Northern Ireland Assembly, 2 March 2026

395 contributions from 57 members. The official report.

Executive Committee Business

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

The Deaths, Still-Births and Baby Loss Bill has received Royal Assent. The Deaths, Still-Births and Baby Loss Act (Northern Ireland) 2026 became law on 25 February 2026. It is chapter 2.

Matter of the Day

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Timothy Gaston has been given leave to make a statement on the escalating conflict involving Iran and the implications for the United Kingdom that fulfils the criteria set out in Standing Order 24. If other Members wish to be called to speak, they should indicate in the normal manner that they wish to do so.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

For almost half a century, the people of Iran have lived under the jackboot of an Islamist dictatorship. In recent days, we were reminded of how that regime maintains its grip on power, when thousands were gunned down on the streets for daring to protest. Christians in Iran face persecution simply for professing the name of Jesus. The Open Doors' world watch list 2026 has Iran ranked number 10 owing to the extreme level of persecution that Christians face. None of that appears to trouble some in the House, however. Take the First Minister of no alternative, who could not find time to attend a security briefing on the situation yet could find time to tweet:

"Violations of the UN Charter during ongoing negotiations in the Middle East are deeply troubling. Actions that disrupt diplomacy only make peaceful solutions harder to achieve."

That kind of moral outrage from Mrs O'Neill seems to be deployed selectively. There was no moral outrage over the shooting of 10 men on the side of the road because they were Protestants; no moral outrage over the blowing up of people who were remembering the war dead; no moral outrage over the firebombing of a dog charity dinner dance; and no moral outrage over the murder of a mother of 10 in a nationalist area. The First Minister maintains that there was no alternative to any of those murders, yet bombing a murderous dictatorship is a "deeply troubling" violation of the UN charter.

For as long as the Members to my left continue to defend the blood-soaked IRA, they will be treated with contempt when they profess concern for the lives of innocent civilians, including Iranians and Palestinians. The truth is that Sinn Féin has never had much difficulty finding common ground with those oppressive regimes abroad. When Sinn Féin looked around the world for someone willing to honour the furniture shop bomber Bobby Sands by naming a street after him, Iran was the only place to put its hand up to do so. Those who defend terrorism at home have forfeited their right to lecture anyone about violence abroad.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

Another week and another act of huge violence and aggression by the United States Government. The supposed president of peace has, once again, launched a war on people who pose no threat to the citizens of the United States. I fear that the Pandora's box has well and truly been opened. We saw the effects of the violence of the Iraq war: one million Iraqis killed and the creation of ISIS. I wonder and am terrified about what will happen as a result of this war.

It is worth saying that, until Friday, the United States was in deep negotiations with representatives of the Iranian Government. Trump and Netanyahu launched a war precisely because the negotiations were advancing and, by all accounts, going well. It is often said that the first casualty in war is truth, and we are already seeing apologists for the US and Israel, both here and across the world, trying to spin a war of aggression. The enablers and implementers of a genocide in Palestine have no interest in or concern about democracy or human rights for anybody in the world. They are best mates with the Saudi Arabian regime, which kills journalists and puts them in bags. We need to call out this latest war as an act of aggression. It is a war that is about US interests and Israel expanding its role in the Middle East.

Parties, especially ones to my right, cannot justify a war in which missiles are launched from the sky to bomb people. It will never bring freedom or liberation. On day 1 of "liberation" —

[Interruption.]

They can laugh all they want. On day 1 of "liberation", 165 schoolchildren were killed in Iran. Is that liberation? Is that freedom? Is that democracy? Do those people's lives not matter? Do they not count? Obviously not to the Members to my right. We need to challenge that, challenge the repetition of the strategy that was used pre the war in Iraq in 2003 and challenge the lies that are being put out about Iran. It is worth saying that the International Atomic Energy Agency reported that Iran was in full compliance with its obligations around nuclear weapons.

We also have to challenge and call out Keir Starmer for putting people in the region at risk. Obviously, that includes ordinary Iranians, but it also includes people in the region with a British or Irish passport. I call on him to make sure that Belfast International Airport — Aldergrove — is not used to join the US and Israeli war against Iran or any other country in the Middle East. We need peace and de-escalation. We do not need people in this House or elsewhere banging the war drums.

Declan Kearney (Sinn Féin, South Antrim)

The US/Israeli actions at the weekend, in starting this war against Iran and across the Middle East, are a flagrant violation of the United Nations charter and international law. Yet again, the multilateral system has been fundamentally damaged. This is the second time in nine months that the United States has mounted a war in the midst of a live negotiation, and, as a result, the Middle East has been taken to the abyss.

This war is not a legitimate response to the human rights violations, the lack of democracy and the breaches of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in Iran, but the war is set to spiral, with mass killings and mass destruction. It is a mindless act, and the British Government's decision to join the war is equally reckless. The spectres of Libya, Iraq and Afghanistan loom large.

Let me be clear: we must not be complicit in Britain's latest Middle Eastern war. We must be a voice for reason, peace and diplomacy. The killings and attacks must stop on all sides. All hostilities must end. There must be de-escalation. The United Nations charter must be paramount. Dialogue, engagement and peaceful coexistence are the only way forward.

Paul Frew (DUP, North Antrim)

I rise to consider the people of Iran, who, for decades, have lived under a totalitarian and draconian dictatorship. Those people deserve freedom, as we enjoy freedom. I hope and pray that we in the UK can do all that we can to have an influence on that freedom spreading to Iran and that the Iranian people will be able to pick their own Government and their own way of life in freedom.

I have no doubt, although I have no intelligence, that Iran poses a real, clear and present danger and a direct threat to people's freedom in the Middle East. We have seen that in its reach over the last number of days. That is happening overtly, but, covertly, Iran has been funding terrorism across the region and the world for many decades. That has led to the innocent deaths of thousands of people.

As we look at the actions over the weekend, we hope and pray that, as a result of those actions, the people of Iran will be free and the people of the Middle East will be safer. That has to be the goal for the free Western society and all the countries that are now involved.

It is right that the UK moves to protect its people and its interests in the Middle East, and it is right and proper that it should be supported to do so. That is where we should land.

It is galling to hear people on the opposite Benches talk about human rights when many of the actions of the ayatollah and the regime in Iran were played out in places such as Londonderry and west Belfast during the Troubles. People were tied to lamp posts and tarred and feathered, and people were executed for daring to speak to the police and the authorities. They murdered their own people who wanted to be part of the governing structures here, even to the point of murdering someone who was collecting census forms. That is the history of Sinn Féin and its military wing, the IRA. It is no coincidence that those people have been funded many times over for many years by regimes in the Middle East, including Iran and Libya. We will take no lectures from Sinn Féin.

Eóin Tennyson (Alliance, Upper Bann)

First of all, I express my solidarity with the people of Iran and the wider region and with the citizens from Northern Ireland who now find themselves stranded and uncertain as a result of the events that unfolded over the weekend. I also condemn outright the brutal and barbaric Iranian regime, which has been guilty of vile human rights abuses, repressing Iranian civil society and placing restrictions on civil liberties, with many peaceful protesters brutally beaten down in the streets.

Iran must cooperate with the International Atomic Energy Agency, as well as the legal obligations under the nuclear non-proliferation treaty. The Assembly has endorsed a peaceful democratic future for Iran and called for the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps to be proscribed as a terrorist organisation by the UK Government. However, illegal and unilateral action is unlikely to secure that future. What we have seen over the weekend is a dangerous escalation that could threaten stability in the Middle East and beyond. Alliance calls for maximum restraint, the protection of civilians and full respect for international law, including the UN charter and international humanitarian law.

We must now see a return to diplomatic engagement. The future of Iran should be grounded in democratic principles with respect for equality, human rights and the freedoms of the Iranian people. Ultimately, it is for the Iranian people to determine their future, not for anyone else.

Doug Beattie (UUP, Upper Bann)

War is not a video game. Some of us may be looking at the situation in a voyeuristic way as we see it play out on television. However, let us not minimise the effect that it is having on the people of the region. It is having a real effect on innocent people throughout the region. It is right to debate the matter, because it affects our citizens who are working in, holidaying in or transiting through the region. It affects our citizens who are members of the UK armed forces — the Royal Navy, the army and the Royal Air Force — and their families, who will be worried at this time. That is why it was right that the deputy First Minister attended a security briefing to understand how the situation affects our citizens. If you did not attend it, you failed our citizens.

Iran and its proxies — Hezbollah, the Houthis and Hamas — are the largest sponsor of global terrorism. Many Members seem to want to forget about the Islamic Revolutionary Guards, who have literally butchered thousands of their own citizens, and about the repression of women in that country. Just imagine a terrorist state such as Iran having nuclear weapons. We all think of ballistic nuclear weapons, but we do not think about the nuclear weapons — the so-called dirty bombs — that you can stick in a suitcase. We are in a dangerous place. Right now, Iran is indiscriminately attacking the United Arab Emirates, Dubai, Kuwait, Abu Dhabi, RAF Akrotiri in Cyprus and Incirlik in Turkey. Those are places that I know well, because I have visited them. We are on the brink of a regional war that Russia and China may exploit in order to achieve what they want in Ukraine and Taiwan.

Do I like President Trump's foreign policies? Absolutely not: I genuinely think that he is unhinged. However, do I think that Iran should be prevented from having any form of nuclear weapons? Absolutely I do. Do I think that the UK should join the coalition of states to achieve that? Yes, I do. Should Aldergrove be used, if it is needed, for that action? Yes, it should, in exactly the same way as Shannon Airport in the Irish Republic is being used. Nobody complains about that, yet it is used every day to move men, materials, weapons and munitions through Irish airspace to the Middle East and north Africa (MENA).

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Matthew O'Toole.

Doug Beattie (UUP, Upper Bann)

Let us remember what we are trying to achieve: an Iran that is not nuclear.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

To touch on Mr Beattie's point, I hope that what we are trying to achieve is a peaceful world in which international law is respected and people all over it can live in peace, prosperity and dignity. I am afraid that, if that is the end goal, doing what Donald Trump and his regime did over the weekend, which was to launch unilateral strikes on Iran, is not the way to do it. The Iranian Government are reprehensible and indefensible — they have committed human rights abuses and are authoritarian and unacceptable — just as Saddam Hussein's secular regime, which was an entirely different type of Middle Eastern regime, was reprehensible and unacceptable more than 20 years ago. However, the American Government and their allies should have realised by now that, even if the regime in question is appalling, reprehensible and indefensible, bombing it from the air has not proven to be a successful means of engendering something better, democratic and stable in the region. I am afraid that simply bombing the Middle East from the air has not produced stable, democratic government there. There is much truth in what Members on the Benches opposite say about Iran: it is a reprehensible regime that is causing instability elsewhere. They are not wrong, but my question is whether bombing it from the air has proven to be a successful means of dealing with it.

The Iranian people deserve better than what they have under the ayatollahs. They deserve to live in freedom, and they deserve to live in peace. Thousands of innocent people have been slaughtered by the Iranian regime, but that does not mean that the correct way to address the situation with Iran is to bomb it from the sky. That is already causing instability. We read today about a conflagration with consequences across the Middle East in terms of, yes, organisations such as Hezbollah that are sponsored by Iran. The Middle East has been destabilised, and I do not know what the consequences will be, because I do not think that the consequences have been planned for. I think that Donald Trump is, to quote Mr Beattie, a madman. His Government do not care about stability and do not have a plan. The idea that this is some kind of carefully thought-through way of disarming Iran is complete nonsense. This is utterly destabilising, and it is frightening for the public here and around the world, including the Irish and British citizens who are caught up in the Middle East.

There will be a range of other consequences, including for the many people in this part of the world who fill their oil tank up with home heating oil, because oil prices have gone up. I ask people who cheerlead such irresponsible, illegal action in the same way as they cheerled the illegal action of genocide in Gaza, to think through the consequences for the world that we live in and for our children and grandchildren. Nothing that happened at the weekend gives me faith in stability for the future.

David Brooks (DUP, Belfast East)

The past day or two may prove a defining moment in world history, a moment when the forces of tyranny and terror are again confronted head-on by those who still believe in freedom and security. Nobody on these Benches will cry any tears for Ayatollah Khamenei. In recent days, the United States and Israel have rightly undertaken decisive military action against the hard-line theocratic regime in Iran, a regime that has long sponsored violence, terrorism and the brutal suppression of its own people and those across the Middle East. The joint operation, launched after years of Iranian threats and proxy aggression, has struck the leadership and military infrastructure of a state that has never abandoned its quest for nuclear weapons, never curtailed its support for organisations such as Hezbollah, Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad and the Houthis and never shown respect for the fundamental rights of its own citizens.

Let there be no mistake: this was not an act of wanton aggression. It was a strike against those who have sought for decades to destabilise the Middle East, to foster terror and to hold millions of voices in chains. Many thousands of Iranians — ordinary people caught between oppression and fear — have publicly celebrated the weakening of a regime that silenced dissent and crushed protest with lethal force. This is a stark reminder that tyranny eventually reaps the hatred of the very people it seeks to control. Yet here I have heard voices that would excuse or apologise for the Iranian regime and would cast blame instead on the United States or Israel. Marxist and Irish republican sympathies, unsurprisingly but bafflingly nonetheless, are untethered from global realities. They would see Tehran as a cause to be celebrated, but let us be candid: Iran's state ideology is antithetical to every freedom-loving tradition that we cherish here. Its proxies do not promote liberty; they promote fear and violence. They murder and maim, just like their IRA friends did on this island. Any voice that defends them is not advancing justice but obscuring it. We rightly condemn violence when it targets citizens, but we cannot fall into moral equivalence that equates the oppressed with the oppressor.

The actions now being taken by the United States and Israel are directed at a regime that refuses to negotiate seriously on nuclear restraints, continues to fund extremist militias and has brutally suppressed protests within its own borders. After years of sabre-rattling and obstruction, force has been used to try to create a lasting peace, not merely to punish but to prevent further atrocities and avert a future in which nuclear weapons give terror states global reach. Surely, in Ulster, we know too well the cost of violence and the perils of extremism. We recognise that there comes a time when action must be taken against those who reject peace and embrace intimidation. We understand the anguish of communities facing threats from militias backed by Tehran. We know the fear felt by Jewish communities under constant missile bombardment from Iranian proxies.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

The Member's time is up.

Peter Martin (DUP, North Down)

I am glad that at least some Members have talked about the Iranian people in the middle of the debate, and I reflect the fact that 'Channel 4 News', which is hardly GB News, reported over the weekend that Iranians in the UK have welcomed the death of the ayatollah. It is a moment that many Iranians have dreamt of: that maybe, just maybe, the man responsible for the decades-long crushing oppression and death of tens of thousands of his people has met his demise. There was celebration on the streets of north London: people draped in Iran's pre-Islamic revolution flag, dancing in the streets as Israel and the US attacked Iran. They are Muslims — British citizens in our country — celebrating an attack by the US and Israel.

I heard the Sinn Féin Member for South Antrim on the radio this morning — the First Minister, I think, was unavailable — when he said that he condemned the Zionist attacks and believed in self-determination for Iran. I say to Members that Iran will never enjoy self-determination. Members have used that phrase today. Any dissent in Iran results in one of three things: torture, imprisonment or death. That is a lesson that many people in Northern Ireland learned at the hands of terrorists. At the weekend, an Iranian woman said that her nephew was imprisoned in Iran. She did not know whether he was still alive or dead, but she welcomed the attack by the US and Israel and said that it was the only choice available.

Mr Gaston mentioned the persecution of Christians in Iran. Anyone is persecuted. Muslims are persecuted in Iran if they do not meet the standards of Islamic law. Human Rights Watch said at the weekend that waves of arrests have continued following the countrywide massacres of 8 January. Authorities have subjected detainees to torture and ill treatment. Those detained are at serious risk of death in custody, unfair trials and secret summary executions. That is the regime that we are talking about.

When I was at the House of Commons, I met Iranian dissidents in the UK. They pleaded with me to ask His Majesty's Government to do anything that the Government could to overthrow the regime. This party completely supports the British Government in defensive actions supporting our citizens in the region. I hope that what we saw at the weekend will result in the overthrow of the appalling regime in Iran.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

On Saturday, the world was liberated from a dictator and head of global terrorism: the Iranian supreme leader. There should be no tears shed over his taking out. There should be no tears shed for others in his regime who, over decades of oppression, systematically destroyed family after family not only in Iran but across the world.

On the domestic front, that regime, just a number of months ago, was responsible for up to 40,000 of its citizens being killed on the streets of Iran as they protested for freedom. In 2022, it murdered thousands of women who protested for life and freedom after the murder of one of its citizens. That is domestic: when we look internationally, we see how Iran under the regime led by the ayatollah has had disastrous impacts globally through its sponsorship of proxy terror organisations across the world such as Hezbollah, Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad, Houthis, Shia militants; I could go on. Look at Iran supplying Russia with over 50,000 drones for use against the Ukrainian people. That is the head of the snake, and I, for one, believe that the world is a safer place with him not in it.

That said, I recognise the huge concern across the Middle East and, indeed, the world for those who have been caught up in the conflict, whether on travel or otherwise. The UK Government's first duty should be to protect our citizens and, indeed, our military bases and armed forces. The current position that UK bases will be used is welcome — indeed, it is — but I fear that the dithering to get to that position has caused the UK harm.

The PM continues to hide behind a maximalist interpretation of international law that is becoming an embarrassment and is a threat to our effective security at home and abroad. It is a UK interpretation of international law that prevents the Royal Navy from protecting our shores from those arriving on small boats, prevents us from deporting foreign criminals, paedophiles and rapists and continues to leave our citizens under threat.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

The Member's time is up.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

Perhaps it is time for that interpretation to be assigned to the same dustbin.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

The Member's time is up.

Members' Statements

Pádraig Delargy (Sinn Féin, Foyle)

The weekend marked an important milestone, as we celebrated 10 years of Comhaltas Ceoltóirí Éireann Bhaile na gCailleach

[Translation: Comhltas Ceoltoirí Éireann, Galliagh]

in Derry, and I had the opportunity to attend the branch's 10th anniversary celebrations. They reflected the steady growth and development of the branch since its creation a decade ago. As dearcáin bheaga a fhásann na crainn is airde.

[Translation: From little acorns, mighty trees grow.]

Over the past 10 years, the branch has played a significant role in promoting traditional Irish music, song, dance and language across Derry. Through weekly classes, it has created opportunities for young people and adults alike to learn, perform and celebrate our culture. The branch has been actively involved in major cultural events across our city. Last year, it hosted Fleadh Mhór Dhoire and welcomed competitors and visitors for a weekend of competitions, concerts and traditional sessions. Its members have also performed on 'Céilí House' on RTÉ Radio 1, which came to Derry to record the renowned show on two occasions, as well as at the annual St Patrick's Day celebrations in Guildhall Square and at a plethora of other prestigious events in Derry and further afield. Success at Feis Dhoire Cholmcille and other competitions highlights the branch's high standards and reflects the consistent work of tutors, volunteers and others over many years.

Reaching 10 years is a notable achievement for any voluntary organisation. It represents commitment, organisation and sustained community support. The branch's success is down to its founding members, the Molloy family, as well as to the committee members, tutors, volunteers and families who have committed to its continued development. As the milestone is marked, there is every reason to believe that Comhaltas Ceoltóirí Éireann Bhaile na gCailleach will continue to contribute positively to cultural life in Derry in the years ahead. As we welcome the fleadh to Belfast this year, I have no doubt that we will see the branch represented and contributing to the celebrations there. Go n-éirí an bóthar leo agus go maire a gceol go deo.

[Translation: I wish them every success, and may their music last for ever.]

Michelle McIlveen (DUP, Strangford)

The House and the people of Northern Ireland deserve an explanation for the absence of the First Minister, Michelle O'Neill, from Saturday evening's emergency security briefing, which was convened by the UK Cabinet Office. It was not a routine briefing. Rather, it was called in response to a rapidly escalating crisis in the Middle East, as hostilities between the US, Israel and Iran intensified, raising the real prospect of a wider regional conflict. International partners were assessing the risks to regional stability, to energy markets and to the safety of UK nationals overseas, including those from Northern Ireland. The devolved Administrations were brought together to ensure coordination, preparedness and clarity. The First Ministers of Scotland and Wales attended. Northern Ireland was represented by my party colleague the deputy First Minister but not by the First Minister. At such a moment, attendance is not a diary preference. It was the kind of high-level briefing that Northern Ireland's most senior office-bearer should be expected to attend.

People across Northern Ireland are not detached observers of events in the Middle East. Many have family members, colleagues, employees and business interests in the region. There is real anxiety. They want reassurance. They want to know that their Government are fully informed and fully engaged.

If the First Minister was genuinely unable to attend, the public deserves to know why. If she was unavailable, why was another senior Minister not nominated in order to ensure full Executive representation? Leadership is most evident in moments of uncertainty, and this was such a moment. An explanation is required. Beyond that, we need confirmation that Northern Ireland will be fully engaged in all further coordination with HM Government, so that clear advice, robust planning and visible leadership are provided to the people whom we serve.

Nuala McAllister (Alliance, Belfast North)

I rise to support the 20's Plenty campaign to have a default 20 mph maximum speed limit on streets where people live, work, play and go to school. Across North Belfast, school councils have been engaging with their representatives and parents to get even more people behind the campaign. Just last week, we saw more support from active travel users from the Shore Road, Glengormley, Cavehill, Oldpark and across North Belfast. We want to ensure that many more people get on board and support the campaign.

Too many people are killed and seriously injured on our roads. We are supposed to feel safe in our homes and on the streets where we live, but, when we venture out without the supposed protection of the car, we are at the mercy of speeding, distracted or, at times, just incapable motorists. I want my and other children to enjoy the freedoms that we all had when we were younger: for them to be able to go to school or play outside by themselves, free from the risk of road violence. In large parts of my North Belfast constituency, fewer than half of all households have a car, yet all are forced to endure pollution and congestion on their residential streets. Twice a day, our roads are jammed with traffic as people ferry their children around or go to and from work. Often, the journeys are not substantial distances — just down the road or round the corner — and could be done on foot or by bike. However, as we all know, most of us take the car because life is busy. Using the car is often easier when life is busy and gets in the way.

What if the infrastructure was already there? What if it was already safe to travel, either by car or bike? Provision of 20 mph zones is not a panacea, but it can provide drastic improvements in road safety. Since the introduction of such zones in Wales, for example, casualties in former 30 mph zones are down 25%. That means a reduction in the demand for police and health service resources and, most importantly, 25% fewer devastated families. For context, every year for the past 10 years, an average of 75 children have been seriously injured or killed on our roads. Last year, the number was 105. Our emergency services have been under immense strain for many years; we can take action to take some of that strain off their plate.

There are already temporary 20 mph zones, typically for 30 minutes at a time, along short stretches of road outside a number of schools across North Belfast. However, with over 600 preschools, nurseries, day-care facilities, primary schools, post-primary schools and after-school facilities in my constituency alone, we know that such zones at just a few schools are not enough. We do not want to punish drivers — we know that life is busy and that many people need to use a car — but we want children and pedestrians of all abilities to be safe. Sign restrictions and enforcement alone will not deliver that; we need traffic-calming measures that reflect the nature of our roads.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Time is up.

Nuala McAllister (Alliance, Belfast North)

This call comes from our children.

Doug Beattie (UUP, Upper Bann)

As we all debate global politics, few will know the name Rosmund Evans. Rosmund was not an academic, scientist or scholar; she cleaned my constituency office. We never really saw Rosmund during the day, because she cleaned the office at nighttime after we had done a day's work. She emptied the bins, hoovered and cleaned. She also had a cleaning job in the mornings. In between, she dedicated herself to her children and grandchildren.

I very rarely saw Rosmund, but, when I was working late, she would come in and we would have a good conversation. It is great to get a backstory, and I got Rosmund's backstory. She got married and had twin boys. Three years later, she had a daughter, Katherine Evans. Sadly, Rosmund's husband, Mark, died seven weeks later. He was a serviceman. Rosmund grew up looking after the three kids by herself. Rosmund's children then had kids.

Rosmund spent all her time looking after the grandkids, and do you know what? That is what an awful lot of women in our society do. Rosmund was smart, articulate and intelligent. She could do anything that she wanted to do. Instead, so that she could commit to her family, children and grandchildren, she took cleaning jobs early in the morning and late at night: a real hero of society, whom we do not get to hear about.

Sadly, on Tuesday last week, Rosmund passed away unexpectedly and suddenly. She was only 65 years of age. We buried her on Saturday. Where I lost an employee, a colleague and, dare I say, a friend, Simon, David and Katherine lost their mum.

Sometimes, we do not stand up and remember those people who do the jobs that make our constituency office work. My constituency office would not have worked without Rosmund Evans being part of it. She was part of my team, as important as anybody in this Chamber, anybody in my team or anybody else in government. It is right and proper that I stand here and pay tribute to Rosmund Evans.

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

On Saturday night, on a famous talent show, in front of millions of viewers, our own Niamh Noade, from the mountain roads in Lislea, wowed the world with a mesmerising musical performance through her reimagined cover of Alex Warren's 'Ordinary'. Niamh comes from two proud traditions: the Noade and Murphy traditions of Irish music, culture, drama, poetry, arts and community. With powerful Celtic musicality and her spellbinding skills on the harp, Niamh has spoken of Irish folk and traditional music as:

"more than just a sound, it’s a connection to the soul of Irish culture".

Niamh, through your music and singing, through your trailblazing, through your exploration and genius, you are uplifting our souls and honouring the legacy of all those who have gone before you. Keep wowing the world, Niamh. We are so excited to see what comes next. Ádh mór ort, a Niamh.

[Translation: Good luck, Niamh.]

Sinéad Ennis (Sinn Féin, South Down)

The people of Warrenpoint have been without a modern, fit-for-purpose community hub for over 20 years. That long wait ended when planning permission was finally granted for the new Warrenpoint community health and well-being hub last week that will see £7·3 million invested in my community.

My colleague councillor Mickey Ruane first made the case for a community facility in Warrenpoint over 20 years ago. We have managed to deliver something that far exceeds anyone's expectations, including his. We have delivered a modern, two-storey building that will provide community space and fit-for-purpose facilities for the local community and community groups across South Down. Sinn Féin has listened to the local community and has helped shape the new facility that will include reception and office spaces; a main hall; changing facilities and outdoor changing spaces; an Education Authority resource room; a playgroup room with kitchenette and office facilities; a sensory room; a dance studio; a music room; meeting space and office space.

We will also see the development of the outdoor space at Clonallon Park, where the new community health and well-being hub will be located, and a sensory garden that will create a welcoming and inclusive space for people. The new community hub will also provide a space for bowls for the winter months. Local soccer and football teams will be able to avail themselves of the new changing rooms that will be located at the hub as well.

I thank everyone who has worked with us over the past 20 years to see the new community health and well-being hub finally become a reality, including those who engaged with us last summer, when we did our community engagement exercise and collected over 300 letters of support from the local community for the new community facility in Warrenpoint.

It will be a game changer for our town, and I assure the community that we will work with the council to ensure that diggers are on site at Clonallon Park and building work begins as soon as possible.

Brian Kingston (DUP, Belfast North)

Last Friday, a number of masked individuals carried out a paint attack on the statue of Queen Victoria at the Royal Victoria Hospital in Belfast. Those responsible claim that the attack was about events that occurred over 125 years ago during the reign of Queen Victoria, but, in truth, they are just pathetic attention-seekers who carried out a hate crime. They have demonstrated once again that Irish republicanism readily descends into hatred, intolerance and, indeed, violence against what republicans consider to be British symbols, British culture and, indeed, British people. Where is the respect for cultural wealth and diversity?

Those responsible said in a statement:

"In a Socialist Republic all the symbols of Empire will be stripped from the land; street names, statues, institutions, and those that will stand against the people organising for a better future."

That is a disgraceful and chilling threat. The vandalism belongs to the same category of so-called cultural cleansing as the actions of the Islamic State in Syria, when it systematically destroyed and damaged pre-Islamic world heritage sites at Palmyra and elsewhere because it wanted to erase items that did not suit its narrow view of cultural heritage.

Regarding the vandalism of the statue, where are the words of condemnation of that criminal act of intolerance and hate crime from the Sinn Féin MP for West Belfast, Paul Maskey, and the four Sinn Féin MLAs for West Belfast? Will they speak about the matter in the Chamber today? The Royal Victoria Hospital is the major trauma hospital for Belfast and beyond, where doctors, nurses and staff work tirelessly to save lives. People visit the site in times of emergency, as well as for the full gamut of medical procedures, including maternity services. The hospital was renamed after Queen Victoria in 1899, which is before any of us were born. It should not be targeted in violent political protest. If it is not possible for a major hospital to be a safe place in west Belfast, how could a major sporting venue or even a concert venue be viewed as a safe place to visit?

Let me be clear to those who think that they can erase the British identity from Northern Ireland: we are going nowhere.

Ciara Ferguson (Sinn Féin, Foyle)

The imposition of the two-child limit was one of the cruellest examples of the austerity policy imposed by Westminster. Its removal next month is welcome and long overdue. Thousands of children and families have been harmed by the policy, which strips vital support from those who need it most. Sinn Féin opposed and challenged the measure from the moment that it was introduced because targeting vulnerable children is indefensible. When a Government choose to penalise struggling families, it tells us exactly where their priorities lie. Time and again, decisions taken in London have ignored the realities facing people in the North, regardless of their community. The continuation of cuts under Labour only reinforces that truth.

Whilst the removal of the limit is progress, it is not enough, because the system has been built and designed to penalise the very people whom it should strive to protect. The answer is not to depend on savage British Governments who impose punitive policies on our people and treat dignity as conditional; it is to build a new and united Ireland that protects children, supports workers and families, and puts the most vulnerable first.

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

The party opposite never tires of telling us that it is the party of transparency and the working class, but, according to a remarkable investigation by the 'Sunday Life', it may also be the party with the most successful invisible bookshop in history.

Green Cross (Art and Bookshop) Ltd, a company directed by a former Sinn Féin finance director and other senior republican figures, has accumulated more than £220,000 in assets. However, there appears to be one small problem: there is no bookshop. There are no premises, no customers, no staff and, indeed, no books. Most bookshops that I visit rely on people coming in, browsing the shelves and buying something; this one appears to rely on no one coming in and no one buying anything, yet it has somehow ended up with £220,000 in its bank account. Clearly, it is less a retail association and more a work of fiction.

Perhaps the most revealing part of all of this is that, when the 'Sunday Life' approached Sinn Féin, it refused to comment. We are used to the well-known title 'Say Nothing', but that is hugely disappointing. If the bookshop were genuine, Sinn Féin could have told us where it was; it could have invited us in to have a look; it could have shown us the shelves; and, indeed, it could have recommended us a good read. Instead, it was a case of 'Say Nothing' and 'The Sound of Silence', which suggests that the only thing that is harder to find than the bookshop is Sinn Féin's willingness to answer questions about it.

Ordinary working people whom I represent do not have the luxury of silence when asked about their finances. They cannot refuse to respond to the bank; they cannot ignore the electricity bills; and they cannot pretend that questions do not exist. That is the difference: working-class people live in the real world. They do not operate mystery companies with six-figure assets but no visible business; they do not have invisible customers and silent balance sheets; and they certainly do not get to walk away when asked reasonable questions. If Sinn Féin wants to be taken seriously, it needs to tell us where the bookshop is and where it got the £220,000. However, perhaps the best-selling title in this mystery bookshop is 'The Invisible Man', because, just like that book, Sinn Féin's honesty does not exist.

Pat Sheehan (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

Seo againn Seachtain na Gaeilge, an fhéile Ghaeilge is mó in Éirinn agus ar fud an domhain. Is féile idirnáisiúnta Ghaeilge í Seachtain na Gaeilge. Tá sí ar cheann de na ceiliúrthaí is mó dár dteanga agus dár gcultúr dúchais, agus bíonn sí ar siúl in Éirinn agus in go leor tíortha eile gach bliain.

Tugtar deis do gach duine le linn Sheachtain na Gaeilge sult a bhaint as an Ghaeilge trí bheith páirteach san fhéile, idir chainteoirí dúchais, fhoghlaimeoirí agus lucht an chúpla focal ar aon. Bíonn imeachtaí ann a riarfaidh ort, cuma cén aois thú ná cad é an chiall atá agat do chuideachta. Beidh tús áite ag an cheol i rith Sheachtain na Gaeilge 2026. Déanann téama na bliana seo "A Ghaeilge, mo cheol thú" déanann sin ceiliúradh ar an nasc dhomhain bhuan idir an Ghaeilge agus an ceol. Beidh tréan imeachtaí ceoil ann i mbliana, rud a thabharfaidh léargas dúinn ar an phléisiúr atá i ndán don chathair nuair a thiocfaidh an fhleadh sa tsamhradh. Beidh Féile an Earraigh, Féile Trad Trail agus Ceiliúradh Mór na Féile Pádraig ar na himeachtaí lena gcuirfear bailchríoch ar cheiliúradh Lá Fhéile Pádraig.

Molaim do Chomhaltaí eolas a chur ar na himeachtaí atá ar siúl thart orthu nó a mbeidh suim acu iontu. Is le gach duine agus le gach pobal Seachtain na Gaeilge. Bain úsáid as cibé Gaeilge atá agat. Bí páirteach inti.

[Translation: We are now in Seachtain na Gaeilge, the biggest Irish language festival in Ireland and the world. Seachtain na Gaeilge is an international Irish language festival. It is one of the biggest celebrations of our native language and culture, and it takes place each year in Ireland and in many other countries. Seachtain na Gaeilge gives everyone the chance to enjoy Irish though taking part in the festival, be they native speakers, learners or those with a few words, with fun and entertaining events for every age and taste. Music takes centre stage at Seachtain na Gaeilge 2026, with this year’s theme, “Irish, you are music to my ears”, celebrating the deep and enduring connection between the Irish language and music. The plethora of musical events this year will act as a taster for what is in store for our city when the fleadh comes in the summer. During the festival, Féile an Earraigh, Féile Trad Trail and the Grand Celebration of St Patrick's Festival will be among the events that culminate on St Patrick's Day. I encourage Members to explore events that are happening around them or that may be of particular interest to them. Seachtain na Gaeilge belongs to everyone and to every community. Use whatever Irish you have. Get involved.]

Keith Buchanan (DUP, Mid Ulster)

I place on record my deep concern that, once again, the reputation of our agri-food sector has been unfairly damaged. There are more than 26,000 farming families across Northern Ireland, and they deserve accuracy and respect in public discourse, not misleading claims that undermine confidence in a sector that is already under immense pressure.

At a meeting of Mid Ulster District Council on 26 February 2026, a representative of NI Water, a body that is under the Minister's remit, stated as fact — I repeat: as fact — that 70% of water pollution originates from agriculture. That is factually incorrect. That figure was presented as being accurate despite its being incorrect and not reflective of the scientific modelling on which it was claimed that it was based. Since then, NI Water has had to issue a statement admitting that nutrient modelling is only an estimate that is based on assumptions and available data and that cannot be treated as definite fact. The Agri-Food and Biosciences Institute (AFBI) has stepped in to confirm that the figures quoted by NI Water do not match AFBI's modelling. AFBI stressed that all modelling carries uncertainty and must be explained properly, with the limitations being clearly understood.

In recent years, farming has faced increasing pressure and tighter rules because of concerns about Lough Neagh. That includes strict controls on nutrient management and farm run-off. Farmers have invested heavily in storage and followed complex regulations, and they work extremely hard, especially at times such as during the recent wet weather, to manage their nutrient responsibilities. At the same time, many farmers and residents continue to report what they believe to be raw sewage discharges into rivers and streams; only last week, we saw images of what appears to be discharge going into a river in Omagh.

NI Water is the second-largest landowner in Northern Ireland and is responsible for a significant share of the pollution that enters Lough Neagh. That is why public statements from NI Water must be accurate and balanced. The figures quoted at the council meeting were not even correct. Officials claimed that agriculture was responsible for 70% of phosphorus run-off and NI Water for 21%. Scientific modelling states that the figures are 62% and 24%. It is not about the 6%; it is about the fact that, first, it is modelling and, secondly, the 70% figure is not accurate, based on modelling. The Ulster Farmers' Union, rightly, called the comments "misleading and inappropriate". It has contacted NI Water to request a retraction and an apology.

My colleague Deborah Armstrong has previously raised the issue of those figures at Infrastructure Committee meetings and has now written to the Minister to seek clarification, following the meeting on Thursday evening. I ask the Minister to clarify the situation, to retract the inaccurate statement that was made by NI Water and to outline how she intends to restore confidence in the organisation, following that incident. The public, especially our farming families, deserve accuracy, fairness and accountability.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

For the first time in my 20 months as an MLA, I will use the terms "Stormont" and "efficient" in the same sentence: Stormont has discovered how to be efficient, but only when it comes to MLA pay. Two weeks ago, we were told that there is no time left in the mandate to legislate on support for children with special educational needs when they leave school, but there was no problem finding space in the Order Paper to rush through a Bill to implement a massive 27% rise in MLA pay.

Of course, that is only because of the independent remuneration board, my detractors tell me, saying, "But, it's an independent board: it's nothing to do with me, guv'". Let us examine that fig leaf. The only meaningful amendment to the legislation that established the board was to insert the term "independent" into its title. The amendments that would have made the board genuinely independent were voted down, and the amendments that would have allowed for real public consultation were rejected by the House. When MLAs made it a requirement for the board to benchmark salaries against other roles for which pay is higher, they knew exactly what they were doing. The dice were loaded from the outset. The press were told, "This is out for consultation", and the Assembly even sent the press an email address, which was carried in some outlets, but there is no public consultation: the only people being asked to comment are MLAs and pension trustees.

At a time when households are struggling and we cannot fix our potholes, Sinn Féin, the DUP, Alliance, the Ulster Unionists and the SDLP constructed a process that excludes the public. That is not independence; it is a process that will result only in this place sinking lower in the public's estimation. If there was ever a sign of a Government being out of kilter with their people, a £14,000 pay increase for MLAs is it. I call on each MLA present to make their response public when the consultation closes on Thursday. Failure to do so will speak volumes on where they stand on the issue.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

That concludes Members' statements.

Keith Buchanan (DUP, Mid Ulster)

On a point of order, Mr Speaker. I apologise to the House and to my colleague Deborah Erskine, whom I referred to as Deborah Armstrong. I had forgotten that she got married a few years back.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Thank you for that clarification.

Speaker's Business

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Earlier today, I had the pleasure of welcoming an Honorary Consul of East Timor to the Building and spending some time with him. I welcome him to the Chamber today. We have a community of about 4,000 East Timorese in Northern Ireland, who carry out essential work, mainly in the food industry but also in other industries.

Assembly Business

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Ms Kate Nicholl has sought leave to present a public petition in accordance with Standing Order 22. The Member will have up to three minutes in which to speak.

Kate Nicholl (Alliance, Belfast South)

Thank you, Mr Speaker. I present the petition on behalf of residents and road users in Carryduff who are deeply concerned about pedestrian safety along a stretch of road beside the Eurospar. This is not a party political petition. It was started by my Alliance Party colleague Councillor Jamie Harpur, but it has the support of colleagues from across the political spectrum, and that is because it concerns a practical and urgent road safety matter that has been raised by people — parents, older residents, young people, shoppers and those accessing nearby services — who use the area every day.

The section of road experiences very high footfall alongside steady vehicle traffic. The current road layout, however, does not adequately protect pedestrians. There are significant dark spots owing to insufficient street lighting, and those are particularly noticeable during the evenings, winter months and periods of poor weather, making it harder for drivers to see pedestrians and more difficult for pedestrians to cross the road safely. Residents have also raised concerns that the existing pedestrian crossing arrangements are not sufficient for the volume of people using the stretch of road, leading to frequent near misses and understandable anxiety over the risk of a serious accident. The urgency of the petition comes in the wake of the death of a constituent from Carryduff who was killed on that road. So many people signed the petition in her memory to ensure that such a death never happens again. Our thoughts are very much with her family and friends.

The petitioners call on the Department for Infrastructure to take three straightforward and reasonable steps: to carry out an urgent pedestrian safety assessment of the location; to improve street lighting in order to eliminate dangerous dark spots; and to upgrade or install pedestrian crossing facilities that reflect the level of use in the area. Those proportionate measures are aimed solely at preventing harm and are ultimately about protecting life. The people who signed the petition are not asking for anything excessive, only that that busy local road be made safer for everyone who uses it.

I am pleased to present the petition to the Assembly today and ask that it be forwarded to the Department for Infrastructure for careful consideration.

Ms Nicholl moved forward and laid the petition on the Table.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

I will forward the petition to the Minister for Infrastructure and send a copy to the Committee for Infrastructure.

Committee Business

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

I ask Members to take their ease while we make a change to the Chair before the statement from the Minister for the Economy.

(Madam Principal Deputy Speaker in the Chair)

Ministerial Statement

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

The Speaker has received notice from the Minister for the Economy that she wishes to make a statement. Before I call the Minister, I remind Members that they must be concise in asking their question. This is not an opportunity for debate, and long introductions will not be allowed. Without further ado, Minister.

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

Go raibh maith agat, a Phríomh-Leas-Cheann Comhairle.

[Translation: Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker.]

In accordance with section 52 of the Northern Ireland Act 1998, I wish to make a statement on the British-Irish Council (BIC) ministerial meeting in energy work sector format, which was held on Thursday 12 February. The British Government in London hosted the meeting, which was jointly chaired by the British and Scottish Governments as co-chairs of the energy work sector. I attended the meeting, virtually, along with Minister Lyons who attended as the accompanying Minister. The meeting brought together Ministers with responsibility for energy policy to consider how the eight member Administrations can continue to work together to address shared challenges.

Ministers discussed and reviewed the 'BIC Energy Work Sector 2022-2025' policy report and the work sector's activities across the period. We also reviewed and endorsed a new work plan. The 'Energy Work Sector 2022-2025' policy report paper reports on activities since the previous meeting in February 2022. The themes are decarbonising heat; offshore renewables, including wind, marine, grid and interconnection; new and emerging technologies, including hydrogen and carbon capture in storage; and local and community energy. The policy report paper also demonstrates the real value of the work sector in sharing learning, identifying challenges early and building momentum together across these islands. I take this opportunity to commend the extensive work that has taken place across the four themes over the past three years.

I was also pleased to see the report highlight the GeoEnergy project — a flagship geothermal demonstrator that we launched in 2023. That project is exploring the potential of the natural heat beneath our feet — work that should lead to heating homes, public buildings and businesses using clean, indigenous heat. I was especially encouraged that we hosted the energy work sector meeting in February 2024. Officials from the other member Administrations visited the Titanic Quarter in Belfast and had an opportunity to experience a commute on a Translink hydrogen bus and to visit CATAGEN and Artemis, which showcased the development and implementation of world-leading innovation in net zero technologies. Those companies represent the ambition of our region and the economic opportunity of the net zero transition.

Ministers also discussed and agreed the themes of the next forward work plan. I welcome and endorse that draft forward work plan and fully support its direction. The priority areas identified — public acceptance; just transition; supply chains and skills; and peer review — certainly align closely with the challenges that face our Administration. It is a practical, focused plan that recognises that accelerating decarbonisation requires not only technology and investment but public confidence, consumer buy-in, skilled people and strong supply chains.

I am particularly pleased that we will lead the theme of public acceptance. Our energy strategy places people at the heart of the transition. Public support cannot be taken for granted. People must be able to understand and experience the benefits of new energy technologies and systems in their everyday lives: stable energy prices, warmer homes, cleaner air and good jobs in their communities. They must have the opportunity to form citizen energy communities where local energy generation and consumption contributes to renewable energy sources and reduces our reliance on fossil fuels, while increasing social and community engagement and delivering local economic benefits. Ownership of clean, affordable, renewable energy is essential to reducing energy poverty, and those energy communities play a crucial role in the energy transition, as they help to create a sustainable and just energy future for us all. In leading that theme, we will collaborate with other Administrations to share experiences and learn collectively from our challenges and successes.

I commend the statement to the Assembly.

Sinéad McLaughlin (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

Thank you, Minister, for your statement. It demonstrates how quickly things can change in the energy sector. Minister, given the escalation of violence in the Middle East and the 10% jump in oil prices this morning, and particularly in light of the fact that more than two thirds of our households rely on home heating oil, what progress has been made towards linking the UK emissions trading scheme (ETS) with the EU ETS ahead of Ireland's forthcoming EU presidency? How could that help to protect consumers from further price shocks, which, as we stand here today, seem inevitable?

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I thank the Member for her question. She is quite right: the past 48 hours have, again, demonstrated how our reliance on fossil fuels impacts on people's pockets. Therefore, it is important that we continue the work to transition away from fossil fuels and ensure that there is a genuine just transition in that regard.

The linking of the two schemes is work in progress between the British Government and the EU. We are being kept updated on that, and officials are engaged in understanding what that will mean, including any cost impacts, although we do not believe that there will be any. It will be a positive initiative and will be very welcome, but, as I say, it is work in progress.

Jemma Dolan (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

Minister, now that Executive approval has been secured to ban petroleum licensing and exploration, including fracking, what are the next steps?

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I thank the Member for her question. The next step is for me to write formally to the Speaker to outline my intention to put the petroleum exploration and licensing (repeal) Bill before the Assembly on 24 March. It is my intention that that Bill will pass into law during the current mandate. The Bill will introduce a permanent ban on issuing licences for all forms of onshore petroleum exploration and production, including fracking. The Bill is an important step in supporting our decarbonisation journey, and it aligns with the Climate Change Act's emission reduction targets, the policy direction set in the energy strategy and the conclusions of independent research. Exploration for oil and gas would run contrary to those commitments and is unlikely to bring meaningful benefits to the local economy or consumers. Therefore, it is the right thing for us to do.

Diane Forsythe (DUP, South Down)

I thank the Minister for her statement. Having moved to the Economy Committee last week, I look forward to working with her again.

Minister, this morning, I attended the all-party group on fuel poverty, at which Communities Minister, Gordon Lyons, outlined progress in that area. In line with the wider Executive anti-poverty strategy, how do you think that some of the measures related to renewables and energy will help address fuel poverty?

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I thank the Member for her question, and I wish her luck on the Economy Committee. I look forward to working with her.

The themes that have been set out in the next programme of work are ones that are really tangible to people and communities and are about ensuring that people understand and feel the benefits. When it comes to public acceptance, that is a particular theme that we will be leading on, because it is crucial that people understand what the transition will mean and how it can benefit them. There are also other issues around skills and supply chains that are, again, very tangible in ensuring that we are prepared for the transition and are able to take the full opportunities that are presented to us. That means that we have to have skills programmes in place, and it means that we need supply chains that will support the renewables sector more generally to deliver. That is really important work.

It is also really important for tackling fuel poverty, and Minister Lyons attended the meeting with me. It was particularly pertinent for him to have attended, given his role in retrofitting and in other initiatives that the Department for Communities leads on. There is a lot of cross-departmental work under all those themes that we can certainly pursue together.

David Honeyford (Alliance, Lagan Valley)

Thank you, Minister, for your statement. As has been said, what is happening in the Middle East will affect all our constituents because the price of energy is increasing, and energy security is coming back into focus.

You talked about public confidence moving forward.

That needs a plan-led approach. You talked about a strategy, but, with respect, a strategy is not a plan. When will we see a plan-led approach to give the public confidence as we move to transition?

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I thank the Member for his question. As a member of the Economy Committee, he will know that we published the review of the energy strategy just before Christmas. It was a timely opportunity to look at the progress that has been made and at the areas where there are still challenges and opportunities to be grasped to meet those targets.

He will also know that a number of significant areas of policy development are progressing. A number of consultations that have concluded recently will contribute to the work to meet our targets. That is all really important. It is all set within the framework of the energy strategy, which guides us in the targets that we have set ourselves to align with the Climate Change Act. Working along those lines will help us to deliver against those targets. We are taking the approach of looking at the various areas and ensuring that we meet the milestones that have been set.

The Member will be aware of the number of areas of work that we would really like to see progress on before the end of the mandate. That will be challenging, but I believe that we can do it.

Diana Armstrong (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

Thank you for your statement, Minister. Was the development of biomethane as a renewable source discussed at the meeting? What potential is there for cross-border collaboration in the development of anaerobic digestion plants?

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I thank the Member for that question. Biomethane has been discussed, not just in that forum but in other forums where we have cross-jurisdictional input in relation to energy. We have really good on-the-ground examples of it already happening. The work in the Department, in collaboration with the Department of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs, is progressing and has had a new focus placed upon it.

I had the opportunity to meet some businesses that are pursuing that work and are keen to see it benefiting local communities, including those in Fermanagh. The Department is putting considerable focus on that, in collaboration with DAERA, and we hope to see good progress on it in the coming months.

Colm Gildernew (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

I thank the Minister for that important statement. When will the new policy on grid connections come into effect?

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I thank the Member for his question. Since the publication of my decision, the Utility Regulator has been progressing the necessary licence modifications for NIE Networks and undertaken the regulatory scrutiny of the detailed charging arrangements. Subject to the completion of that regulatory process, NIE Networks is expected to publish a new statement of connection charges before the end of June 2026, enabling the new fairer connection charging arrangements to then take effect for customers.

Steve Aiken (UUP, South Antrim)

Thank you, Minister, for your remarks so far. On the issue of the decarbonisation agenda, at a recent meeting that I attended in the Oireachtas, I was surprised that Cathy Bennett TD stated that there was no need for renewables to be transferred out of the island of Ireland, particularly out of the Republic of Ireland, and that, therefore, there was no need for the North/South interconnector. Did you and the Irish Government Minister who attended discuss that issue? Is the North/South interconnector still a priority for both Governments?

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I thank the Member for his question. The North/South interconnector is important for our security of supply. We need to see that progressed in lines with the terms under which it was approved.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

What activities has the Minister's Department been involved in to build a hydrogen economy here in Northern Ireland? Wrightbus in my constituency is a world leader in building hydrogen buses, but, due to there being no investment in local infrastructure, its hydrogen buses are being exported. When will we see proper investment in hydrogen development in Northern Ireland to make Ballymena the home of hydrogen in Northern Ireland?

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

OK, you have got a lot on the record. There you go, Minister.

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I thank the Member for his question. I will be meeting Wrightbus in the near future, and I look forward to hearing about its plans. As the Member will be aware, there are plans in the growth deal for a hydrogen hub, which is really welcome. There are considerable opportunities, and Wrightbus is one example. There are others, such as CATAGEN, that are doing really important work that we will be able to show the benefits of. We can show how we are a leader in this technology. Along with Invest NI and others, my Department is working to support that. I am also happy to continue to work with the Member in relation to his constituency interests.

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

I apologise to the House for being late for the Minister's statement. Thank you, Minister, for your statement and your important work on this matter. Can you expand on the relationship with GB Energy? I see that as a really important opportunity to get some much-needed financial support, particularly for community-led energy projects, which I know you are committed to delivering. Can you outline ongoing work in that important regard?

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I thank the Member for his question. My officials have been working with Ministers in Britain to understand the priorities that GB Energy has now agreed. In particular, it has placed a focus on local power plans and community-led projects. I want us to lean into that in order to make sure that communities here are able to access the supports that are available from GB Energy and the funding that will flow from them. My officials are engaging on that, and I have asked them to put a new focus on it so that we can make sure that we gain from any arrangements that are being put in place.

Kate Nicholl (Alliance, Belfast South)

I also apologise for missing the start of the Minister's statement. Thank you for your update, Minister. So much positive and ambitious work is happening in this space, but the right people with the right skills will be required to deliver. What conversations have you had about that and plans to deliver?

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I thank the Member for her question. That is one of the themes of the new work plan. We all recognise that if we are to harness the benefits of the transition to net zero, we will need people with skills. The Department published the green skills action plan a number of months ago, which sets out how we plan to ensure that we have the people and the pipeline of skills coming through across the different disciplines that are going to be required. Having that as one of the themes in the work plan across all eight jurisdictions means that we can learn from work that others are doing, and they can do likewise. It also means that, where challenges are presented, we will have the opportunity to look at what others are doing and learn from that. I am really pleased that that is one of the themes. We need to continue to focus on that and make sure that we continue to engage with industry in order to understand its needs. That was one of the aspects of the green skills action plan that I was particularly pleased about, because it was genuinely industry-led and responded to the industry's needs. We need to keep that under review and iteratively update our action plans in order to ensure that they continue to be relevant.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Thank you, Minister. That concludes on the statement. I ask Members to take their ease for a moment.

Executive Committee Business

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

I call the Minister of Finance, Mr John O'Dowd, to move the Consideration Stage of the Budget Bill.

Moved. — [Mr O'Dowd (The Minister of Finance).]

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

No amendments have been tabled to the Bill. The question on stand part will be put on each clause, followed by that on the schedules and the long title. If that is clear, I am just going to go through all this.

Clauses 1 to 13 ordered to stand part of the Bill.

Schedules 1 and 2 agreed to.

Long title agreed to.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

That concludes the Consideration Stage of the Budget Bill. The Bill stands referred to the Speaker. Members should also note that Further Consideration Stage of the Budget Bill is scheduled for tomorrow. The window for tabling amendments for Further Consideration Stage will open immediately on the conclusion of this item of business and close one hour thereafter.

Committee Business

Alan Chambers (UUP, North Down)

I beg to move

That this Assembly notes the Audit Committee report of its review of the salary arrangements for the Comptroller and Auditor General (NIA 120/22-27), approves its recommendations and, in so doing, in accordance with article 4(1) of the Audit (Northern Ireland) Order 1987, determines that the salary payable to the holder of the office of Comptroller and Auditor General shall be as follows: in each year from 1 April 2023 until such time as the Assembly makes a further determination £160,708 (excluding employer costs).

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

The Business Committee has agreed to allow up to 30 minutes for the debate. The proposer of the motion will have five minutes in which to propose and five minutes in which to make a winding-up speech. All other Members who are called to speak will have five minutes.

Alan Chambers (UUP, North Down)

On behalf of the Audit Committee, I ask the House to support the motion. Article 4(1) of the Audit (Northern Ireland) Order 1987 provides for the salary of the Comptroller and Auditor General (C&AG) to be determined by a resolution of the Assembly. Standing Order 58(2) provides for the Audit Committee to table any motion relating to the salary. Under the legislation, the salary must not exceed:

"the maximum salary for the time being payable to any person employed in the civil service",

and it cannot be decreased by the Assembly. The proposals remain within those limits. The salary is charged on and paid out of the Consolidated Fund under section 63 of the Northern Ireland Act 1998. The Assembly cannot pass a resolution that:

"imposes or increases a charge on the Consolidated Fund"

unless the Minister of Finance makes a recommendation. I can confirm that the Minister was content to make a recommendation in this case.

The Committee has taken every available opportunity to emphasise the enormous value of the C&AG's work and the great responsibility that the postholder has for the external audit of central government bodies in Northern Ireland, including Executive Departments, their agencies and a wide range of other public-sector bodies. The postholder is also head of the Northern Ireland Audit Office (NIAO), which works closely with the Public Accounts Committee (PAC) in its scrutiny of public spending. The C&AG's salary should equate to that level of responsibility. That is not only fair but essential for safeguarding public accountability.

The salary has not been reviewed since March 2022, at which time the Committee recommended a salary level of £154,527, which was in line with the judicial group 5 salary at the time. In the plenary debate, however, the then Committee Chairperson acknowledged that there was a question about whether judicial group 5 was the most appropriate group against which the salary should be benchmarked. The then Committee therefore recommended that the Committee consider reviewing the options open to it to determine the salary in the future. The current Comptroller and Auditor General was appointed on a fixed salary of £154,041. In anticipation of a fuller review of the arrangements, however, the terms of appointment were not referenced to a judicial salary scale, nor was reference made to annual revalorisation.

It would not be reasonable or logical for the Committee to recommend that the Assembly return to the link with judicial group 5 salary, which is approaching a figure of £190,000 per annum, without robust evidence to indicate that that salary level or linking the office of the C&AG with that of a judge was appropriate. Having considered the available evidence and the legal position, the Committee is not recommending that the Assembly return to the link with judicial group 5 as the salary mechanism for the reasons set out in its report.

Having completed the review set out in the Committee's report, the Committee recommends to the Assembly that it increase the salary by 4% for the period 1 April 2025 to 31 March 2026. That is in line with the percentage pay award made to Assembly Commission staff and represents an increase of £6,181 to £160,708. We also recommend that that salary level be applied retrospectively to make an allowance for inflation from the beginning of the financial year 2023-24, which was the first full financial year in which the current postholder was in office.

The Committee considered longer-term salary-setting options, such as linking the C&AG salary to Senior Civil Service salaries, and those options are set out in the report. In the end, there was not a sufficient evidence base on which to make a robust recommendation. Importantly, the Committee has identified the need for further work in this regard and recommends that a feasibility study on a full job evaluation exercise be carried out in line with the timescales for the appointment of the next C&AG.

I, again, thank the incumbent C&AG, Dorinnia Carville, and the NIAO for their invaluable work in safeguarding public accountability in Northern Ireland. I ask the House to support the motion.

Daniel McCrossan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, West Tyrone)

The motion is interesting and raises issues that go far beyond the simple question of salary or administrative arrangements. We are dealing with the independence of one of the most important scrutiny roles in Northern Ireland: the Comptroller and Auditor General.

The C&AG plays a vital and effective role in protecting the public interest. Through the work of the Audit Office, the C&AG uncovers waste, inefficiency and failure in public services, identifies where public money is not delivering and highlights the outcomes that people deserve. That work is real and effective, and it matters. It went on when the Assembly did not function; in fact, in the absence of these structures functioning, the only governance that existed in this place came from the Audit Office. Without the C&AG, the Assembly would have far less ability to scrutinise government and hold Departments to account. I am Chair of the Public Accounts Committee, so I see at first hand the vital work that the C&AG and the Northern Ireland Audit Office carry out.

The evidence gathered by the Audit Office raises a number of questions. Its independence is absolutely fundamental. This is a key question: should politicians set the salary of the Comptroller and Auditor General in Northern Ireland? Surely that raises a question about the independence of the role and about political interference in and influence over the role of the watchdog in Northern Ireland.

There are serious concerns about the direction being taken by the Audit Committee. As a previous Audit Committee Chair, I had the honour of adopting a clear and principled position that linked the Comptroller and Auditor General's remuneration to the judicial group 5 rate. That was a cross-party agreement. I do not know why the Executive parties are deviating from the decision that was previously reached. A lot of evidence was brought before the Committee at that time that established that that was the right direction of travel. That approach was deliberate. It provided a transparent benchmark, removed political discretion and protected the independence of that fundamental and vital office. It ensured that politicians were not placed in the position of deciding the pay of the very individual responsible for scrutinising how public money is spent. That was the right approach then, and the same approach should be taken now. This question must be asked: why has the Audit Committee deviated from that position? What is the rationale for abandoning a system that provided clarity, independence and objectivity? No convincing explanation has been offered; instead, we are presented with a proposal to set a cash figure until further notice, without reference to any recognised benchmark and without any clear mechanism for future adjustment, which is the very opposite of what the independent body is doing on MLAs' pay. That is not good governance, it is not transparent and it is not acceptable.

Let us be honest about what the proposal means. Under the proposal, in effect, politicians will determine the salary of the C&AG, the office responsible for scrutinising those politicians and the Departments that they oversee. That creates a clear and unavoidable conflict. It is not healthy for the Assembly, for scrutiny or for public confidence. The previous Audit Committee, which I chaired, linked the C&AG's salary to the judicial group 5 rate precisely in order to remove any perception of political interference. Perception matters: independence must not only exist; it must be seen to exist.

I am particularly concerned that the change is being driven by Executive parties that sit on the Audit Committee — the same parties that hold ministerial office and control the Departments that the C&AG holds to account and are time and again the core feature of the Audit Office's reports. It is deeply troubling that the Executive parties appear willing to abandon a system designed to protect independence in favour of one that increases political control. That sends entirely the wrong message. It is extremely dangerous territory for the Assembly to encroach on.

The Comptroller and Auditor General must be free to follow evidence wherever it leads, free to expose waste, free to challenge Departments and free to speak truth to power without fear, favour or political influence. The role exists to hold government to account. It is not the role of government to exert influence over that office, yet the Audit Committee's actions do exactly that. Why deviate from the previous position? It was well set out in the Assembly, during the previous mandate, why the Committee reached that position. I believe that you do a disservice to that office, to the C&AG, who is a fantastic leader in that area, and to the Assembly. The Audit Committee is making a huge mistake, and we will not support it.

Diana Armstrong (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

I will make a short contribution to the debate. I welcome the motion and thank the Audit Committee for the work that it has undertaken to bring it to this point. However, I have one question that may be covered in the winding-up of the debate: why does the report not recommend that the salary be linked to judicial salary group 5?

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

I call Diane Forsythe to wind up the debate on the Committee motion.

Diane Forsythe (DUP, South Down)

I thank Members for their contributions to the debate. As the Committee Chairperson said, there is no underestimating the value of the work carried out by the C&AG and the great responsibility of the postholder. It is therefore important that the salary is fair, appropriately reflects the complexity and responsibilities of the role and is set using an objective evidence-based and transparent process. That is why the Committee recommends further work to establish an appropriate evidence-based mechanism for the longer term, potentially through the completion of a full-job evaluation exercise if that is found to be feasible.

I will highlight it briefly that the Committee has reviewed its own role in terms of the appropriateness of making recommendations to the Assembly on the C&AG's salary. While it considered several options that are set out in the report, including transferring the responsibility to the Assembly Commission, it does not recommend any changes to the current arrangements, as it understands that that would require significant legislative change to safeguard the independence of the C&AG.

The Committee is aware that, in continuing to make salary recommendations to the Assembly, there is a continued risk of the political context impacting on decisions to review the salary. For that reason, the Committee recommends the introduction of new processes and procedures to help ensure that there is a consistent approach to salary reviews going forward. The role of the Assembly in setting the salary of the C&AG appropriately reflects the independence of the office from government. However, it is fair and appropriate that that is done in a consistent and predictable manner.

I also acknowledge that the salary of the office of C&AG is set in public, which is unique to the role of C&AG here. That reflects the existing legislation. However, we must remember that, while the Assembly debates the appropriate salary for the office, an individual is in post, and, therefore, I take the opportunity to thank the incumbent C&AG, Dorinnia Carville, for her unwavering commitment to —

Alan Chambers (UUP, North Down)

Will the Member give way?

Diane Forsythe (DUP, South Down)

Yes.

Alan Chambers (UUP, North Down)

Does the Member agree that the work carried out by the Audit Committee was done under the auspices of long-standing legislation and that the work of the Committee was in no way influenced by party political interests?

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

The Member has an extra minute.

Diane Forsythe (DUP, South Down)

I thank the Member for his intervention and agree that the Committee took the role seriously, and politics did not come into it. The review and the processes were followed as set out and to the best ability of the Committee.

I thank the incumbent C&AG for her unwavering commitment to ensuring effective public accountability and leadership of the Northern Ireland Audit Office.

I will comment on some of the contributions. Daniel McCrossan, as Chair of the Public Accounts Committee, referenced the importance and exceptional work of the C&AG. As a former Deputy Chair of the Public Accounts Committee, I concur with him on that. He also mentioned that he previously chaired the Audit Committee, and it was recorded in the plenary debate, as the Chairperson, Mr Chambers, said, that there was a question about whether judicial group 5 was the most appropriate group against which the salary should be benchmarked. The former Audit Committee recommended that this Committee consider reviewing the options in determining the salary in future. I will address Diana Armstrong's point about why we are not recommending that the salary be linked with judicial salary group 5. The Senior Salaries Review Body recommended for 2026 for judicial group 5 a salary level heading towards £190,000.

Historically, C&AG salaries in England, Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales have been linked to the salary of a judge in the judicial salary group 5. However, England, Scotland and Wales have been moving away from that approach since the review of the National Audit Office's corporate governance by John Tyner, which was published in January 2008. It recommended that the link with judicial salaries be broken in England. Previous Audit Committees considered the benefits of the historical link, but they also acknowledged the question of its appropriateness.

In the debate on 22 March 2022, the former Chair stated:

"the overall arrangements for determining the C&AG's salary, which would include benchmarking, should be reviewed in order to ensure that they reflect best practice elsewhere." — [Official Report (Hansard), 22 March 2022, p37, col 1].

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

I appreciate the Deputy Chair of the Audit Committee's giving way. Would it not have been better to retain the peg or benchmark with judicial salary grade 5 until the review that you have talked about concludes? The review is happening, but we are breaking the link before it has concluded. Would it not have been better to leave that link in place transparently until the review comes up with a thought-through alternative?

Diane Forsythe (DUP, South Down)

I thank the Member for the intervention. On review of the process, it was clear to us that, had we continued in that way, the legislation in place meant that we could not go back and change it. Therefore, if that were put in place, it would not allow for the full job evaluation to carry forward in its fullest and most complete form. It could potentially predetermine the outcome of that. In the Committee's view, it would not be reasonable or logical to recommend returning to the link to that scale without robust evidence indicating that it was appropriate to do so. On balance, the Committee decided not to recommend to the Assembly the linkage to that at this time.

Daniel McCrossan asked why no change was proposed to the arrangement with the Audit Committee.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

The Member's time is up. Sorry about that, Diane.

Question put.

Some Members

Aye.

Some Members

No.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Given that we are running up to Question Time, I will put the Question again afterwards. I will not go through the formal voting mechanisms now. I propose, by leave of the Assembly, to suspend the sitting until 2.00 pm.

The debate stood suspended.

The sitting was suspended at 1.47 pm and resumed at 2.00 pm.

(Mr Speaker in the Chair)

Oral Answers to Questions — The Executive Office

Emma Sheerin (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

1. Ms Sheerin asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister to detail the legislative timeline to progress the Inquiry (Mother and Baby Institutions, Magdalene Laundries and Workhouses) and Redress Scheme Bill (NIA Bill 15/22-27). (AQO 3185/22-27)

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

With your permission, Mr Speaker, junior Minister Bunting will answer the question.

Joanne Bunting (DUP, Belfast East)

We understand the importance of acknowledgement for victims and survivors and so remain committed to progressing that important legislation. Members will be aware that Committee Stage concluded at the end of January. We thank the Committee for its work and for producing its report. We expect Consideration Stage to take place after the Easter recess, following further engagement with Executive colleagues on key proposed amendments. Our aim is to complete Consideration Stage, Further Consideration Stage and Final Stage before the summer recess with Royal Assent anticipated during the summer months.

Preparatory work on the necessary secondary legislation is progressing well. We plan to consult on that shortly after the final vote, with the intention of opening the redress scheme before the end of the year. That will represent another important set of milestones in providing victims and survivors with truth and acknowledgement.

Emma Sheerin (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Gabhaim buíochas leis an Aire shóisearach as ucht an fhreagra sin.

[Translation: I thank the junior Minister for that answer.]

I acknowledge the work of the First Minister and the deputy First Minister on engaging with victims' groups and progressing the historical institutional abuse (HIA) stone memorial. What lessons can be learned from the HIA process?

Joanne Bunting (DUP, Belfast East)

We are building on the strong and well-respected foundations laid by the historical institutional abuse process, in which over 5,000 people received financial redress. The learning from that experience has directly shaped the development of the new redress scheme.

One of the strengths of the HIA process was the commitment and expertise of the staff involved. We are carrying that forward by ensuring that experienced, specialist teams are in place from the outset. They will be people who understand the sensitivity and complexity of the work. Given what people have been through already, that is important. Above all, the central lesson has been the value of keeping victims and survivors at the heart of every stage. That remains our guiding principle as we deliver the scheme. With that in mind, I pay tribute to the team that works on truth recovery. Its members are absolutely dedicated to the work, and they engage frequently with victims and survivors.

Stewart Dickson (Alliance, East Antrim)

Thank you, junior Minister, for recognising the work that the Committee did to deliver its report. It is important that victims and survivors can have their situation explained to the public inquiry, when we get to that stage. How will they be involved in shaping the inquiry's terms of reference?

Joanne Bunting (DUP, Belfast East)

The inquiry will open as soon as possible after the relevant primary and secondary legislation comes into force. In my initial answer, I outlined how the time frame for the primary and secondary legislation is progressing well at this stage.

Victims and survivors have been at the heart of the process from the beginning. There are many things that they would like. We need to ensure that every aspect is independent so that they and, indeed, wider society can have confidence in the process. When the Bill passes, there will be consultation on the next steps and on the rules of the inquiry to ensure that the concerns of victims and survivors are addressed and that they are heard and listened to via the consultative forums.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

2. Mr Carroll asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister to outline any plans their Department has to ring-fence funding in the 2026-27 financial year for work to prevent violence against women and girls. (AQO 3186/22-27)

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

Ending violence against women and girls (EVAWG) is one of the most pressing challenges facing society today. That is why we have invested over £5 million in communities to raise awareness of the issue and the role that we all must play in prevention. We have submitted bids that reflect the level of investment required to continue to deliver the strategic framework and to support the programme's longer-term ambitions. We note the Minister of Finance's draft proposals, which are out for consultation and propose that allocations for ending violence against women and girls will be earmarked. Budget planning for the 2026-27 financial year will, however, depend on the outcome of the Executive's Budget process, which has not yet concluded. In the meantime, work continues at pace, and we hope to bring the new ending violence against women and girls delivery plan to the Executive very shortly.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

Thank you, Minister, for that answer. You will probably be aware that, in 2022, Regina Coeli, a women's refuge, closed in my constituency. I commend the people who worked and volunteered there. Since then, there has been no place in West Belfast for women to go if they have been subjected to domestic violence by partners or ex-partners. As part of the strategy that you outlined, will consideration be given to expanding the number of refuges in my constituency and across the North?

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I thank the Member for his important question. It is critical that not only the strategy but, indeed, the delivery plan are multifaceted and take into account all aspects. We often talk about the fact that prevention is at the heart of the strategy and that that must start at an early stage — that is why we are working with schools, youth organisations and sporting organisations — but you are absolutely right: there is a critical need at the point at which a woman needs to leave the home due to the violence within it. We know from so much research that the most dangerous time for a woman is the period between telling their partner that they are going to leave and actually leaving. The lack of refuge spaces can cause significant delay. All Departments need to get together to address the issue; it does not just sit with the Executive Office. I hope that the second delivery plan will bring the right people around the table to finally get the issue resolved. Women should have a right to refuge when they need it, and they should be able to get to a place of safety as quickly as possible, recognising all the dangers.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Significant awareness has been raised of the ending violence against women and girls strategy. Will the deputy First Minister outline what work is going on through the change fund and at a community level to raise awareness of the strategy among men and boys?

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

Thank you. That is really important. Often, the people who have been most involved in the campaign to get a strategy, ring-fenced funding and a delivery plan are those who have seen the issue at first hand. They are women who have been the victims of such violence and people who have worked with those women and the organisations that have lobbied. However, of course, change needs to happen at a societal level; it must go much beyond those organisations. That is recognised at the heart of the strategy and the delivery plan. That is why we are reaching out to schools and sporting clubs, including those whose members are predominantly boys, and why, as part of our strategy and delivery plan, we have a course of work that looks at men and boys. Prevention and education are critical. We may not see the benefits of it for many years to come, but we know and recognise from looking at all the expertise that that work needs to happen now to prevent violence towards women and girls in five years, 10 years, 20 years and further into the future.

Diane Forsythe (DUP, South Down)

The need to protect women and girls and all our young people online is a growing concern. In the UK, a public consultation has been launched on whether to ban social media for under-16s. What is TEO doing to address violence against women and girls online?

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

Thank you. That is an absolutely essential issue in an emerging and evolving area. I know that, like me, the Member has been a victim of violence online. It really is disgraceful. Some of the recent deepfakes and other issues demonstrate how the issue continues to evolve as technology advances. The issues continue to evolve, frankly, day by day, and we need to be agile enough to address the emerging threats and risks online.

I know that Ofcom has been really active in that area. Our junior Ministers met Ofcom specifically on the danger to women and girls online. However, I am conscious that more must be done. I once again reiterate that the big social media companies are much too slow to cooperate with the PSNI and other authorities to try to identify some of the perpetrators and get that activity locked down as quickly as possible.

David Honeyford (Alliance, Lagan Valley)

4. Mr Honeyford asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister, given that reducing health waiting lists was a priority in the Programme for Government 2024-27, to outline the steps the delivery unit has taken to drive progress in this area. (AQO 3188/22-27)

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

Supported by a £61 million investment from the transformation fund, the delivery unit has been overseeing the implementation of a transformation project to expand multidisciplinary teams in GP practices. That is a core element of the wider health reforms aimed at strengthening early intervention and prevention, shifting care closer to home and supporting the development of a neighbourhood model of care to take the pressure off our overstretched hospitals.

The unit has also had a key role in identifying new transformation opportunities across the public sector with the potential to improve population health and well-being. In addition, it has identified a range of best practice measures to address hospital waiting lists and has explored the implementation of those initiatives with health officials and delivery partners. They include the enhanced triaging of waiting lists; the potential for AI and digital solutions to improve efficiency; and the role of behavioural science in supporting much-needed reform.

David Honeyford (Alliance, Lagan Valley)

Reducing waiting lists and accessing GP services are among the issues that we deal with most: they are our constituents' priority. I welcome the answer, but how can the public take the work of the delivery unit seriously if it has not yet met the Minister who is responsible for health?

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

There is a lot of misunderstanding about what the delivery unit is. It is a unit in the Executive Office made up of civil servants. It is a small unit, and it is designed to be small and agile. When we were setting up the unit, we took advice from the experts in delivery units. We spoke to officials in Whitehall about what was happening there, and we spoke to the Welsh First Minister about her delivery unit. We have taken that advice, which is that the units are to be small, agile and answerable directly to the Ministers, who, in this case, are the First Minister and I. The units are also to identify key pieces of work that, they feel, can make the most difference.

I often liken the unit to a small tugboat. The unit is small, but sometimes it can genuinely make a significant difference in turning round big, tricky issues, just as the little tugboat can turn a bigger boat around in the harbour. That is what it is designed to do, and it works. It is an official-level group that works with officials on a number of projects. The health waiting list initiative is led by Health — that is understandable and absolutely right — but our officials are there to work with Health officials to identify research and ideas and feed that back to us, and we respond on that to the Executive. That is the structure.

Philip McGuigan (Sinn Féin, North Antrim)

Deputy First Minister, you have mentioned a number of measures and the work by your officials in the Executive Office and the delivery unit. Subsequent to that, what specific actions has the delivery unit taken to reduce waiting lists?

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

Again, the delivery unit is designed to work closely with the officials who are taking the lead in the relevant Department. They support them with data analytics, for example, the examination of that data and looking at ideas from elsewhere. We have good people working in our system, but, often, we find that the best people working in the system tend to be the busiest. They have a task, and they are trying to drive that forward. Delivery units are often used because they give a bit of space to look elsewhere and to see some of the ideas that have been implemented in other jurisdictions, which we can magpie and take for possible piloting or implementation in Northern Ireland. We need game changers.

The public are, of course, frustrated when they cannot get through to their GP; when they have been sitting on a waiting list for many years; or when they see some of those big issues in our public services. We cannot keep doing what we are doing. We need to do things differently, and we need the good ideas to enable us to do that. That is exactly what the delivery unit is designed to do.

Brian Kingston (DUP, Belfast North)

Will the deputy First Minister say a bit more about what the delivery unit is, for the benefit of Members but particularly for the benefit of some from the SDLP who, going by some of their recent Assembly questions, do not seem to have a clear understanding of what it is?

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The delivery unit is a new concept for the Northern Ireland Executive and Departments, but it is not a new concept. It is a concept that has been rolled out successfully in many other jurisdictions. Before we set it up, we had conversations at a high level to make sure that whatever structure we put in place was based on the delivery units that have been most effective.

It is a challenge for all of us: it is a challenge for every Committee and every Member. If you see a good idea, experience a policy or change or see something being implemented elsewhere that seems to be producing good results, we want to hear about it.

You can feed that in, and we will get our delivery unit to look at that. We need those good ideas and game changers. We must improve public services, which must mean doing things differently and getting better outcomes for the people whom we serve.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Deputy First Minister, we are keen to hear, as Mr Kingston said, about what the delivery unit is actually doing. The unit was heavily trailed in the Programme for Government, so it is legitimate to ask about it. So far today, we have heard that it is both a tugboat and a magpie. I am all for mixing metaphors when it is appropriate, but I want to know exactly what the delivery unit has delivered — no pun intended. You said that you and the First Minister would bring recommendations from the delivery unit to the Executive. How many have you brought, and what have they been?

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

As I outlined, the delivery unit works with officials in other Departments. At the moment, it is focused on the nine key priorities in the Programme for Government. However, it is about learning from best practice regarding delivery units. I believe that the Member was involved in London when the delivery unit there was quite successfully rolled out. We have taken the learning from that. It is absolutely key that a delivery unit is not given too many things to look at. It should not be given a top-heavy structure. It is designed to work within the system and for the system, with direct accountability to the First Minister and me. That is the way in which we have set up the delivery unit. It is not about the delivery unit's coming up with an idea, implementing it over the head of another Minister and gaining glory; it is about working collaboratively. One of the big challenges that we have in government is achieving genuine cross-departmental, cross-agency collaborative working. It has been a frustration for much too long. The unit will work across government, and, at the moment, it is focusing on two things: first, supporting the Health Department when it comes to health waiting lists, which is a multifaceted issue, particularly regarding the transformation project; and, secondly, overseeing the transformation and the range of transformation projects.

Paula Bradshaw (Alliance, Belfast South)

5. Ms Bradshaw asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister for an update on the preparations for the redress scheme as provided for in the Inquiry (Mother and Baby Institutions, Magdalene Laundries and Workhouses) and Redress Scheme Bill (NIA Bill 15/22-27). (AQO 3189/22-27)

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

Mr Speaker, with your permission, junior Minister Bunting will answer the question.

Joanne Bunting (DUP, Belfast East)

Preparations for the redress service are progressing well, and the intention is to launch it later this year, subject to the passage of the legislation. In the interim, a shadow redress service has been established in the Department of Justice. That team includes officials with experience from other redress schemes, and they bring valuable expertise in working in a trauma-informed way. The current work is centred on developing the IT system, progressing staff recruitment and developing the support model so that everything is ready to go. The shadow secretary has met the Victims and Survivors Consultation Forum several times and will continue to engage as the application process and support arrangements are further developed. Our officials and the shadow secretary would also welcome the opportunity to brief the Committee on the plans in the coming months. Our collective focus remains on delivering a redress scheme that treats people with sensitivity and dignity, and with the respect that they deserve.

Paula Bradshaw (Alliance, Belfast South)

Thank you, junior Minister, for that update. It is great to hear that so much work is going on behind the scenes.

Junior Minister, you will be aware that, because the scheme is admissions-based, many victims and survivors and family members are concerned that they will not have the appropriate information about their admission to one of those institutions. What work is ongoing to help people to access their birth or adoption records?

Joanne Bunting (DUP, Belfast East)

I am grateful to the Member for her question. We know that access to records is a hugely important issue for victims and survivors, and we are aware that many have faced real obstacles and difficulties in trying to understand their past or trace their family history. Work has been ongoing to improve that experience and make those processes as straightforward and supportive as possible. Applicants to the scheme will have practical support from the Victims and Survivors Service (VSS), WAVE Trauma Centre and Adopt NI to help them to navigate what can be a difficult and emotional process. We are also working closely with the Public Record Office of Northern Ireland on digitising records and with the health and social care trusts and the Department of Health on managing any resourcing pressures so that resources can be located and provided as efficiently as possible. However, we have to be realistic and mindful that the removal of the posthumous date could lead to thousands more applications, with many relating to events going back over a century to the beginning of the state. That would have a bearing.

Paula Bradshaw (Alliance, Belfast South)

On a point of order, Mr Speaker. There are two conversations going on to my left, and it has been —.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

There are no points of order during Question Time —

Paula Bradshaw (Alliance, Belfast South)

Yes, but —.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

— but I note the comment. If Members wish to engage in loud conversations, they could perhaps do that outside. If they do so quietly, that is a different matter.

Órlaithí Flynn (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

I thank the junior Minister for her response regarding redress. When will the inquiry chair be appointed, and when will the public inquiry start?

Joanne Bunting (DUP, Belfast East)

The public inquiry will open as soon as possible after the primary and secondary legislation come into force. I have already outlined the time frame for the primary legislation, and the secondary legislation is progressing well. As I said, we are conscious of time, but we are eager to ensure that the decisions that we take, the processes that are in place and the outworkings of those are right for victims and survivors.

With regard to the appointment of the inquiry chair, in its interim report, the independent panel recommended that Ministers consider the early appointment of the chair of the public inquiry. We see a number of benefits to the early appointment of an inquiry chair designate and can confirm that work is ongoing to achieve that. The Department worked in conjunction with victims and survivors on the proposed process and sought appropriate nominations. Approximately 59 nominations were received, of which 29 were from victims and survivors. A shortlist has been agreed, and it is hoped that the inquiry chair designate will be in place as soon as practically possible.

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

I welcome the junior Minister back to her place. We are delighted to have her back. In relation to contributions, the Committee was very keen that work be done by the Executive Office team to ensure that the named institutions contributed to the scheme. Can the junior Minister update us on the work that officials have undertaken on that important matter?

Joanne Bunting (DUP, Belfast East)

I am very grateful to the Member for that question. Every right-thinking person has an expectation that institutions found to have caused harm or abuse should absolutely contribute, but timing is critical. Let me be clear: we are absolutely committed to seeking contributions from the organisations deemed responsible, but we must do so at the appropriate time and in a way that does not compromise the delivery of the scheme or the independence of the public inquiry. Where wrongdoing has been found, in my view, there is a moral obligation for institutions to contribute. It is the right thing to do. Society expects it, and, more significantly, for victims and survivors, it is an important aspect of accountability.

However, I must warn that trying to compel contributions through legislation would carry real risks. It could raise compatibility issues with the European Convention on Human Rights and, in turn, create questions for us around the legislative competence of our Bill. There are also issues around property and those promoting current service, which could be jeopardised. There is a lot to think about, and a considered and informed decision is required. We are actively considering the Committee's proposed amendment to place a duty on the Department to publish a report on how contributions will be sought once the inquiry has concluded. We agree with the intention behind the proposal, but we reserve the right to bring forward our own amendment to best reflect the departmental policy and the legalities and to give us the best opportunity to maximise contributions.

I assure the House that we are exploring all avenues in relation to seeking contributions. In February, junior Minister Reilly and I met the Scottish Deputy First Minister, Kate Forbes, to discuss the Scottish approach. Interestingly, Scotland reports on contributions that are received and those that are not, but its scheme also involves a waiver as an incentive, and everything in its scheme is voluntary. We are also planning to meet Minister Norma Foley from the Irish Government on the same issue in the coming months.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Minister, your time is up.

Joanne Bunting (DUP, Belfast East)

I assure Members that work is ongoing to shape a fair and legally sound model.

Connie Egan (Alliance, North Down)

6. Ms Egan asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister to outline any consideration being given to a Troubles memorialisation programme. (AQO 3190/22-27)

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The victims and survivors strategy contains a commitment to work with victims and survivors, and wider society, to develop a designated public space of reflection where people can come together to remember our past. Work in this space is complex and sensitive. Currently, the focus of the strategy is on preparations for the new victim support programme. Final allocations for the programme are expected to be made at the end of March. The delivery of the programme is expected to contribute to a range of commitments in the strategy.

Connie Egan (Alliance, North Down)

Thank you, deputy First Minister. The strategy for victims and survivors states that there will be an exploration of:

"the impact of the Troubles ... on the peoples of these islands and beyond"

and how this can be acknowledged. Years have now passed, and many people are elderly, so it is important that the survivors have input into that work. How is that ongoing?

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

We have had a briefing from our officials around some early preparatory work. The Member will understand fully that it is a hugely sensitive area that needs to be led by victims and survivors. There will certainly not be a one-size-fits-all approach. I have had the great privilege of working with victims and survivors' groups for many years over the past two decades. I have sat with victims and survivors and seen their tears, and I have heard very clearly how much hurt they still suffer now. Whatever we do needs to be incredibly sensitive to that. There is no doubt that the issue of the definition of "a victim" has been significant in this space over the past 20 to 30 years. We will be working with victims and survivors. I have said it before and will say it again: in my role, I feel that it is my responsibility to do absolutely nothing that would cause further hurt to people. It is in that context that we are exploring some of the options around the matter.

Maolíosa McHugh (Sinn Féin, West Tyrone)

The deputy First Minister will know that the VSS is a key pillar in the provision of essential services to victims and survivors of the conflict. Given that, will she explain why there are four outstanding appointments to its board? Those appointments should have been made following a public appointments process.

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I thank the Member for his question. We always strive to ensure that there is as full a complement as possible. We are conscious that there are vacancies on a number of boards at the moment. We have been going through a process to try to fill those vacancies. A number of proposals have been made in this case, and those are under consideration.

Andrew McMurray (Alliance, South Down)

7. Mr McMurray asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister for an update on the actions arising from the research into historical clerical child abuse. (AQO 3191/22-27)

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

First, we acknowledge the significant and long-term impact that clerical child abuse has had on victims and survivors and express our sincere sympathy with all those who have been impacted on. We have been carefully considering the research reports. As the Member will appreciate, it is an important, complex and sensitive issue. We are working with officials to explore a number of possible ways forward. That includes support for victims and survivors, improvements to current safeguarding mechanisms and any further action.

Andrew McMurray (Alliance, South Down)

Thank you, deputy First Minister. You will be aware that there have been calls to publish the research reports and for an explanation as to why they cannot currently be published. Are you able to advise on a summary of the findings and recommendations contained in the reports and whether those can be published?

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The reports are significant and lengthy, and they contain a range of observations rather than conclusions, at times. However, they are all very useful in our consideration of the way forward. We decided some time back to commission the research reports because there was a lot that was not known about the issues. The reports definitely give us a better understanding of the complexity of the framework and context. I do not have any particular principled objection to the publication of the reports. However, I advise the Member that they were commissioned not necessarily for publication but to inform the process. We are actively considering that at the moment, because I know that people want to see what is in the reports. That is why we have not published to date, but we are making sure that the issue of publication is part of our consideration.

Cathy Mason (Sinn Féin, South Down)

Will the deputy First Minister detail what meetings and engagements have taken place on historical clerical child abuse since the completion of the three research reports and on the independent working group's recommendations?

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

Yes, of course. We meet officials regularly, and we will do so this week to discuss further the scoping out of a potential way forward. We met on 23 September 2025 to discuss the three research reports. We also met the independent chair on 10 November 2025, and it was a very useful meeting with lots of detail and lots of questions about that important piece of work. We also discussed the issue with the Chief Constable in a meeting in early December 2025. I can assure the Member that there is constant discussion about it. Indeed, the First Minister and I discussed it again just this morning. We are very conscious that there is an expectation and desire out there, and we want to find a way through that best gives victims and survivors the opportunity for truth and justice.

Harry Harvey (DUP, Strangford)

As with HIA and truth recovery, it is vital that victims and survivors are at the core of our work on historical clerical child abuse. What has been the contribution of victims and survivors to the process to date?

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I thank the Member for his important question. At the heart of all that we do must be those most impacted on: the victims and survivors. We acknowledge and put on record that it is incredibly difficult for those who have suffered at times horrendous abuse to come forward and share their story and their reflections to help inform the work and a way forward. I say a huge "Thank you" to all who have done so. There has been participation with the independent chair to inform some of that work, and I know that the junior Ministers have met victims and survivors through the forum on a number of occasions. In addition, many hundreds of victims and survivors came forward to contribute to the research reports. We genuinely thank all of them for that. Their contribution has been invaluable to our considerations. Victims and survivors have absolutely been at the heart of everything that we have done so far.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

We move on to topical questions.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Deputy First Minister, I will do something that I do not always do and follow up on a question that I have asked before. I asked about the work of the delivery unit: delivery is something that the public across Northern Ireland want but do not feel that they are getting from the Executive. That is clear; it is evident from all the polling and is evident when we go out on the street and talk to the public.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

T1. Mr O'Toole asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister, given that the deputy First Minister mentioned that the delivery unit is looking at the health service and the broad area of public service transformation but he did not quite get an answer on what it is doing or what it is advising, to give him specific examples of recommendations from the delivery unit and tell him how it will improve public service delivery in Northern Ireland. (AQT 2101/22-27)

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I thank the Member for his question. As indicated, the delivery unit is focusing on two areas. One is supporting the Department of Health with its objective, as set out in the Programme for Government (PFG), of reducing health waiting lists, looking in particular at the transformation project to have multidisciplinary teams in GP practices. In addition to that, it is looking elsewhere. For example, the Welsh delivery unit has been working closely with the Welsh Government on triaging lists so that people do not need to be on them any longer than is necessary. It is also looking at mega-clinics and other initiatives. There is a wide range of aspects.

I advise the Member that the delivery unit is a small unit. We hope to introduce small game changers, particularly in Programme for Government delivery. It works hand in glove with the agenda for the new AI and digital unit, the AI strategy and the data strategy. We are conscious that the Department cannot do everything, of course, and we should not try to do everything. The unit is very much a small team of civil servants working with others in Departments to support them in achieving their objectives and outcomes.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Thank you, deputy First Minister. To be clear, I have no difficulty with the idea of a delivery unit. I used to work in Whitehall: there was one there that did work for a long time, and, as you said, they are used in other devolved jurisdictions. I have no issue with them in principle.

The public in Northern Ireland, however, simply do not see delivery from the Executive, and, worse than that, they see no prioritisation of delivery. They see you and the First Minister struggling even to attend the same meeting. To that end, deputy First Minister, will you update the House on clear and precise priorities not just for the delivery unit but for the whole Executive? Two years on from the restoration of the institutions, whether it is on waiting lists, on which, I understand, work is going on, Casement Park or the Maze, the —

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Mr O'Toole, you have asked your question.

Minister.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

— public really feel that delivery is simply not happening.

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

When we looked at the Programme for Government, we were absolutely clear that we could not do everything. Governments should not try to do everything, because, if they do, they will do nothing particularly well. That is why, in the Programme for Government, we have prioritised. The Member himself called for there a focus on a smaller number of priorities. I say as clearly as I can that there are nine priorities in the Programme for Government, and their targets are set down clearly. Part of those nine key priorities is a transformation priority. The delivery unit is currently working on two aspects of that. The first is to drive down waiting lists, and the second is to oversee and support the transformation fund.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Question 2 has been withdrawn.

Ciara Ferguson (Sinn Féin, Foyle)

T3. Ms Ferguson asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister, given that everyone has watched with alarm the events unfolding in the Middle East and is aware of the obvious dangers for our citizens in the region and the potential for wider escalation, to join her in condemning unequivocally the breaking of international law. (AQT 2103/22-27)

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I thank the Member for her question. There is absolutely no indication that it is a clear breach of international law. I am not privy to all the considerations in how the decision was made. I highlight to the Member, who mentions international law, that it is about moving in to take out or remove an appalling, murderous regime, which, as has been reported, has killed over 30,000 of its own people over recent months because they had the audacity to protest and show dissent on the streets. I am looking at a wide range of reports, including one from Amnesty International, which states:

"Security forces in Iran used rape and other forms of sexual violence, amounting to torture and other ill-treatment, to intimidate and punish peaceful protesters during the 2022 'Woman Life Freedom' uprising".

That is appalling. It is an appalling regime. Regardless of the considerations about action or no action, I will certainly shed no tears that that regime is being removed.

Ciara Ferguson (Sinn Féin, Foyle)

While not condemning unequivocally the breaking of international law, will you join me in calling for an immediate end to the conflict and a return to negotiations as the only way forward?

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I suggest that the Member looks at the reaction of ordinary Iranian people — the people who have been absolutely oppressed by that regime for many decades. I could quote from a number of reports, but I will quote from another Amnesty International report, which states:

"Women and girls, LGBTI people, and ethnic and religious minorities experienced systemic discrimination and violence."

At the weekend, I read a report about a 16-year-old girl who was hanged by the regime because she was raped. It is an appalling regime. When it comes down to it, on balance, you need to side with those who are removing a theocratic dictatorship that has been the sponsor of terrorism across the globe and the main source of instability in the Middle East.

Michelle Guy (Alliance, Lagan Valley)

T4. Mrs Guy asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister, given the fast-moving and deeply concerning situation in the Middle East, what support is being given to help people in Northern Ireland who are concerned about relatives in the region. (AQT 2104/22-27)

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I thank the Member for her important question. While we can discuss the rights and wrongs of international action, we need to be clear about our role in Northern Ireland. I do not have any role in, nor do I provide feed-in to, military manoeuvres. However, I have a responsibility to do everything that I can to ensure that people from Northern Ireland who are in that region, and who are very apprehensive about what is happening, can get the right support. I attended the briefing on Saturday, and I will attend a briefing later today. The messaging is clear: if you are in the region, get registered. The people who are registered will get, directly to their phones, information about potential evacuation, as well as other alerts and updates. They should stay inside and shelter, because the situation is still very unstable. They should make sure that they reach out if they need help and support. There are people in the region with British passports, Irish passports and both. We are trying to ensure that that information is sent to everybody as clearly as possible through our social media channels. The other key message is for people to make sure that they take their information from official channels. There is a huge amount of rumour and misinformation out there. People must make sure that they are taking their information from official Government channels.

Michelle Guy (Alliance, Lagan Valley)

I thank the deputy First Minister for that response. What impact do the attacks in the Middle East have on the Executive Office's international relations strategy?

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

There are three issues that came out of the briefing on Saturday afternoon that impact on Northern Ireland. The first is that we have people from Northern Ireland who serve in the UK armed forces in the area and will be deployed in defensive action. Those people will have families in Northern Ireland. The second issue is the impacts on supply chains. The region, particularly around the Strait of Hormuz, is essential to energy supply and other things. I asked for a point of contact in the Department for Business and Trade to make sure that we are aware of the potential economic shocks, particularly supply chain disruption.

Key to this, however, is the fact that we have thousands of people visiting or working in the UAE in particular and across the wider region. Those people have not been able to leave. Many families here are apprehensive about the safety of their loved ones and friends. We want to make sure that the information is given to them. I raised the issue of people who live in Northern Ireland and travel on various passports because my concern in all this is to make sure that people get the right help and support where and when they need it.

Peter Martin (DUP, North Down)

T5. Mr Martin asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister, given that tens of thousands of Iranians in the UK have taken to the streets to celebrate the demise of the ayatollah, who, as the deputy First Minister referenced, was responsible for the torture, rape, imprisonment and execution of tens of thousands of his own people, and that, on Sunday, hundreds of Iranians were at Belfast City Hall carrying pre-Islamic Revolution flags, Israeli flags and US flags, whether they stand with them or with those in the Chamber who appear to deeply lament the ayatollah's passing? (AQT 2105/22-27)

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I thank the Member for his important question. My focus in all of it is to make sure that citizens of Northern Ireland can remain safe and get all the advice and messaging that they need at this very difficult time. He is absolutely right: I stand with the Iranians who have suffered from the oppressive, evil regime for many decades. I am absolutely baffled as to why some in the Chamber appear to support that regime. I looked up why that could be, and it was clear that Sinn Féin has had a long-running relationship with the Iranian regime, going back many decades. I do not understand that. That regime oppresses women's rights. It has murdered women for having the audacity to not wear a head shawl. As I said, it has killed people because they are LGBT. It has supported terror, not just across the region but across the globe. It has been an oppressive, evil and murderous regime, and it does not deserve support from any person in the Chamber

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Mr Martin, in your supplementary, please refrain from asking for an opinion. Over to you.

Peter Martin (DUP, North Down)

I apologise, Mr Speaker. I thank the DFM for going to the security briefings over the weekend and gaining live information that will assist British and Irish passport holders from Northern Ireland who are in the region. We needed someone in that room. Will she share any additional information that is not subject to ongoing security considerations that she wants to get out to British or Irish citizens in the region?

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

As I said, if you are in the region and your family and friends are supporting you at home, the key issue is to make sure that you get your information from the official channels. It is also important that you register. The registration system is designed to give a sense of how many people are in the region. We do not know how long the situation will last, and it may be the case that we move to evacuate. Getting registered is criticaI so that, if it appears that evacuation plans need to be put in place — that is a contingency — people know where you are staying and that you are getting the alerts directly to your phone.

Over the weekend, I put up information about the UK Government's registration scheme and the Irish Government's registration scheme, conscious that people from Northern Ireland have been travelling in the Middle East on both passports. We will continue to ensure that our social media channels are updated. My social media channels are updating. I guarantee that I will do everything that I can to get the information out to people in a timely way. That includes engaging with the UK Government, the Irish Government and others to make sure that the messaging is accurate and that people get the support that they need.

Áine Murphy (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

T6. Ms Murphy asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister whether they will join her in expressing Members' collective outrage at the killing of so many innocent schoolchildren in southern Iran, whose violent death was absolutely appalling. (AQT 2106/22-27)

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

I just drew to Mr Martin's attention that Members should not seek opinions from the Minister. Ms Ferguson, too, sought opinions from the Minister. I will hand over to the deputy First Minister.

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

Thank you, Mr Speaker. I would like to think that everything that I say is simply factual rather than an opinion.

Let me be clear: war is tragic. It brings about absolutely tragic outcomes. Everyone should do their best to bring about a resolution and peace in the Middle East. I have said that repeatedly.

However, there is a big challenge with what has happened in negotiations over the course of the past number of decades, not just those over the past few months or weeks. The key issue is that you cannot negotiate with people who are murderous or are at the head of a regime that is intent on spreading terror, killing others and oppressing tens of thousands of its own people. Those are not just my words; they are the words of international human rights bodies, including Amnesty International, which have highlighted the fact that Iran is one of the worst offenders in the world when it comes to breaches of human rights. I appeal to the Member to consider that. Of course, every death of a civilian in war is absolutely tragic, but what that regime has been doing is absolutely horrific and must be condemned. It should not be defended by anyone in the Chamber.

Oral Answers to Questions — Health

Kate Nicholl (Alliance, Belfast South)

1. Ms Nicholl asked the Minister of Health how the £5 million allocated to support and expand breast services across health and social care trusts has been used to improve patient outcomes. (AQO 3200/22-27)

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

Work is under way with the trusts to define the requirements for what will be a modernised, consultant-led model for breast services. That includes expanding the multidisciplinary team and strengthening the skill mix across nursing and allied health professional staff. The objective is to increase capacity, resilience and long-term sustainability. The resource, workforce and training needs emerging from that planning will shape a recurrent investment plan, aligned with the £5 million that was identified under the elective care framework implementation and funding plan.

Recognising that service reform and workforce development take time to establish, a proportion of the funding has been used non-recurrently to deliver immediate improvements that support better outcomes for patients. Given the sustained capacity pressures in breast services, funding has been directed towards additional evening and weekend assessment clinics for red-flag and urgent referrals, ensuring faster access for patients presenting with time-critical symptoms.

Between April 2025 and December 2025, approximately £540,000 enabled the delivery of around 1,230 additional appointments. A bespoke payment-by-results pilot, which was introduced in October last year, has further incentivised the delivery of extra out-of-hours clinics at evenings and weekends, helping to address the breast assessment waiting list backlog.

Kate Nicholl (Alliance, Belfast South)

I thank the Minister for his answer. I wrote to him on behalf of a constituent who was impacted on by the delays in breast cancer waiting lists. The two-week target is crucial for so many reasons, particularly life expectancy. The Minister said in his response that the temporary delays were linked partly to the roll-out of Encompass. Have those issues been resolved? When will Encompass speed up, rather than slow down, the process?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

As of 8 May last year, Encompass has been rolled out across the five geographic trusts. The trusts are looking for a considerable period of time in which to embed Encompass. I find that a little bit frustrating, because I am not a technician or an IT expert. However, it is certainly moving in the right direction.

I suggest gently to the Member that the most important thing that I said in my original answer to her was about the introduction of a bespoke payment-by-results pilot scheme. Normally, we engage a trust and commission it to do a list. In other words, a team will go into a theatre and work for, say, four hours. It may deliver four, six or more than six procedures, depending on the variance in the trust. The idea of the money's following the patient is being rolled out with payment by results so that there is now an incentive for those teams to deliver more.

Diane Dodds (DUP, Upper Bann)

Minister, the one thing that I found encouraging from your statement was that the £5 million will be recurrent funding. However, research from Cancer Research UK tells us that, in general, Northern Ireland has the longest cancer waiting lists and the poorest outcomes of anywhere in the United Kingdom. That is a moral and ethical issue that must be resolved. A couple of weeks ago, Wes Streeting launched a cancer plan for England. Will you launch an action plan on cancer services for Northern Ireland that is separate from the elective care plan? The current model simply is not working.

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

My Department is working closely with the trusts, progressing the development of a modernised, Northern Ireland-specific breast service model, and we are doing that at speed. However, it is important that we are clear that meaningful, sustainable improvement is not quick or easy to achieve. It cannot happen overnight. Transforming a service of this scale and complexity requires a phased approach over a significant period of time. I am committed to achieving that, and I hope that that is consistent with what the Member is seeking. The vision includes expanding multidisciplinary teams and strengthening the skill mix across the workforce. It will require a substantial lead-in time to support education, training, recruitment and workforce development. I remain committed to ongoing collaboration with the trusts to ensure that all efforts are maximised to support timely patient access to assessment, treatment and care.

Philip McGuigan (Sinn Féin, North Antrim)

I recently met the Lobular Moonshot Project, which is campaigning to raise awareness and research into lobular breast cancer. Are contacts and discussions with Wes Streeting across the water on implementing funding and research here for that particular type of breast cancer on the Minister's radar?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

It was not on my agenda, but, obviously, it is now. If the Member would like to discuss it further, I would be happy to do that, even later this afternoon.

Colm Gildernew (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

2. Mr Gildernew asked the Minister of Health to outline how social care needs are being addressed in Fermanagh and South Tyrone. (AQO 3201/22-27)

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I am aware that pockets of unmet need exist in respect of home care provision in parts of Fermanagh and South Tyrone, due to a combination of factors: increasing levels of demand; difficulties with recruitment; and difficulties with retention within the home care workforce. The Department has introduced a range of initiatives to deliver further efficiencies, including early review teams. Initial indications suggest that 47% of individuals who receive an early review of their home care package either no longer require home care or require a lower level of home care, and that releases hours back into the system.

CareLineLive, a real-time digital system, is being implemented across all the trusts. It is capable of delivering 10% efficiencies in home care hours. Work is ongoing to implement a regional home care brokerage system with independent sector providers that will deliver further efficiencies. There has been an extension to block home care contracts, particularly in rural areas with high levels of unmet need. All trusts hold regular recruitment events to build their home care workforce. I have given my commitment to introducing the real living wage for the social care workforce as soon as it is affordable.

Colm Gildernew (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

Minister, given your stated aim of shifting left, and knowing what we know about the growing and ageing demographics, what, more fundamentally, is happening for the future to ensure that areas such as ours, particularly the rural parts of the constituency, have enough social care workers to deliver the packages that are needed?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I thank the Member for his supplementary question. The challenges in rural areas are distinct from those in urban areas, and I accept that. When I decided to tackle health inequalities with the Live Better initiative, we started with two urban district electoral areas (DEAs), because it is easier to club together services and flood an area if it is a dense urban area like The Moor DEA in Derry/Londonderry or Court in West Belfast. The challenge now in health inequalities is to deliver in more rural areas. The previous Minister in the Republic of Ireland, Stephen Donnelly, said that he had tried to tackle health inequalities, but he had started with too broad a geographic spread. The challenges of shifting left into the neighbourhood model are there, but, as I have said previously, challenges are there to be overcome, not to be used as obstacles to define why you cannot act.

Diana Armstrong (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

Minister, I welcome the increase now being delivered locally, especially given the growing need for social care from the community, and I very much welcome the Minister's commitment to introduce the real living wage. Does he agree that a career in social care is something to be deeply proud of, and one that allows staff to make a positive impact each and every day?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I thank the Member for the question. It might be better answered by the Member who asked the previous question, because that is his background. Absolutely, it is a worthwhile career. If you speak to any service user or their family and friends who observe what is happening with home care, they will tell you that social workers are fantastic people. When you talk to the people who deliver it, they will tell you that it is a worthwhile career. I have to deliver better for them not just with the real living wage but with the whole employment package and the work/life balance. That includes showing them more respect, honouring them, trying to increase the workforce and giving them more prominence.

Danny Donnelly (Alliance, East Antrim)

The problems with patient flow that result in overcrowding in our A&Es and pressure on our Ambulance Service will be solved only by investment in community care services, such as domiciliary care. I am glad to hear that the real living wage will finally be paid to those very important workers in the health service. Can the Minister confirm that it will be this year?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I can confirm to the Member that it is my plan to introduce the real living wage in this financial year. As the Member is aware, my budget has yet to be confirmed. Indeed, no Department or Minister has had their budget for 2026-27 confirmed yet. As soon as I have that, my two priorities are honouring the wage recommendations from the Review Body on Doctors' and Dentists' Remuneration on the one hand and fixing a date for introducing the real living wage on the other. It is my intention that, whatever date is deemed appropriate for the introduction of the real living wage, it will be back paid to 1 April 2026.

Daniel McCrossan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, West Tyrone)

Minister, the Save Our Acute Services group is calling for the South West Acute Hospital to be designated as a rural area hospital. Will you support that as part of your reconfiguration plan?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I am not entirely sure what that has to do with the question that was asked by Mr Gildernew, which was about how social care needs are being addressed in Fermanagh and South Tyrone.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

3. Mr Carroll asked the Minister of Health, in the absence of new legislation, to outline any wrap-around support he plans to put in place for school leavers with special educational needs. (AQO 3202/22-27)

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

The children and young people's emotional health and well-being framework proposes an inclusive, needs-based approach to neurodiversity, which, importantly, does not require a formal diagnosis as a prerequisite for support. The model aims to reduce stigma, promote earlier intervention and improve outcomes across health, education and developmental domains. Work is ongoing to define the requirements that will underpin the pathway and inform future commissioning.

Building on the recommendations from the 2023 adult autism services review, work is now under way to update the adult autism care pathway. The review aims to deliver greater consistency in the diagnostic and support services across all trusts, aligned with the NICE guidance and reflective of differing levels of need.

The draft learning disability service model outlines the goals for young people with learning disabilities, including those with SEN, to receive personalised lifelong support that allows for choice and control.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

Thank you, Minister. There is a lot of concern, to put it mildly, that there is no stand-alone legislation coming through to support that community. I pay tribute to Caleb's mother, Alma White, who has campaigned on the issue.

Minister, pupils with complex needs who are leaving school SEN settings will be likely to need one-to-one support. How will your Department meet their needs in a day centre or other day opportunity environment?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I met Alma White and Caleb, who came into the Building the week before last. It would be fair to say that she was upset and did not understand why, although we are still just over a year away from purdah, there is no time to legislate. She wanted an amendment to the Chronically Sick and Disabled Persons (Northern Ireland) Act 1978. I had officials with me, and we tried to talk her through the process to explain why it was impossible to legislate this side of purdah. Then, on Monday of last week, the House rose at 4.00 pm. Therefore, I begin to wonder why we cannot look at the Chronically Sick and Disabled Persons (Northern Ireland) Act 1978.

I am reassured by my Department that the learning disability service model, which we are starting to think about rolling out together with a delivery plan, matches or exceeds what is available in neighbouring jurisdictions.

We are moving in the right direction, just not as quickly as the Member, I or Alma might like.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

For the avoidance of doubt, there is no problem in the Chamber with taking legislation from the Executive. I have written to the deputy First Minister and the First Minister on several occasions, requesting that they advance legislation to the House. For the avoidance of doubt for anyone in the public who may think that there is an issue with Assembly time for Executive legislation, there is no issue. We need the legislation to come forward to us.

Danny Baker (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

Following that, Minister, will you reconsider what you said in the media two weeks ago, which was that you would not have time to legislate on Caleb's cause? Caoimhe Archibald has done what she can do with her piece of the puzzle in creating post-19 pathways. It is now time for the Department of Health to step up. Now that it is clear that there is time, will you give a commitment to work towards that? If you cannot, will you, at the very least, lay the groundwork for it in the next mandate?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

First, I hope that the Speaker did not feel that that was a criticism directed at him.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

No, I did not.

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

Secondly, the Department of Health has already defined its legislative programme between now and purdah, so the question for us is not the availability of Chamber time but the availability of resources in the Department of Health and among those who would draft the legislation

[Interruption.]

You can shout at me from a sedentary position —.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Order. The Minister will be heard.

Danny Baker (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

It is a mixed message. It is not fair on Alma.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Minister, please carry on.

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I understand that, if I were Alma White, I would see it as a mixed message. I can, however, commit to putting in place some building blocks to ensure that we — or you — can move forward in the next mandate.

Diane Forsythe (DUP, South Down)

Minister, the mixed message has come from your response in the Chamber, not necessarily from Alma. I will follow on from previous questions. You said that you wished that the matter had been brought forward and wondered why it had not, but you have not progressed it. Will you take extraordinary steps to progress it, given your comment that there is time to do so?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

My point was that there is a mixed message, in that people say that there is no room for new legislation, yet the Chamber can rise at 4.00 pm on a Monday. As I said to Mr Baker, our resources for new legislation have been deployed for the rest of the mandate.

Nuala McAllister (Alliance, Belfast North)

Minister, I think that Alma would find your initial response deeply insulting. It is not that she lacks the ability to understand but that Alma and many parents like her live every day the experience of having a young person with very complex needs and there being a cliff edge at the age of 19 at which those young people lose access to services. What will you do before the end of the mandate to ensure that kids such as Caleb are not forgotten about and lost in the system because of inaction?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I respectfully say to the Member that she was not in the room when Alma White said that she did not understand. I am not misinterpreting her; I am quoting her. I will continue to work with other Ministers who have key roles to play in post-19 provision.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

4. Mr Blair asked the Minister of Health to outline any assessment that his Department has made of health inequalities specific to rural population. (AQO 3203/22-27)