important that Members get their facts right when making a public statement?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The Member is right to highlight the inaccuracy in respect of the comments that Mrs Guy made around RE. She went on to make a number of other misinformed comments, but I will respond to those later in the week.

The characterisation, as the Member described it, is completely inaccurate. My Department did not push the case to the Supreme Court, and my personal level of involvement in the legal proceedings is minimal. The genesis of the RE judicial review was in November 2021, well before my time in office. The case that was taken by a child and their father was heard by the High Court, with the judgement handed down in July 2022. At the time, the then Minister of Education, Michelle McIlveen, instructed the Department to appeal that decision. That appeal was heard in October 2023, and the outcome was handed down in April 2024. Whilst the High Court concluded that the impugned legislation was in breach of the applicant's rights, the Court of Appeal found that there was no breach because of the existence of the unqualified statutory rights of the parent to have their child excused wholly or partly from attendance at religious education, collective worship or both in accordance with their request.

Following the Court of Appeal judgement, which largely found in favour of the Department, it was the applicants, not the Department, who applied to the Supreme Court. The Department was a respondent in the case. The Supreme Court hearing was held in May 2025. In advance of the hearing and based on the views of counsel, I agreed to a cross-appeal in respect of issues not adjudicated on by the Court of Appeal in Belfast. That involvement falls well short of having:

"pushed his own department to take a case on religious education all the way to the Supreme Court."

Not for the first time, Mrs Guy is wrong.

Pat Sheehan (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

T8. Mr Sheehan asked the Minister of Education, after noting that the Minister was unclear in answer to his colleague Danny Baker's question, to be absolutely clear about whether he has ever been investigated for bullying in his Department. (AQT 2188/22-27)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The Member would need to elaborate on exactly what it is that he is referring to. If the Member wants to make a specific allegation about a specific issue, I will be able to respond to him. At the moment, however, he is making a vague allegation, as was Mr Baker. If he wants to provide specifics, I will give him a specific response.

Pat Sheehan (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

There is absolutely nothing vague about the question that has been asked. The Minister knows that it is a very serious matter to come in here and tell a lie. I am giving the Minister one more chance: has he ever been investigated for bullying, or has he ever been accused of bullying in the Department?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

Again, he is not giving specific details. If he wants to make a specific allegation that relates to a specific individual, he is welcome to do so. All Members are subject to investigations by the Assembly Commissioner for Standards. I have been investigated often. There has been only one incident, which related to decisions around "North/Southery". None of the rest were upheld against me. I can say to the Member that, if he is referring to any other investigations, no allegation against me has ever been upheld. Indeed, I have only ever been vindicated in the approach that I have taken in my Department.

Cathy Mason (Sinn Féin, South Down)

T9. Mrs Mason asked the Minister of Education, after stating that he has now dodged the question twice, to answer yes or no to the question of whether he has ever been investigated for bullying in his Department. (AQT 2189/22-27)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I refer to the same comment that I made to other Members in respect of the issues that are being raised. On no occasion has any complaint been upheld against me. Indeed, I have only ever been vindicated in the approach that I have taken in my role as Minister of Education.

Cathy Mason (Sinn Féin, South Down)

Minister, you are not giving us transparency. Had there been an investigation, would it be right and proper and provide transparency for pupils, teachers and all the staff who work under the direction of your Department for you to stand up and clarify that? If there had been, would you apologise?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

If there is any such report in existence, it should be published in full so that the public will be able to have full transparency and accountability in relation to any issues that are raised with Ministers. That is why, when the Commissioner for Standards carries out an investigation, it is then made publicly available. In my view, any other such investigation, if it relates to a Minister, should be published and people should be held to account. If the Members wish to provide specific details, I am happy to give a response to a question that goes beyond the generic. I repeat that I have only ever been vindicated as a result of investigations — vindicated. I take it that Members can read into that the fact that they were found to have absolutely no substance.

The Members opposite talk about investigations, but there were investigations in which they were found guilty of crimes for which they went to prison

[Interruption.]

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Order.

Oral Answers to Questions — Economy

Harry Harvey (DUP, Strangford)

1. Mr Harvey asked the Minister for the Economy to outline all matters discussed during her meeting with senior representatives of Cantor Fitzgerald on 11 March 2025. (AQO 3334/22-27)

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

Despite the US Administration's swing towards protectionism and the adoption of an "America First" policy, the North remains an attractive location for US investment, and engagement remains strong. An essential prerequisite for engaging with US companies and any prospective investor is that their privacy is respected and commercially sensitive information is protected. Breaching that trust would seriously compromise our ability to engage with such prospective investors. Members should also be reminded that investors or prospective investors do not appreciate attempts to drag them into political controversy or use them for political point-scoring. For my part, as Economy Minister, I will continue to make a positive pitch for inward investment, first and foremost on the basis of the talent and skills of our people and the positive business culture and supportive environment that companies experience here.

(Madam Principal Deputy Speaker in the Chair)

Harry Harvey (DUP, Strangford)

Minister, information surrounding the 300 potential jobs lost at Cantor Fitzgerald has had to be dragged from your Department bit by bit. The latest FOIs released to Mr Buckley are heavily redacted. Will you commit to publishing all information to ensure full transparency?

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

The company has indicated that it views releasing information about its strategy or decision-making as harmful to its commercial position, so it is not appropriate for me to do so.

Jon Burrows (UUP, North Antrim)

Given the impact that the Economy Minister has on foreign investors, I am glad that Sinn Féin avoided Washington last week. Will she confirm whether, during the meeting with Cantor Fitzgerald, before it pulled its investment, there was any discussion about American foreign policy? Yes or no?

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

As I have outlined, meetings with prospective investors are conducted confidentially to protect commercially sensitive information and to respect all parties' privacy. Accordingly, it is not appropriate for me to comment on or disclose any details of my meeting with the company.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

The Minister for the Economy's role is to promote Northern Ireland and bring jobs to our wee country. The loss of those 300 well-paid jobs with Cantor Fitzgerald exposes once again the toxic nature of Sinn Féin on the global stage. Minister, how many more jobs has Sinn Féin cost Northern Ireland because of your continued stance of always backing the oppressor and your continued glorification of terrorism in Northern Ireland?

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

The Member seriously misrepresents my party's policies. For his information, rather than losing jobs, we have been successful in securing jobs over the past year, such as the 100 jobs with Biller Genie that were announced in November; the 100 jobs that were announced by Napier Technologies last February; the jobs that were announced by SpiderRock and ControlSoft; and the jobs that were announced just last week by iVerify. We have been successful in promoting the positive offering that we have here in our skills, our people and, as I said, our positive business environment. That is what potential investors and investors who come, invest and reinvest here look for. Some 62% of investors who come here reinvest because of their experience here. That is what I go out to promote and offer to investors from around the world.

Danny Baker (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

2. Mr Baker asked the Minister for the Economy for an update on her discussions with the British Government in relation to support for households and businesses impacted by the energy crisis. (AQO 3335/22-27)

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

Prior to the onset of the most recent energy price crisis that has resulted from the Israeli/US attacks in Iran, I and my Department have been working to implement the reduction in electricity bills announced by the British Chancellor in the Budget last November. Despite our being excluded originally from the British Government's scheme, I secured approval to implement a similar scheme here. The necessary statutory instrument to provide legislative cover from Westminster was laid last Monday and is due to be in place in June. Subject to Executive agreement, my Department will be ready to go live with the scheme on 1 July. The Treasury has consistently insisted that the funding can be used only for a comparable scheme, meaning a £30 discount on every household’s electricity bill. That was confirmed in writing as recently as last Tuesday.

The current energy price crisis is a global energy shock, and the scale of the resources needed are beyond the means of an already underfunded Executive. Since the outset, I have engaged with my counterparts in the British Government to make the case for immediate support for those impacted, particularly by the home heating oil price hikes, but I have also been making the case that, as we continue to see gas prices spike, households and businesses here will need additional support. The support announced last week does not go anywhere near far enough, so I, alongside my Executive colleagues, will continue to make the case to the British Government for them to provide more funding to help businesses and households.

Danny Baker (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

I thank the Minister for her answer. While a reduction in electricity bills is welcome, we know that much more is needed. The misinformation that was peddled by many in the Chamber was not helpful. Will the Minister provide further detail on the efforts that are being made to get the British Government to provide more funding to help struggling families with energy costs?

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

When the conflict in the Middle East began, the reduction in electricity bills of around £30 a year had already been announced, with delivery being progressed by my Department. Many of our households and businesses are already under pressure from the cost-of-living crisis, and the new energy shock is compounding those pressures. I am particularly concerned about the impact on low-income and vulnerable households. Consumer Council figures show that the cost of oil for households has nearly doubled since 26 February.

I have consistently pressed the British Government for support, and I continue to do so. I spoke to Michael Shanks, Minister of State in the Department for Energy Security and Net Zero (DESNZ), on 4 March to highlight the impact of the immediate rise in home heating oil costs. I subsequently spoke to and wrote to Martin McCluskey, the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Energy Consumers in DESNZ, about the urgent need for support. The £17 million that the British Government announced is clearly inadequate. It is therefore important that whatever support is available or becomes available is targeted at those most in need. I am meeting Michael Shanks and Martin McCluskey regularly, and I will continue to argue for additional support should the conflict continue to drive up energy prices.

Mark Durkan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

We all agree that the support that has come from the British Government falls woefully short of what is required to protect households here, particularly those on the lowest incomes. Will the Minister outline whether any assessment has been done of the cost of providing targeted support to the most vulnerable households? Will she detail what, if any, substantive discussions have taken place at the Executive table on how such support could be given locally?

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I thank the Member for his question. As I indicated in my opening answer, the figures that the Consumer Council provided show the significant increases that people have immediately faced since the conflict unfolded. The figures really bring home the pressures that people are under. The Executive have been alive to those pressures. There was a discussion at the most recent Executive meeting on the matter, and it will be on the agenda again at this Thursday's meeting. We have a package of support in place, and we will work alongside the Minister for Communities to ensure that it gets out as quickly as possible. Unfortunately, it is not enough, as we have all indicated. We will therefore continue to make the case for additional support, but it is important that what we have available at the minute is targeted at helping those in most imminent need.

As I also indicated in my opening answer, the rises in gas prices are particularly concerning, because, if they continue, they will have an impact on people's gas bills and electricity bills. During the Ukraine energy price crisis, we saw the British Government move to implement support, and I have consistently made the case that we need to see something similar in this instance.

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

If we are to take the Minister at her word that it was she who personally secured the inclusion of Northern Ireland in the scheme, which will mean a total of £81 million of support, was she as surprised as I was that her Department's permanent secretary and director of finance knew nothing about it?

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I addressed those issues with the Chair at the Economy Committee last week. Anybody can have a lapse in the information at their disposal when they are being questioned. The framing of the question did not help with the understanding of the issue. We have since adequately laid out the facts. Over the past number of months, officials have worked diligently to ensure that consumers here receive benefits comparable to those in Britain. As I indicated, we are now in a position to move forward and ensure that that support is available at the earliest opportunity in July and again over the next two years. We will discuss that matter at the Executive this week.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Gerry Carroll is not in his place.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

4. Mr Blair asked the Minister for the Economy for an update on the ‘good jobs’ employment rights Bill. (AQO 3337/22-27)

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

Although the loss of two years in the mandate has required us to work to an exceptionally tight timetable, the drafting of the employment rights Bill is now being finalised. The Bill is an ambitious and wide-ranging package of legislative reforms, and I recently secured the Executive’s endorsement of its policy content. When drafting is complete, I will bring the final Bill to the Executive for agreement. I trust that my Executive colleagues will join me in introducing the Bill, which will strengthen employment law and benefit workers and employers.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

I thank the Minister for her reply. I hope that she does not mind my asking for reassurance on the timelines. Given the significant range of policy area within the scope of the 'good jobs' Bill, what confidence can she give the House that there will be enough time in this mandate to introduce the Bill? Are there any draft timelines for doing so?

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I thank the Member for his question. He confused me slightly, because he is usually on the other side of the Chamber.

I reassure the Member that work is progressing on the drafting of the Bill. I hope to have it with me in a short number of weeks so that we can refer it to the Executive for agreement. I intend to introduce the Bill to the Assembly before summer recess so that the Committee has it to scrutinise it over the summer months and into the autumn and ensure that we are able to pass it into law before the end of the mandate. The Bill includes many important protections. Some of them catch up with legislative changes that have taken place in Britain while the Assembly was not sitting, but there are important progressive changes that will make a real difference to the lives of ordinary workers here. I look forward to the Assembly's support in getting the Bill through.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

The Minister must know full well the huge concern that there is among many businesses about the potential negative impact on jobs that that ham-fisted legislation may cause. Can the Minister name one major business that supports the so-called 'good jobs' Bill? Will the Bill force the likes of Gerry Adams's bodyguard to pay his staff at Stix & Stones properly?

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I thank the Member for his continued engagement on the 'good jobs' Bill, because it is important that we get it right. That is why I have had such extensive engagement with representatives of workers and employers' organisations and with individual businesses. My officials have engaged consistently over the past number of months to ensure that what we introduce meets the requirements of workers and businesses. Far from being ham-fisted legislation, it is a set of progressive measures that will enhance the lives of workers and support good employers by enabling them not to be undercut by those who implement poor practices. It is incumbent on us all to ensure that the Bill progresses at pace and passes into law before the end of the mandate.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Minister, we strongly support employment rights legislation and want to see it introduced. The problem is that it has not been introduced. Workers deserve to see it debated in the Assembly and to see it passed. With respect, however, your party has gone out with leaflets across the North saying that there is a 'good jobs' Bill: none of us in the Chamber have seen it. When will it be introduced? When Conor Murphy launched the consultation, he said that we had only two and a half years of the mandate left. That was nearly two years ago. Minister —

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Matthew.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

— please, when will the law be published?

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

OK. Thank you.

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I similarly appreciate the support of the Member and his party for this important legislation. He will appreciate that the mandate has been shortened and that it takes time to craft legislation as comprehensive as the Bill. It is near completion, and we hope to have a full draft of the Bill in a few weeks so that we can get it to the Executive and, as I indicated, introduce it before the summer recess and pass it before the end of the mandate.

Diana Armstrong (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

Minister, I have engaged with the agri-food sector, particularly the meat industry in Dungannon. I am told that there is limited knowledge of the 'good jobs' Bill and its implications. What engagement have you had with that sector?

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

As I indicated, we have had considerable engagement with all sectors. If the Member wants to bring a business or collection of businesses to our attention, my officials will be more than happy to ensure that there is engagement with them. It is important that people understand the measures proposed in the Bill rather than some version of them that is not entirely accurate. I am keen to continue to engage and to ensure that people are equipped with information and are able to be part of the process. Once the Bill has been introduced and passes to Committee Stage, the Committee will have the opportunity to engage widely with representatives of workers and employers.

Linda Dillon (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Minister, I heard a female entrepreneur and leader in the world of business say this week that the most important thing to her business was the contentment and happiness of her staff. Given that the 'good jobs' Bill is about ensuring that all staff are content in their work, will you outline how the Bill will benefit women in the workplace?

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I thank the Member for that feedback. Many of our employers want to ensure that their workers are supported, which is why there is support for the measures. My Bill will provide many benefits for women by enhancing rights that support work-life balance. The right to request flexible working will become an employment right on day 1 rather than after 26 weeks, as happens at present. Employees will be able to make two statutory requests for flexible working within a 12-month period instead of only one.

We will introduce carer's leave, which will support the many women who are in caregiving roles for relatives. Eligible parents will benefit from improved neonatal care leave and pay, ensuring that, when a parent has a newborn who requires extended medical attention, they are better able to focus on their child and their own needs. We will make revisions to paternity leave that will afford families greater flexibility. We will extend redundancy protections for pregnant employees and those returning from family leave, which will further strengthen workforce participation by women.

Women will benefit from the full range of enhanced rights that my Bill will introduce, which include the right to move from a zero-hours contract to a banded-hours contract and enhanced trade union rights. It is often women who are in zero- or low-hours roles, so they will very much benefit from those provisions. Together, the provisions are designed to foster a more inclusive, supportive and adaptable workplace culture in which women are empowered to balance their professional and personal responsibilities with confidence.

Peter McReynolds (Alliance, Belfast East)

5. Mr McReynolds asked the Minister for the Economy whether she will commission a review of the performance and culture of her Department. (AQO 3338/22-27)

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

Under its previous political leadership, the Department for the Economy did not have clear strategic objectives. It paid lip service to the need for regional balance, for example, and did not embrace the potential of the all-Ireland economy. Its key delivery agency, Invest NI, lacked proper oversight. Those issues have been tackled over the past two years. The progress delivered by my Department includes a 22% increase in the number of students at Magee; a significant funding boost for St Mary's University College and Stranmillis University College, both of which were previously in a financially precarious position; the extension of Ireland's Hidden Heartlands into Fermanagh; more affordable grid connections for rural households and businesses; and increased investment in InterTradeIreland and Tourism Ireland. The growth of the all-Ireland economy and our relatively impressive economic output and export statistics are positive signs of change.

Peter McReynolds (Alliance, Belfast East)

I thank the Minister for her response. Minister, following recent comments in the media by former senior staff from your Department, as well as several unsatisfactory briefings to the Economy Committee, what assurances can you provide that your Department will deliver on the legislation that you committed to bringing forward in this mandate?

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Minister, did you hear that all right?

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

Just about.

I base my assessment on what the Department delivers and the outcomes that we achieve. We see improvements in key areas, including our overall objectives of having more good jobs, improved productivity, greater regional balance and lower emissions. It is important that we see the culture coming from the top — the leadership of the Department. Every day, I work with officials whom I see as being dedicated public servants with a real focus on delivering for people here.

I also understand that the Department went through a programme of organisational development in the recent past, in which there was a clear focus on improving the culture and on efficiencies and leadership development. In the NICS people survey, my Department performed best in class across all nine Departments, including having the highest level of employee engagement. It is important, however, that we keep a focus on delivery and having a positive culture, and, in any Department, that has to come from the top.

Declan Kearney (Sinn Féin, South Antrim)

Previously, DUP Economy Ministers delivered the renewable heat incentive scandal, which led to a black hole in our public finances, and a scathing report on the workings of Invest NI. With regard to your earlier comments, how systemic at a cultural, management and operational level are the reforms that you have introduced in the Department? How durable will they be to ensure continued success?

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I thank the Member for his question. As I have indicated, the performance and culture of any organisation is likely to improve when that organisation has clear and strategic leadership, direction and a focus on delivering the things that matter most for people here. My predecessor, Conor Murphy, and I have provided that throughout this shortened mandate.

I have already pointed to some of the examples of our delivery. We are also pursuing an ambitious programme for the rest of the mandate, including an ambitious legislative programme — a once-in-a-generation reform of employment rights. We have already made significant and targeted investments to address priority skills gaps, and we continue to make progress on our long-standing commitment to the expansion of university provision at Magee, with more investment there in the past two years than in the previous 10. We have clear plans to grow our priority sectors, raise our productivity and better deliver regional balance. That all requires a continued focus, and that has to come from the top.

Diane Forsythe (DUP, South Down)

Minister, you mentioned that the most senior officials in your Department had a lapse in knowledge, forgetting about £81 million being bid for by Treasury. We have seen delays in legislation and two years of your departmental accounts being disclaimed — it looks like a third year, as the Audit Office will not even put its name to the accounts. The Audit Office also published a scathing report on the energy strategy. Under your leadership, the Department's performance genuinely cannot be considered to be good. Will you look at it again and consider reviewing it?

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I thank the Member for her question. A number of those issues stem from the previous leadership of the Department. We are working to address the issues that she has highlighted. For example, significant progress has been made on the accounts, as recognised by the Audit Office. As she will know, they are complex accounts, and a number of the issues that led to the opinion that was given by the Audit Office were outwith the Department. Those issues are being addressed, and a programme of work has been undertaken. Of course, there is always room for improvement. I will keep a focus on delivery, because that is what everybody wants us collectively to do for them here.

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

Given the focus on delivery, will the Minister update the House on the extension of tourism brands the Wild Atlantic Way and Ireland's Ancient East into northern counties?

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I thank the Member for his question and his continued focus on tourism. He will know, because I have given the answer at previous Question Times, that Ireland's Ancient East is under review by Fáilte Ireland, which owns all the brands. Once it has evaluated that, I will be keen to engage with it. He will also be aware that there is a Shared Island project on the connection between the Wild Atlantic Way and the Causeway coastal route that I continue to keep a focus on. I continue to make the case to Fáilte Ireland that we should see better incorporation of those brands.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Before I call Claire Sudgen, I remind everyone that supplementaries need to be related, even thinly, to the primary question. Minister, you do not have to respond if they are not related at all.

Claire Sugden (Independent, East Londonderry)

6. Ms Sugden asked the Minister for the Economy to outline any steps her Department is taking to protect consumers in Northern Ireland from volatility in the home heating oil market. (AQO 3339/22-27)

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I am very concerned about the impact of the rise in heating oil prices here following the Israeli-led attacks on Iran. It particularly affects our lower-income and vulnerable households. Approximately 60% of our homes — more than half a million — use home heating oil as their primary source of heating. In recent weeks, I have met representatives of the heating oil and natural gas sectors, National Energy Action (NEA) and the wider business community to understand first-hand what cost pressures are in the market and the impact that those are already having on our lower-income and vulnerable households and businesses.

I have consistently pressed Minister Shanks and Minister McCluskey for urgent support for consumers, and I will continue to do so, as the £17 million confirmed on Monday 16 March is clearly inadequate to help those struggling with rising energy prices. My officials and I have engaged with the Competition and Markets Authority (CMA). I welcome its review of the conduct of oil suppliers, intermediaries and brokers to ensure that pricing reflects genuine cost pressures and that behaviour is consistent with consumer protection law.

The Trading Standards Service plays a key role in protecting consumers from illegal trading practices, including unfair pricing, while supporting legitimate businesses. It also provides guidance to oil retailers on their obligations and advice to consumers on raising complaints. The Consumer Council provides invaluable information for consumers by monitoring heating oil prices and publishing weekly average prices. Consumers are encouraged to use its website to compare suppliers and find information on oil buying clubs and fuel stamp schemes.

Claire Sugden (Independent, East Londonderry)

Thank you, Minister. Given how volatile oil prices can be and given Northern Ireland's particular reliance on the oil market, are you exploring the opportunities within your remit for regulating the market in Northern Ireland, and have you spoken to the UK Government about a potential price cap?

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I thank the Member for the question. I am on record as saying that I have ruled nothing out on the issue. However, economic regulation of the home heating oil market has never operated here or, indeed, anywhere in Europe. Around two thirds of the cost of what consumers pay is the wholesale cost. That is out of our control, and regulation would have no direct impact on it. Our heating oil market is very competitive. We have over 200 suppliers. There is a risk that any benefits arising from regulation could be outweighed by the cost of regulation itself. However, when I spoke to Minister McCluskey on 14 March, we discussed those issues and the study that the Competition and Markets Authority was, at that point, likely to undertake and, as it has confirmed, is now undertaking.

When I met its representatives last Thursday, we again discussed the issue. We have agreed that my officials will provide data to support its study. We will carefully examine any recommendations that come out of the study. Our oil suppliers make the case that they are price takers. I want to see transparency in that supply chain so that we can understand where costs are being applied. It may well be the case that regulation needs to happen at British Government level, but I am open to looking at the recommendations that come out of the CMA study.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

We now move to topical questions.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

T1. Mr O'Toole asked the Minister for the Economy, after noting that she has pointed to misinformation that has been spread by the DUP, which is something about which she might be right; said that the UK Government need to provide more financial support, which is something about which she is certainly right; and said that, although she is not minded to regulate in relation home heating oil, she will keep an open mind on it, what practical action she has taken, if any, in the three weeks since Donald Trump started bombing Iran. (AQT 2191/22-27)

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I thank the Member for his question. Keeping an open mind does not mean that I have ruled anything out. I want to ensure that any decisions that we take in that space will have a positive impact. We have had consistent engagement with our counterparts in Britain and the South to ensure that consumers here are protected. I have made the case consistently to the British Government that we need to see financial support, and that there needs to be proper engagement with officials and Departments here so that any schemes that are being implemented there can be implemented here as expeditiously as they are there, so that people here are not waiting for supports to come along at a later stage. Some of that is outwith my control, but we will do what is within my control as quickly as we can.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

I genuinely thank you for that, Minister, but a lot of what you have said is about engagement and making the case to other people. Tomorrow, the Irish Government will announce a package of support. Your party, south of the border, has roasted the Irish Government for not doing enough quickly enough, but it is not clear that, up here, you have done very much at all. You understood three weeks ago that you needed more financial support from London — I am not disputing that need — so why did you not ask your officials then to urgently design what a support scheme could look like? People here who are struggling with costs feel that the Executive are sitting on their hands.

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I accept the Member's point to an extent, but, when British Ministers make decisions about schemes to be implemented in Britain, it is very often the counterpart Departments here that are responsible for implementing them. I have made the case that there needs to be engagement so that any schemes that are developed can be implemented here, in order to ensure that people here benefit as quickly as possible. The funding that was announced last week, for example, is being delivered through the household crisis and resilience fund in Britain. The direct read-across for that is the discretionary support scheme. That is why the Minister for Communities will lead on it, with the support of other Departments here. As I have said, some of it is within my control. We can look at supports that can be provided, but, when the funding comes across, it is very often tied to a particular funding pot or line within a Department, and we do not have the ability to switch things around.

Pam Cameron (DUP, South Antrim)

T2. Mrs Cameron asked the Minister for the Economy to provide an update on the publication of the aviation strategy and whether it remains on track to meet the 31 March deadline. (AQT 2192/22-27)

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I thank the Member for her question. We will be publishing the consultation on the aviation strategy within the next number of days.

Pam Cameron (DUP, South Antrim)

I thank the Minister for her answer; I appreciate it. Will you provide a definitive publication date? I know that you are saying that it will be within the next number of days, but certainty is really important for the aviation sector and regional connectivity.

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

It is a policy that has been developed in collaboration with the sector and our broader tourism sector. It has the support and buy-in of the sector. I am meeting representatives on Wednesday of this week, and publication will follow.