Northern Ireland Assembly, 26 January 2026

563 contributions from 73 members. The official report.

Members' Statements

Sinéad Ennis (Sinn Féin, South Down)

On Friday, we buried Mickey Brady. As we said goodbye to one Newry legend, another Newry legend was being born, as Rachel Duffy was soon to win 'The Traitors' in the most amazing style. Apparently, us Newry women now have the reputation of being ruthless and treacherous, and we certainly are, if you cross us, but the Rachel whom I know — I have known her for some time — is funny, kind, good craic, works very hard in the community and voluntary sector, and is fiercely proud of her roots and where she comes from. Watching Rachel over the past month has been brilliant TV. It has been exciting for Newry people, and watching her progress, week in, week out, has brought a buzz to the town. I sincerely congratulate Rachel on her win: it could not have happened to a better woman. I thank her for representing herself, her family and Newry so proudly. We are proud of Rachel. We will have to make some space at the town hall, beside Banjo Bannon and Pat Jennings, for a statue of Rachel. She is so deserving of all the opportunities and success that will no doubt flow her way following this. I wish her every success in the future.

Cheryl Brownlee (DUP, East Antrim)

It should come as no surprise that I rise to celebrate the fantastic achievements of Carrick Rangers Football Club, which proudly lifted the County Antrim Shield last Tuesday at Seaview. After a phenomenal second half, the match finished a 1-1 draw, taking us straight to penalties. It was there that young Pengelly showed nerves of steel as Carrick Rangers won the shootout 4-2 against very, very worthy opponents in Cliftonville.

Despite what my Facebook may have suggested, Carrick Rangers went into the match as the underdog. It was a monumental victory. It was the first time in 33 years that the club had brought the shield home, and it will live long in the memory of all supporters. As the shield was lifted, I looked around the ground at the roaring support — the loyal, dedicated fans, many of whom had a wee tear in their eye. I do not think that any of us is able to describe what it meant to us on the night.

That success did not happen overnight; it came from years of hard work and dedication not only from the players on the pitch but from the coaching staff, the board, the chairman and all the volunteers who are the backbone of the club and stick with Carrick Rangers through thick and thin and in difficult times. I was particularly struck when I saw the chairman, Peter Clarke, run onto the pitch and take sight of the packed-out north stand. His face filled with pride and emotion. In that moment, you could see the weight of all the work, sacrifice and passion that have gone into building and sustaining the club. Carrick Rangers is much more than a football club: it is a community, one that now stretches far beyond the town of Carrickfergus to America, where we have a phenomenal and growing fan base.

That night provided an opportunity for reflection, and we remembered those who are no longer with us, especially Davy. He would have loved nothing more than to be there front and centre, sharing in that historic win. I am immensely proud of Carrick Rangers and our amber army. I am perhaps even prouder that I managed to convert a dedicated Blues man on the night. However, football has always been about more than the result, and I was deeply moved when a Cliftonville supporter came to the aid of a Carrick Rangers fan who had become unwell.

I congratulate everybody associated with the club and, of course, the team on its hard work in achieving that monumental success. Carrickfergus is so proud of them. Up the amber army.

David Honeyford (Alliance, Lagan Valley)

I rise to celebrate some success for the people of Lagan Valley. I acknowledge and recognise the outstanding achievement of St Mary's Aghagallon GAC, which won the All-Ireland Scór na nÓg title at the weekend. It is a fantastic achievement for everybody at the club. That incredible result is richly deserved. It speaks volumes of the dedication, commitment and hard work put in by the team, the supporting members of the club, their families and those around the club.

Sorcha and I had the privilege of meeting the club last year — it is hard to believe that it was only a year ago — before it went off to the final. It narrowly missed out on that occasion, but that makes this victory even better. For anybody in the Chamber who might not know, I say that scór is the part of the GAA that involves music, storytelling, language and performance arts. It is about passing those things on from generation to generation.

I place special focus on one person: Bronagh Lennon. Bronagh and I first met at my club in Glenavy many years ago when we hosted the Ulster semi-final. She has made an unbelievable contribution to scór in keeping it there, keeping people active in it and making sure that it has the prominence that it deserves in the area. I pay tribute to her for that.

Well done to St Mary's Aghagallon GAC from your Alliance team. We wish you all the success in the world. You are a credit to the club and the area.

Doug Beattie (UUP, Upper Bann)

I did three tours of duty in Afghanistan in the dismounted close combat role. My eyes are not as bright as they once were; my waistline is a little more expansive; and my hearing is not as sharp. Some people wonder why I shout, and that is why. However, I still remember the sights, sounds and smells of Afghanistan. I also remember the taste, because, when you see a body being eviscerated in front of you, the blood hangs in the air like a mist and invades your nostrils, and its coppery taste lands on your tongue. That is not something that you are likely to forget.

I served with some of the most fantastic men and women that this country has ever had. They were dedicated, committed and courageous. I served with people from other countries, such as the United States, Canada, Estonia, Poland, Denmark and many others. Their young men fought shoulder to shoulder with me in the incredibly difficult environment that we shared. We shared the hardships and the isolation. Fear was our continuous companion, and we shared that. Sometimes we used dark humour to get through our day, and I fell foul of that — trust me, I know, and I apologise for doing so — but that is how we got through our days.

We patched up our wounded, carried our dead with dignity and did everything that was asked of us on the front line, yet an individual sitting in Mar-a-Lago, 8,000 miles away from the front line that I was standing on, thinks that he can insult the people who fought, died and were injured on that front line. That is absolutely appalling. He cannot get away with it, and he cannot get away with saying that it was just an unfiltered remark. He is the president of the United States, and I am in no doubt that he cares not one jot about somebody like me who stood on that front line and fought with other nations. He has no interest. His attempt to row back on what he said about those whom I served beside in Afghanistan are hollow words.

All those people whom I stood beside — Americans, Canadians, Danish people, Estonians and Polish people — gave so much. The United States invoked article 5 of the North Atlantic treaty, which states that an attack on one NATO member is an attack on all, and all those nations answered the call. I will say simply this: while the president continues to attack and insult the memory of the nations who gave so much, be that the UK or others, I will never accept it. He needs to give a full apology, and I expect it.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

I will talk about a subject that is close not just to my heart but to the hearts of many communities and people who value the role that our pub and hospitality sector plays in Northern Ireland. I grew up working in small rural pubs. It is part of the DNA of my family and that of many families across the island. The revaluation that was announced last week by the Department of Finance risks forcing pubs and other hospitality locations over the edge. In an extraordinary development, many of our hospitality venues will face tens of thousands of pounds — in some cases, hundreds of thousands of pounds — in increased rates liability. That will force them out of business: it will force pubs to close; it will prevent small rural villages and towns from having access to those vital community meeting points; and it will damage our hospitality offer. The Irish pub is fundamental and critical to the hospitality offer not just in the North but on the island of Ireland.

The revaluation exercise happens every number of years. It is not a revenue-raising exercise, so, before anybody says, "Where else would we raise the revenue?", let us be clear that it is a revenue-neutral exercise. That is clear from the Minister and from the Department's website. However, that revenue-neutral exercise has clearly been designed to create a huge additional burden on our pubs and hospitality sector at a time when it faces rising costs related to labour, goods and other things such as Sky TV. That last aspect does not necessarily jump to the front of one's mind, but my understanding is that the Sky Sports bills — Sky Sports subscriptions are often critical to getting people into pubs, including on wintry nights such as we have been having recently, when people go in to watch the Champions League — that pubs pay to get that critical part of their offer, are based on their rateable values, so those bills will go up by thousands of pounds. That is a completely unacceptable situation.

The SDLP Opposition will not stand by and allow our pubs to be punished like that, with all the consequences for their workers — they could lose their jobs — communities and our tourism offer. It is not good enough to blame the Brits, as some have already done, and to say, "Austerity did this". The revaluation is not raising any money. If it were raising money for public services, that would be another matter. The Sinn Féin MP for North Belfast responded to a pub on the Antrim Road that is facing crippling additional costs by saying, "It is a consequence of austerity". The revaluation is not raising any money to deal with austerity; it is just rebalancing our rates system while punishing pubs. We cannot stand by and let that happen. We cannot allow small rural pubs and critical hospitality venues to go to the wall because of the revaluation. We will stand up and fight against it in order to protect those critical community assets and tourism resources. There will be more to say about that in the Chamber in the weeks ahead.

Áine Murphy (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

I welcome the publication of the report 'Delivering Rural Health and Care in a New Ireland'. The report reflects the important discussion held in Enniskillen on the challenges faced by people in Enniskillen, Tyrone and across our border regions in accessing Health and Social Care services. For border communities, the conversation about healthcare is not abstract. It is shaped by distance, rural isolation and services that, too often, are stretched to breaking point.

Nowhere is that reality felt more clearly than at the South West Acute Hospital (SWAH). The SWAH is not just a hospital; it is a vital lifeline for the people and communities of Fermanagh, yet chronic challenges in workforce recruitment and retention, along with ongoing uncertainty about future provision, have left people anxious about whether the care and treatment that they need will be available.

We have seen the loss of services disproportionately impacting on our rural communities. Long journeys, poor transport links, the absence of adequate ambulance cover and delayed care can mean the difference between early intervention and crisis. If we are to be serious about equality of access to healthcare, the SWAH must be properly staffed, properly resourced and recognised as essential infrastructure for the entire region. However, the pressures do not stop at our hospital doors. In Fermanagh, we know all too well how difficult it has become to access GP services. Practices are struggling to recruit and retain doctors, patient lists are growing and appointment systems are not fit for purpose. For many people, particularly our older residents and those living with chronic illnesses, even getting an appointment can be a challenge. When access to primary care is limited, illness goes untreated, conditions worsen and more people end up in hospital.

Alongside that, we cannot ignore the crisis in our social care system. Across Fermanagh and Tyrone, families are doing extraordinary work in caring for their loved ones, often with minimal support. Home care packages are delayed or reduced, carers are underpaid and overstretched and, too often, people are left in hospital beds, not because they are unfit for discharge but simply because the care that they need at home is not available. That is unfair to patients, unfair to families and unsustainable for our health service.

The report rightly highlights that, on a small island with just over seven million people, running two entirely separate health systems makes little to no sense, particularly for our rural and border communities. Indeed, when the South West Acute Hospital was commissioned, it was always envisaged that the uncommissioned theatre and other clinical areas would be developed for use on a cross-border basis. An all-island approach to workforce planning, specialist service provision and rural health delivery would transform outcomes for communities such as ours, but only if is rooted in local communities and firmly focused on free public care.

I encourage Members and the wider public to engage with the report. The debate is about the future, but it is also about the here and now.

Paul Frew (DUP, North Antrim)

It is right that we take the time to mark and condemn the words of President Trump when he described NATO forces in the way that he did. His commentary was truly awful, reckless, disrespectful and removed from any reality or fact. I am deeply proud of all those from all nations who served with honour in Afghanistan and fought for freedom and democracy. From the UK, 457 personnel paid the ultimate sacrifice, including a number from Northern Ireland, and they are much-loved and deeply missed family members. The 1st and 2nd Battalions of our own Royal Irish Regiment served together with great distinction and honour on the front line.

President Trump's words were insulting, disrespectful and ridiculous. Many of our service personnel are used to that type of commentary but from our enemies and from people down the pub who do not realise what service is about. To hear it from the US president, who is the commander-in-chief of an allied country, is hard to take. Those words will have caused deep trauma and hurt to the brave people who suffer to this day because of their injuries, both physical and mental. The words came from a president who does not really know what service is, the experiences that come with it or the deep respect that one gets when serving alongside soldiers from other nations, including those from the US, who will be ashamed of the commentary from their commander-in-chief.

Many of my constituents who served with distinction still suffer, and I try to help them every week. Constituents who are no longer with us paid the ultimate sacrifice, even years after their service ended. My thoughts are with their families today as we reflect on the disrespectful and truly awful words of the US president.

Nick Mathison (Alliance, Strangford)

As everyone will know, thousands of children across Northern Ireland received their Schools' Entrance Assessment Group test results at the weekend. Many will be delighted with the outcome, while others will be disappointed. There will be others who chose not to sit the test who will be unsure of their next steps in the post-primary transfer process.

I put it clearly on the record that I believe that our current system of post-primary transfer is failing many of our children. It is an unfair and unnecessary process for our 10- and 11-year-old children to sit those tests simply for them to move on to the next stage in their education journey, where they will engage in a common curriculum at Key Stage 3 with all their peers, as they have done throughout primary school.

Many parents will be all too aware of the stress placed on our children and young people that is created by their preparing for, sitting and then receiving the results of any sort of academic selection. The evidence is clear. It demonstrates that failing to gain access to the school that they had hoped for, or to gain the result that they had hoped for in the test, can have a profound impact on our children's mental health.

The independent review of education was clear that our current process of academic selection perpetuates socio-economic division between selective and non-selective schools. We continue to facilitate a system that serves to benefit a few already generally privileged pupils and to perpetuate demographic trends, which are at odds with building a shared and inclusive society.

We will all be aware of the unprecedented budgetary pressures and financial context in which the Department of Education is currently operating. Our system of academic selection plays a role in impacting on some of those costs, whether that be through the area-planning process and skewing decisions about where we need schools, the impact on home-to-school transport funding or the continued duplication in our school system. Academic selection comes at a financial cost as well as at a cost to children's mental health and well-being.

Every year, I hear from parents who are fed up with the system. They want to see politicians and political leaders come up with a better approach to how our children move from primary to post-primary education. It is therefore time for the Minister of Education to facilitate a public conversation on the future of our post-primary transfer process so that we can get to grips with the issue, bring the current system to an end and deliver better outcomes for our children and young people.

Pat Sheehan (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

Bhí Lá Idirnáisiúnta an Oideachais ann Dé Sathairn seo a chuaigh seo. Athdhearbhaíonn Sinn Féin a thiomantas lena chinntiú go bhfuil an tús is fearr ag gach páiste agus ag gach duine óg agus iad ag gabháil i gceann an tsaoil agus go bhfuil rochtain acu ar oideachas ardchaighdeáin. Is ceart bunúsach é an t-oideachas, ach, thairis sin, is gléas cumhachtach é leis an chomhionannas agus an t-athrú sóisialta a bhaint amach.

Ar Lá Idirnáisiúnta an Oideachais i mbliana, bhí mé ag smaoineamh ar pháistí agus ar dhaoine óga na Palaistíne. "Léann-díothú" a thugann an t-aos léinn ar an scrios a rinneadh in Gaza: scriosadh córas oideachais; rinneadh ionsaithe ar ollscoileanna, ar mhúinteoirí agus ar mhic léinn, agus rinneadh sin uilig d’aon turas. Sa chomhthéacs sin, ba náireach é an cinneadh a rinne ár nAire Oideachais féin Paul Givan cuairt a thabhairt ar scoil atá i gcríoch faoi fhorghabháil — cinneadh a bhí ag teacht salach ar an uile dhóigh ar an dlí idirnáisiúnta agus ar chearta an duine.

Aithnímid na dúshláin atá roimh scolairí, roimh thuismitheoirí agus roimh mhúinteoirí abhus sa Tuaisceart. Leanfaidh Sinn Féin leis de bheith ag gabháil i ngleic leis an tearc-ghnóthachtáil oideachais, leis an tsoláthar don riachtanas speisialta oideachais a athrú ó bhonn, le cúram páistí a dhéanamh inacmhainne agus le cothrom na Féinne a fháil don Ghaelscolaíocht. Ba chóir do earnáil na Gaeilge áiseanna cuí, infheistíocht chaipitil leanúnach, a dóthain foirne agus acmhainní cearta a bheith aici má tá sí le coinneáil léi ag fás. Tá mé ag tnúth go mór le mo Bhille um lucht saothair gaelscolaíochta a thabhairt os comhair an Tionóil, agus le beith ag déanamh feidhm don earnáil murab ionann is Airí de chuid an DUP, duine acu i ndiaidh an duine eile.

Leanfaimid orainn fosta de bheith ag cur i gcoinne na mbeart úd ar chlár oibre an Aire a thabharfadh ar gcúl muid amhail a chuid iarrataí leis an smior-chailleach a bhaint as an churaclam, le cos i bpoll a chur leis an mheasúnú leanúnach agus le córas a thabhairt isteach arís ina bhfuil scrúdú aonair strusmhar amháin ann, scrúdú ar a bhfuil barraíocht ag brath. Níl sin le leas an aosa óig. Leanfaidh Sinn Féin leis de bheith ag seasamh leis an oideachas agus de bheith ag obair le daoine eile le córas oideachais cuimsitheach, lánacmhainne a chruthú, córas nach bhfágfar aon duine ar deireadh ann.

Diane Forsythe (DUP, South Down)

On Thursday past, businesses across Northern Ireland received notifications from Land and Property Services (LPS) of revaluations of their business premises as a result of Reval2026. We all know that property valuations have increased, and most businesses expected it. What those businesses received, however, was outrageous, and the situation has been handled so badly.

Let me be clear: Reval2026 was not issued by the Executive. It was not voted for in the Assembly. The revaluation exercise was completed by LPS and was issued under the direction of John O'Dowd, the Sinn Fein Finance Minister. The catastrophic, unbuffered impact on local businesses seems to have been of no concern to the Sinn Féin Ministers in either Economy or Finance.

There appears to have been no appraisal of the economic consequences of the revaluation. The statement on the Department of Finance's website says that the revaluation is "revenue neutral" and:

"Revaluations do not raise additional income; regional and district rate poundages are adjusted to maintain revenue-neutrality."

In the real world, however, that is ludicrous. Property valuations are used by LPS to multiply the rates factor in order to generate rates bills for every property owner and business owner. The increased valuations mean increased rates bills. Every business owner across the country has recalculated their rates bills based on the new valuations that were issued last week. The new bills will be crippling for so many. Hotels face a hike in their rates bills of 85%, and the bills for pubs will increase by 57%. Hospitality Ulster has said that that may be the final nail in the hospitality industry's coffin.

For weeks at the Finance Committee, I have been asking what Reval2026 will mean for businesses, whether they have they been warned and what the impact will be, only to face continued feedback that it will not make a huge difference. Here we are, however; the reality is stark. The revaluation will cost jobs, livelihoods and well-established businesses across our cities and towns. That is before the Finance Minister's planned 3% increase in business rates in each of the next three financial years, as per his multi-year Budget proposals, and the local council rates hikes. That is absolutely unacceptable, and it has been handled so badly.

The Finance Minister must reflect on what he has issued here. The Sinn Féin Finance and Economy Ministers must not ignore pleas from local businesses. Whilst we know that Sinn Féin does not want to see Northern Ireland succeeding, is that the case at any cost, including closing businesses, making workers unemployed and crippling our local economy? I will be clear on this: the DUP stands firmly with our local businesses. We will fight on their behalf against this catastrophic action by Sinn Féin.

Diana Armstrong (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

I, too, want to raise serious concerns about the impact of Reval2026 on our local economy, particularly on the hospitality, tourism and food-to-go sectors. We are seeing projected rates increases across Northern Ireland that are nothing short of staggering. As has been said, hotels are facing rises of up to 83%, with pubs facing rises of as much as 57%. Cafes, visitor attractions and the wider tourism economy are all being dragged into the same crisis. One hotel in my constituency has seen its rates bill rise to £338,000 a year, which is an increase of 83%. That is not sustainable, nor is it reform: it is a direct threat to jobs, investment and the future of that business.

The new valuations are based on a snapshot of trading conditions in 2022, which makes the situation even more alarming.

That data bears no resemblance to the reality that businesses face today. Since then, profits have collapsed due to soaring wage costs and staff shortages, the national living wage, increased employers' National Insurance and the relentless rise in energy, food, insurance and supplier costs. Yet Land and Property Services continues to value businesses as if rising prices mean rising prosperity. In reality, margins are being wiped out. The system now effectively taxes turnover instead of profit and is doing so at the worst possible time. It is not just businesses. Halls and community facilities are seeing sharp increases, threatening the very organisations that hold many of our towns and villages together.

The Finance Minister promised a rates review. What we have instead is a revaluation that is driving fear, uncertainty and anger across the private sector and voluntary sector alike. It is a tax on jobs, a tax on success and a tax on opportunity. Is that Sinn Féin policy? Northern Ireland is already a high-cost place to do business, and the revaluation risks making us completely uncompetitive compared with both Great Britain and the Republic of Ireland. I call on the Minister to urgently introduce a freeze on rates for 2026 and to finally deliver meaningful reform of a system that is clearly no longer fit for purpose. If the revaluation proceeds as planned, it will not stimulate the economy but actively damage it. The Ulster Unionist Party will always be a friend to business, to workers and to ratepayers. We will always champion their cause.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Daniel, please confine it as much as you can.

Daniel McCrossan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, West Tyrone)

I rise on behalf of the SDLP in support of the women against state pension inequality (WASPI) and to record the full support of my party for the long-running, dignified and entirely justified campaign that has been led by tens of thousands of women across Northern Ireland.

Women born in the 1950s planned their lives around the state pension age that, they were told and believed, would apply. They made decisions about work, caring responsibilities, savings and retirement on that basis and then, with little to no notice, the rules were changed, with some women receiving just months' notice and some none at all. As you will agree, that is not equality but maladministration. WASPI women have never opposed the principle of equalising the state pension age; they support equality. What they oppose is the way that those changes were implemented without adequate notice and without any meaningful transition protection. That distinction matters.

The scale of the injustice was confirmed by the Parliamentary and Health Service Ombudsman following a six-year investigation. That investigation found maladministration in the way that the Department for Work and Pensions failed to communicate changes to the state pension age, including a failure to act on its own research that showed that women were unaware of the changes being made. As a result, women were denied the opportunity to make alternative arrangements for their retirement, and many continue to suffer the consequences of that today. The out-of-court settlement reached between WASPI and the Government on 2 December 2025 marked an important turning point. It represented an acceptance that the Government's initial refusal to compensate the women was flawed and included a commitment to carry out a full review of the findings.

At this point, it is important to be absolutely clear that women born in the 1950s did everything right. They worked, they paid in and they planned for their retirement on the basis of a pension age that, they were told, would apply, and then the rules were changed with little to no notice. Yes, the ombudsman has found fault, but the Government must now take action and put right the wrong and redress the harm caused by the state's failure. This is so important, and I thank all of those who have campaigned and spoken up for the women across Northern Ireland.

Ministerial Statement

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

In compliance with section 52 of the Northern Ireland Act, I make the following statement on the meeting of the North/South Ministerial Council (NSMC) in the education sector held on Friday 23 January. The meeting took place in the Monaghan Peace Campus and was hosted by Minister Naughton TD, the Minister for Education and Youth in the Republic of Ireland. The Minister of Finance, Minister O’Dowd, also attended as the accompanying Minister. Minister O’Dowd has agreed the statement and for me to make it on his behalf.

The following main areas were discussed at the meeting: addressing educational disadvantage; special educational needs; digital literacy; and school, youth and teacher exchanges. I will go through each one in some detail.

Ministers welcomed the continued progress and cooperation by both Departments on implementation of the agreed programme of cooperation on educational attainment, supported through an allocation of up to €24 million from the Government of Ireland’s Shared Island Fund.

The Council noted the update on overall progress by the Department of Education in Northern Ireland on implementation of the RAISE programme with the publication of strategic area plans for each of the 18 RAISE localities and the success of the open call for locality-led projects. The NSMC noted the launch of the RAISE reading with AI research project and Halloween revision support programme. Ministers noted the progress of the teachers' research exchange (T-REX) platform and the Creative Connections arts education pilot programme, which are both now under way.

The Council noted the continued progress that is being made in implementing projects supported under the PEACE PLUS programme that contribute to addressing educational disadvantage.

Minister Naughton and I recognise the ongoing cooperation between Departments in both jurisdictions and the willingness to enter into constructive mutual assistance on a variety of challenges in the special educational needs sector. The Council noted that both Departments and the Middletown Centre for Autism are assessing the potential for service expansion to respond to current and emergent needs across the jurisdictions.

The NSMC welcomed the proposed project to support teacher professional learning on digital literacy, including on misinformation or disinformation and the impact of AI. Ministers noted the opportunities for enhanced cooperation in digital education, particularly in teacher professional learning, curriculum development and digital safeguarding.

The Council welcomed the presentation on behalf of the PEACE PLUS ASPIRE shared learning project. The NSMC noted progress made to date in delivering the PEACE PLUS projects across respective investment areas and recognised the joint work that is being taken forward across both jurisdictions.

Ministers acknowledged progress made by both Departments and the Mary Immaculate College of Limerick to extend delivery of the teachers' research exchange platform across both jurisdictions and welcomed the announcement of the expansion following the meeting.

The NSMC noted the ongoing review of the North/South Education and Training Standards Committee (NSETS), the work being taken forward through the North/South Youth Work Sector Practice Development Hub and developments in relation to the United Kingdom-Ireland Youth Work Forum.

The Council also noted the continued cooperation across education inspectorates and welcomed opportunities being explored for cooperation on well-being in education, including the recent positive shared learning event held in Dundalk.

The next meeting will be held in spring or summer 2026.

Cara Hunter (Social Democratic and Labour Party, East Londonderry)

I thank the Minister and welcome the range of issues touched on at that important meeting. As AI is mentioned in an ethical context in the statement, I declare an interest, as I sit on an AI ethics board outside my role as an MLA.

With the topic and the week that is in it, digital safeguarding is so important. We have talked about AI harms this week and last. Will you tell the House whether you wish to offer or issue any guidance to our school leaders and parents on how to talk about those emergent technologies and the threats that they bring when it comes to online safeguarding of our children?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

We discussed at some length the benefits of enhancing digital literacy skills. It is part of the findings of the review of Northern Ireland's curriculum that Lucy Crehan carried out. It identified that there is a lack of literacy skills. Therefore, as we take forward the work on the new curriculum for Northern Ireland, digital literacy will have greater emphasis.

As we look at artificial intelligence, particularly generative AI, we all recognise that there can be benefits, if it is appropriately harnessed, when it comes to helping around teacher workload and in respect of administration. We have been piloting some of those schemes with principals in Northern Ireland already through Microsoft Copilot technology. There are also benefits when it comes to devising lesson plans and carrying out assessment. Undoubtedly, there are opportunities, if it is harnessed appropriately, for AI to have a significant impact.

In all the conversation that we had in that meeting, we talked about the importance of safeguarding and effective regulation when it comes to the frameworks in which AI and digital skills need to be taught. That is paramount, and all schools take it seriously when it comes to well-being.

Some of that is being utilised already, with pupils utilising open-source material. It is important that, as technology advances, we respond to the changing environment, and we need to find a way to have appropriate guard rails in place, so that AI is utilised effectively but safely.

Danny Baker (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

Thank you for your statement, Minister. Can you provide any further detail on greater cooperation with the South on special educational needs?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

As we engaged on SEN, the Middletown Centre for Autism was referenced as being an organisation that helps, particularly with its expertise on autism. The same issues that we have in Northern Ireland, with the exponential growth of the number of children with a variety of educational needs, is replicated in the Republic of Ireland, where they are grappling to find the most effective way in which to provide the resources that will benefit those children and young people. In that meeting, we talked about how we are trying to examine what we do in Northern Ireland. Where work is taking place in the Republic of Ireland, we should, obviously, share all that information. Our officials already engage in that collaboration, but we recognise that there is a need to do more. One of the undertakings from the meeting was that we would seek to find more ways in which to share what we are doing and what we are trying to address, as they are doing in the South. If we can learn from each other, we should learn from each other.

Nick Mathison (Alliance, Strangford)

I thank the Minister for his statement. I will expand on the previous question. You mentioned the role of the Middletown Centre for Autism and the services that it provides for SEN across jurisdictions. In the challenging budget context that we are in, how do you anticipate that role being enhanced?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I have been to the Middletown Centre for Autism. For Members who have not been, I commend the facility to them. There is an issue with accessing the building currently, due to some structural challenges for transport and with the road to the building. That was touched on in the meeting. There is an ongoing issue with the assessment of those structural challenges and the work that we can do to try to resolve them.

The Member is right to mention the budgetary challenges. We face significant challenges. The South also has restraints on its level of expenditure, although not to the same extent as us. We are trying to identify how Middletown can be utilised more effectively. Obviously, that could relate to potential budgetary issues. As those issues emerge, we will need to address the issue of the allocations that we can make. The Member is right: we are somewhat constrained by the financial resources that are available to us.

Pam Cameron (DUP, South Antrim)

I thank the Minister for his statement. Will he explain how the RAISE scheme addresses budgetary pressures?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

It has been an ongoing challenge to try to release the funding for that, but I am pleased to inform the House that we have made significant progress. Shared Island funding of €24 million has been made available to my Department to take forward interventions to address educational underachievement, which is welcome. I will always take funding, from whatever source I can acquire it, to benefit young people in Northern Ireland.

Those interventions have been designed for the areas that were selected, which are various. The projects have all been developed. We are at the stage of finalising the letters of offer that will allow us to make progress on RAISE. It is a welcome intervention that will have a meaningful impact on tackling educational underachievement.

Jon Burrows (UUP, North Antrim)

I thank the Minister for his statement. The Washington Ireland Program (WIP) has benefited many people here by bringing on emerging leaders in Northern Ireland. Are there any opportunities either to build on the success of that or to get more people from Northern Ireland on to that programme?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I am happy to take the Member's suggestion away. There are different programmes that give young people an opportunity to engage internationally. Those are welcome, where they can be availed of. Part of the meeting referred to the establishment of the United Kingdom and Republic of Ireland youth forum, which would allow not just more North/South exchanges but more east-west exchanges, so that there would be greater opportunity to empower young people across the British Isles, and for them to have their voices heard.

Pat Sheehan (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

In the course of his engagements with his counterpart from Dublin, has the Minister ever expressed curiosity about the fact that educational outcomes in the South far exceed those here, or has he asked for an explanation of why that is the case?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The Member raises an important point. I have looked at where Northern Ireland is being outperformed internationally, particularly in measurements such as the programme for international student assessment, the trends in international mathematics and science study and the progress in international reading literacy study. The Republic of Ireland is outperforming Northern Ireland, as are other high-performing jurisdictions, in educational attainment. That is why we are taking forward the TransformED programme. We, as a Department, have to perform statutory functions to ensure that we have an up-to-date curriculum. We also have to consider what the most effective way is of assessing that. It is not just about the substance of what is being taught but about how it is being taught and how you measure that by way of assessment. There are good examples of what the Republic of Ireland is doing in the type of curriculum and teaching that it applies. I absolutely want to benefit from that to enhance Northern Ireland's educational output. That is why I selected a former chief inspector of the Republic of Ireland's education system to be part of the international ministerial advisory panel. It will help to inform the educational transformation work that we are doing here in Northern Ireland.

Harry Harvey (DUP, Strangford)

Thank you, Minister, for your statement today. Did you have the opportunity to meet any other Education Ministers last week? If so, will you tell us what was discussed?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I thank the Member for the question. Last week, there was the North/South Ministerial Council meeting in the education sectoral format. We also had an East-West Council meeting, which was hosted by the Secretary of State and was held in Belfast. I attended that meeting, at which we discussed taking forward a twinning programme between schools in Northern Ireland and Great Britain. That is an outworking of the Command Paper that the DUP helped to secure. We updated the East-West Council on the progress of that twinning arrangement. I also attended a UK-wide ministerial summit that was facilitated by the Secretary of State for Education, Bridget Phillipson MP, on artificial intelligence and the opportunities that exist for it to be developed in education. I engage North/South, but I also engage very much on an east-west basis, given Northern Ireland's place in the United Kingdom.

Michelle Guy (Alliance, Lagan Valley)

I thank the Minister for the statement. How can we collaborate more across this island and with the rest of the UK to ensure that we are doing all that we can to protect our children and young people from online harms?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

That is similar to what the Member has asked about previously. We know about the dangers of online harm. It is why I support Safer Schools NI's project that encourages parents not to let their children access social media on their smartphone in their early, formative, teenage years. It is also why I introduced the capital programme to limit access to mobile phones. Nine schools are taking part in that pilot scheme. Some Members were critical of that, but the principals who have been engaged are very supportive of it. King's College London will carry out an evaluation of that, which will be independent of the Department and will reflect the effectiveness or otherwise of the approach. In addition, it is why I introduced a clear departmental policy that says that primary-school children should not bring phones to school at all and that, at post-primary level, such phones should not be accessed by children from when they enter school until they leave. That recognises the harm that smartphones can cause to our children and young people in particular. I welcome the public consultation on social media that is being carried out by the UK Schools Minister. I encourage parents to feed into that, but I am also considering whether we should try to address the issue from a Northern Ireland perspective.

Cathy Mason (Sinn Féin, South Down)

Minister, you mentioned the RAISE programme in answer to an earlier question. How much of the initial £20 million that was earmarked for RAISE has been spent to date? What evaluation of the programme has taken place or will take place?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The challenge with the RAISE programme has been that some Members have undermined its work and created unnecessary confusion in their constituencies, which led to a legal challenge.

[Interruption.]

Mr Baker laughs, but he and Mr Sheehan said that the programme was flawed, that it discriminated against disadvantaged communities and that it needed to be taken back to the start and rethought. What were the consequences of their misinformed and ignorant commentary? It was to create the environment for those in their community to decide to take a legal case to challenge the programme. Unnecessarily, Members decided to be critical of it, but the judgement that was delivered on Friday 12 December 2025 dismissed all legal challenges to the Department's methodology for allocating funding under the RAISE programme. The judgement was clear. The court found that the Department had acted lawfully and rationally in developing a Northern Ireland-wide place-based approach to funding, using objective indicators of educational need.

That was the judgement of the court, and I am glad that it was presiding over the case, as opposed to Sinn Féin Members. They now ask about the delay in distributing the funding. The reason for the delay was the legal challenge. We are now able to proceed with allocating the funding. The terms of offer are being conveyed in letters to groups, but the case is now being taken to the Court of Appeal. Three days have been set aside for it to be heard in April. We will proceed with the schemes, however, thus allowing West Belfast and North Belfast, constituencies that have needed such interventions, to have funding allocated to them at long last.

To the Members opposite, I say, rather than take cheap political shots at the schemes, reflect on the words that you use. Your words generated a legal case that undermined RAISE, which was found to be a perfectly rational and logical programme, as determined by the judge. Not only did those Members delay the allocation of funding but they caused my Department to incur considerable expense — over £100,000 so far — defending its policy. We successfully won that case.

[Interruption.]

Some Members

Hear, hear.

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The applicants also got legal aid, so the Department of Justice's Legal Services Agency (LSA) had to provide them with taxpayers' money. Not only is my Department therefore out by over £100,000 so far —

Danny Baker (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

[Inaudible.]

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

— but the LSA is out funding likely to the tune of £300,000 to £400,000 —

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Order, Mr Baker.

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

— of taxpayers' money. That money was wasted as a result of Sinn Féin challenging the decision. It politicised a scheme that the courts found to be perfectly legitimate.

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

Minister, do you share my concern that departmental resources that should be focused on tackling educational underachievement are being wasted by political opponents in this place, be that on challenges from the Alliance Party to legislation that it created or on challenges from Sinn Féin? Do you agree that, instead of focusing on lawfare, you are getting on with delivering for the people of Northern Ireland?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

Members in the Chamber and people outside of it have talked about the Department of Education budget's reckless waste. I say to Members that there has not been reckless waste. Indeed, I listened carefully to the principals this morning on 'Good Morning Ulster'. A principal of one of Northern Ireland's largest schools said:

"There has been pressure on the system for a number of years. Any sort of extras or frills around the system have been really trimmed back, so there is really nowhere else to go. We are literally down to the core business of learning and teaching, and our biggest cost in all of our schools is our staffing."

I also read today's published statement from the National Association of Head Teachers (NAHT) about the Sinn Féin Budget. I quote the NAHT's warning, which has been attributed to its president, that John O'Dowd's draft Budget:

"represents the most serious threat imaginable"

to education in Northern Ireland and is:

"wholly detached from the reality inside schools",

yet we have some Members actively encouraging people to take legal cases.

Of the two most significant cases, one was on integrated education, which I won convincingly. However, the cost to the taxpayer was hundreds of thousands of pounds. The other was on RAISE, which I won, but the cost to the taxpayer was hundreds of thousands of pounds. Such activities starve our education system of funding. I trust that Mr O'Dowd, who says that he is listening,

[Interruption]

will listen to the principals of the schools in his constituency and to the trade unions who have said that his Budget

[Interruption]

represents the biggest threat to education.

Mr Baker, do your job, lobby your own Minister and start fighting for schools.

Mark Durkan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

I thank the Minister for the statement. Schools and communities on both sides of the border face similar challenges with deterioration in an ageing schools estate. The management and maintenance of the schools estate in the North has been criticised by the Audit Office and a subsequent Public Accounts Committee (PAC) report. Is there anything different in how those issues are approached south of the border? Is there anything that we can learn from there?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

My Department has been looking through some of the recommendations of the Northern Ireland Audit Office report and, indeed, the PAC report. A key recommendation on which I absolutely agree with the Committee is about having planned maintenance programmes in order that we do not have to react. My response to that has been to say that, at the moment, because of inadequate funding, we have to react with emergency-type responses, as Members will know from their constituencies. However, I want us to have planned maintenance so that we do not take that reactive approach. That will provide greater value for taxpayers' money.

I am keen to learn from any jurisdiction as to the most effective way of managing the finite resources that are available when it comes to capital expenditure. We know that the Republic of Ireland is in a different place when it comes to budgetary allocation and what is currently available to it.

My job is to make the case for the Department of Education. When it comes to our capital, we have not been funded properly over the past number of years — it is not just me saying that; the independent review of education said it — and that needs to be reflected in the budget that we receive. It also needs to be reflected in how we engage with the Treasury. A case needs to be made around the structural underfunding of Northern Ireland for many years. We are still living with the legacy of that. That is why, as we engage in the Budget discussions, I will champion Education, but there is also a need for the Executive collectively to robustly engage with the Treasury and London on the challenges that we face.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

Minister, Protestant working-class boys remain one of the most educationally disadvantaged groups in Northern Ireland. While the Irish Government might not care much for educational achievements in working-class Protestant areas at the North/South meetings, I certainly do. What progress have you made to ensure that working-class unionist areas are not left behind?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

As result of devolution, I have been taking actions in areas that were neglected under direct rule and would continue to be neglected if we had direct rule. As a DUP Minister in the Department of Education, I have taken forward work on establishing a controlled sector unit in the Education Authority that has a clear and dedicated focus. The controlled sector is the underperforming sector. It does not have the same level of advocacy as other sectors. There is inequality in how the controlled sector is treated by comparison with others. I have taken steps to do that. I have also consulted on the establishment of a managing authority, for which, when the consultation concluded, we had overwhelming support. I will take a paper to the Executive.

We have also taken forward the transformation of our education system through the TransformED programme. That is underpinned by a curriculum task force and by pedagogy — the practice through which we teach the content — and we are looking at methods of assessment. We need that multiple approach to make sure that our curriculum is properly supported by way of content and how it is taught and assessed. Getting those things right will benefit pupils in every school in Northern Ireland but particularly those from the most disadvantaged backgrounds whose parents do not have the same means as others to harness private tuition, get teachers to coach their children and enhance the learning opportunities that they have. The only opportunity that many from a more disadvantaged background have is the limited time in the classroom in front of the teacher. We need to make sure that this is given the best possible support, which will be transformative in helping working-class communities not just from a Protestant background but from every background in Northern Ireland.

David Brooks (DUP, Belfast East)

It was worrying but not surprising to hear school leaders today echo the Minister's concerns on the Sinn Féin Budget.

I was going to ask about the court case, but the Minister has answered that comprehensively, so does he agree that the Members on the Benches opposite have routinely peddled falsehoods around the RAISE scheme, particularly in relation to the idea that the money will fall into the coffers of grammar schools? Will he speak to the benefits that working-class communities will see from the scheme?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I agree with the Member's sentiments. The RAISE programme was grossly misrepresented not just by Sinn Féin but by others. It has now been demonstrated, as Members will see from the outworkings of the specific projects, that it will be targeted at helping address educational disadvantage. That is what underpins it, and the rationale for the selection process has been vindicated by the courts. I trust that Members will now get behind the RAISE programme in their communities and encourage and support the work that it will take forward.

(Madam Principal Deputy Speaker in the Chair)

Members will, I hope, reflect over the next number of weeks, as the consultation continues to take place on the Sinn Féin draft Budget, and make sure that their voice is heard loudly that education cannot be underfunded in the way that it has been and that people should express those opinions. I trust that the Finance Minister will be listening, as that voice is being heard clearly from school principals and others.

Pat Sheehan (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

On a point of order, a Phríomh-Leas-Cheann Comhairle.

[Translation: Madam Principal Deputy Speaker.]

In a number of the Minister's responses, he referred to the RAISE programme and accused Sinn Féin of being responsible for a judicial review having been taken. My point of order has a number of aspects to it, but, first of all, many people commented on the RAISE programme, not least teachers, principals, educationalists, journalists and others in the community and voluntary sector. It is false to say that Sinn Féin was responsible for a judicial review. Secondly, judicial reviews are accepted on the basis of their legal admissibility, and there is a fairly high threshold that applicants must pass. Thirdly, the Minister should know, as a former Chair of the Justice Committee, that there should be no commentary in the Chamber on ongoing legal proceedings, and the Minister knows that an appeal against that original judicial review has been lodged.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

I will take your last point first, as it was a point of order. The other two were commentary, Pat. Your last point probably comes under Standing Order 73, which deals with sub judice. That is my view: there should be no commentary on ongoing legal cases. That is a well-worn precedent, but I will refer it to the Speaker. Your other two points, which were not points of order, are on the record and have been noted.

Executive Committee Business

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

I beg to move

That this Assembly notes the Government’s amendments to the Biodiversity Beyond National Jurisdiction Bill made at the House of Lords Report Stage on 12 January 2026; and consents to the extension to Northern Ireland of the devolved provisions inserted by those amendments, namely clauses 10 to 12, relating to regulation-making and consultation in respect of clause 9, and clauses 16 to 18, relating to regulation-making and consultation in respect of clause 14.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Thank you, Minister. The Business Committee has agreed that there should be no time limit on the debate. I call the Minister to open the debate on the motion.

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker.

This is the second legislative consent motion that I have brought forward on the Biodiversity Beyond National Jurisdiction (BBNJ) Bill. The motion is required because the UK Government made six amendments at House of Lords Report Stage on 12 January that introduced new clauses 10, 11, 12, 16, 17 and 18, which were not part of the Bill when the Assembly debated and approved the first legislative consent motion on 12 January. Under Standing Order 42A(9), any such amendments that deal with devolved matters or alter departmental functions require a subsequent legislative consent motion, and that is the purpose of today's debate.

The amendments were introduced following discussions between the UK Government and the Scottish Government. To ensure that the Bill fully reflects the devolution settlements across the UK, the same amendments will apply equally to Northern Ireland. The Bill is now in its final stages, and I am grateful to the First Minister, the deputy First Minister and my Executive colleagues for their urgent consideration of the legislative consent motion. I am also grateful to the AERA Committee for considering the amendments at its meeting on 22 January.

I will briefly outline the purpose and effect of each of the six new clauses that the Assembly is being asked to consent to today. Clause 10 provides DAERA with concurrent powers to make regulations relating to the implementation of part 2 of the biodiversity beyond national jurisdiction agreement covering marine and genetic resources and digital sequence information, insofar as those matters fall within the devolved competence. That brings Northern Ireland into line with Scotland and ensures that DAERA is empowered, where appropriate, to legislate directly, rather than relying solely on UK Ministers.

Clause 11 sets out the procedures for regulations made under clause 10. Where regulations amend Northern Ireland legislation, create or vary civil sanctions or create civil offences, they must follow the affirmative procedure. In urgent cases connected to article 24 of the agreement, the made-affirmative procedure may be used. That ensures strong Assembly scrutiny whilst allowing flexibility where urgent international measures must be implemented quickly.

Clause 12 creates a statutory consultation duty, requiring the Secretary of State to consult DAERA before exercising regulation-making powers in devolved areas under clause 9. That guarantees that Northern Ireland's views must be considered before UK-wide regulations are made.

Clause 16 provides DAERA with concurrent powers equivalent to those in clause 10 but for Part 3 of the Bill, which concerns the implementation of area-based management tools designated under the agreement. That will allow DAERA to legislate directly on devolved aspects of area-based management tools decisions taken at the Conference of the Parties (COP).

Clause 17 mirrors clause 11 by establishing the Assembly procedures for regulations related to area-based management tools. That includes the affirmative procedure for any regulation that amends legislation or creates sanctions or offences that are made under the affirmative procedure for urgent measures adopted under article 24. Again, that enhances scrutiny while supporting timely responses to international obligations.

Clause 18 requires the Secretary of State to consult DAERA before making area-based management tools regulations under the UK-wide power in clause 14. The statutory consultation requirement ensures that decisions that affect devolved matters cannot proceed without considering the views of Northern Ireland.

Taken together, the six clauses significantly strengthen Northern Ireland's role in implementing decisions under the new High Seas treaty to ensure that DAERA can act directly where appropriate, guarantee consultation before UK Ministers act and embed Northern Ireland-specific scrutiny procedures in the legislation. The UK Government have emphasised the need to maintain momentum, and, subject to consideration of the amendments, the Bill could receive Royal Assent in the very near future. Supporting the motion ensures that Northern Ireland has an equal voice alongside Scotland in shaping implementation, that DAERA has the powers it needs to act in devolved areas and that the Assembly retains full scrutiny over future regulations.

In summary, the amendments do not change the policy intent of the Bill that was agreed in the first legislative consent motion. Instead, they enhance the devolution arrangements for Northern Ireland and ensure that our interests are properly represented as the UK implements that significant international agreement. I therefore commend the motion to the House and invite Members' support for it.

Robbie Butler (UUP, Lagan Valley)

I welcome the opportunity to speak on behalf of the AERA Committee on the second legislative consent motion for the Biodiversity Beyond National Jurisdiction Bill. The Committee had previously noted the broad aim of the Bill, which is to address the governance gap that exists in areas beyond national jurisdiction, and that it facilitates the United Kingdom's implementation of the international BBNJ agreement under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. That convention covers marine genetic resources, area-based management tools and environmental impact assessments in areas beyond national jurisdiction otherwise known as the "high seas", the seabed and the ocean floor beyond the limits of national jurisdiction.

The Committee is aware that this is a subsequent LCM for the same Bill and that it may be moved in accordance with Standing Order 42A(9). On this occasion, however, the Committee is pleased to note that it had the opportunity to consider the subsequent LCM at its most recent meeting, which was last Thursday, and hold an evidence session with the Minister's officials. For that we are grateful, as it was scheduled at short notice.

Members will recall that the Committee agreed to support the Minister in seeking the Assembly's endorsement of the first legislative consent motion, which was supported by the Assembly on 12 January. Members will have read the Committee's report, which was published on 12 December. The Committee was notified by the Department on 20 January that, at House of Lords Report Stage on 12 January, the UK Government had secured agreement to a series of amendments to insert six new clauses — clauses 10 to 12 and clauses 16 to 18 — which the Minister has outlined.

At its meeting on 22 January 2026, the Committee had before it a copy of the draft subsequent LCM and held an oral evidence session with officials. The Committee heard that the effect of the amendments — the six new clauses — will be to strengthen arrangements for implementing decisions that affect devolved matters by providing concurrent powers and a statutory consultation mechanism. The Committee understands that that, effectively, permits Scottish Ministers and DAERA to legislate in parallel with UK Ministers, under those clauses, to implement decisions taken at the BBNJ Conference of the Parties. The exercise of power by a UK Minister under those clauses must be carried out in consultation with Scottish Ministers and DAERA, where it will impact on devolved competencies.

Overall, the Committee welcomes the amendments to the Bill. They will provide more opportunities for the Assembly to scrutinise the development of regulation. At its meeting on 22 January 2026, the Committee agreed to support the Minister in seeking the Assembly's endorsement of the subsequent legislative consent motion.

Aoife Finnegan (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

I welcome the opportunity to speak in support of the legislative consent motion. The Biodiversity Beyond National Jurisdiction Bill gives effect in domestic law to the High Seas treaty — a landmark international agreement that was the first of its kind to offer meaningful protection to marine biodiversity in areas of the ocean that lie beyond any single state's control.

The provisions before us concern enforcement mechanisms, environmental impact assessments, the regulation and oversight of activities carried out on the high seas and the establishment and management of marine protected areas. While those measures operate within an international framework, their success depends on effective cooperation across all jurisdictions on these islands. From the perspective of the North, it is sensible and necessary that we support the clauses. As an island community, our relationship with the sea is fundamental: our coastal economies, fishing communities and marine ecosystems are deeply interconnected with ocean activity that takes place far beyond our territorial waters. The reality is that ocean ecosystems do not recognise borders, nor do the consequences of pollution, overfishing or climate breakdown. The legislation places environmental responsibility, scientific evidence and international collaboration at the centre of how global marine activity is governed. By extending the provisions here, we ensure that the North will actively contribute to that shared global responsibility, rather than standing on the margins.

Importantly, the approach is consistent with Sinn Féin's long-standing commitment to environmental protection. Safeguarding biodiversity, meeting our climate responsibilities and preserving our natural environment for those who come after us are our core priorities, not secondary considerations. Supporting the motion reflects that commitment practically. The measures proposed are proportionate and necessary. They do not create unreasonable obligations but provide clarity and authority for local bodies to assist in enforcing international standards, tackling unlawful exploitation and supporting the long-term protection of our oceans. Endorsing the motion is the correct course of action for the environment, science and future generations.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

No other Member has indicated that they wish to speak. Minister, it is over to you to conclude the debate and make a winding-up speech on the motion.

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. I thank the Members who contributed to the debate. I hope that the Assembly will consent to the Government's amendments that were made at the House of Lords Report Stage that apply to Northern Ireland. The changes are positive for Northern Ireland. They strengthen our ability to influence UK-wide implementation of the agreement, ensure that devolved interests are fully protected and provide DAERA with important concurrent powers and statutory consultation rights.

Were the Assembly not to grant its consent, the UK Government would be required to remove Northern Ireland-specific provisions from the Bill, which would reduce DAERA's role, weaken the devolution settlement and limit Northern Ireland's ability to shape and implement decisions taken under the high seas treaty.

I thank Members for their contribution and hope that they support the legislative consent motion. I particularly thank the officials who have done all the work in drafting the LCMs and briefing the Committee on them. It is really appreciated.

Question put and agreed to.

Resolved:

That this Assembly notes the Government’s amendments to the Biodiversity Beyond National Jurisdiction Bill made at the House of Lords Report Stage on 12 January 2026; and consents to the extension to Northern Ireland of the devolved provisions inserted by those amendments, namely clauses 10 to 12, relating to regulation-making and consultation in respect of clause 9, and clauses 16 to 18, relating to regulation-making and consultation in respect of clause 14.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Members, take your ease before we move on to the next item of business. Thank you.

Private Members' Business

Jemma Dolan (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

I beg to move

That this Assembly recognises the significance of the Economic and Social Research Institute’s December 2025 report, 'Assessing economic trends in Ireland and Northern Ireland'; welcomes that that will become an annual economic report produced through the Shared Island initiative that will provide an insightful and evidence-based contribution to understanding economic and social conditions on our island; notes the positive findings within the report on increased economic growth and employment rates across the island, alongside the shared challenges relating to productivity, incomes and regional balance; further notes that the report’s review of the respective Programmes for Government from both Administrations on the island identified synergies in economic policy on increasing productivity, decarbonisation and support for small businesses; acknowledges the report’s assessment that the Executive are constrained in economic policy-making due to a lack of fiscal levers being devolved; calls on all Ministers to use the report to inform economic and related policy and to support a more coordinated all-Ireland approach to economic development that advances inclusive growth, regional balance, good jobs and improved living standards for all citizens; and further calls on the British Government to work with the Minister of Finance to devolve additional revenue-raising powers to allow them to support the Executive's economic policy development.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

The Business Committee has agreed to allow up to one hour and 30 minutes for the debate. The proposer of the motion will have 10 minutes to propose and 10 minutes to make a winding-up speech. All other Members who wish to speak will have five minutes. Jemma, please open the debate on the motion.

Jemma Dolan (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

Go raibh maith agat, a Phríomh-Leas-Cheann Comhairle.

[Translation: Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker.]

The Economic and Social Research Institute (ESRI) report provides a stark analysis of the different average living standards that exist in the two jurisdictions on our island and shows the many areas in which we have common challenges and shared policy objectives. The assessment of economic trends shows that the South outperforms the North in almost all the key indicators that are used to measure the health and well-being of our citizens.

The 10% difference in disposable income is one of the statistics in the report that highlights just how much more money a person has in their pocket if they live in the South. It is a particularly useful metric for comparison as it recognises just how much a person has to spend after earnings and taxation are considered.

Life expectancy is a valuable measurement of long-term outcomes, as it reflects how well public services are performing and the socio-economic environment in which people are living. Again, the results show that the North is behind, with men living two years less and women living one and a half years less. To put that into perspective, it means that people living in Ballyshannon live longer than people living in Belleek. Th two villages are just nine minutes apart.

As well as such disparities, however, the report highlights the fact that there are common themes across the two Programmes for Government (PFGs), such as supporting small and medium-sized businesses, tackling housing shortages, delivering better public services and ensuring decarbonisation. Despite shared policy objectives across the island, there is also recognition that, owing to limited fiscal powers, the Executive do not have the same ability as the Dublin Government to intervene with the resources required to deliver better public services and improved living standards for their citizens. The division of our public services on a North/South basis means that all those living on our island are being disadvantaged, not just those living in the North.

We can see how much better it is when we take a coordinated approach to tackling challenges. That can be seen from highly successful health initiatives such as the North West Cancer Centre, the all-island children's cardiology services in Dublin and the cross-border waiting list reimbursement scheme. Given that there are many shared objectives, there is something that can, and should, be replicated across all Departments. The reference in the report to the fact that the British Government's decision to increase employers' National Insurance contributions is having a negative impact on economic growth here is just one example of the damage that not having full control of our political and economic affairs continues to do to us. Several of the economic measurements indicate that the gaps between the two jurisdictions on our island are continuing to grow, primarily because the North is tied to a failing economy in Britain following Brexit and a decade and a half of austerity measures.

Although I believe that only constitutional change will enable us to implement policies that close those inequality gaps, there needs to be, in the interim, further fiscal devolution to provide us with more flexibility and opportunities for interventions in our local economy. I support the ongoing work of the Minister of Finance and the Minister for the Economy in that area.

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

There is a phrase that we hear repeated again and again in the Chamber: the so-called all-island economy. It is often presented as established fact and something beyond challenge, but repetition of untruths does not make them true. The reality, which is backed up by evidence rather than ideology, is that there is no single, all-island economy. Rather, there are two distinct economies on this island operating under different currencies, different tax systems, different welfare models and different regulatory frameworks. That is not a political slogan but an economic and political fact.

Northern Ireland's economy is, always has been and always will be overwhelmingly integrated within that of the rest of the United Kingdom. Our biggest market is Great Britain: fact. The majority of our goods come from Great Britain: fact. Our service sector relies on the UK economy: fact. Energy flows from the rest of the UK: fact. Supply chains move from east to west, not from North to South: fact. Cross-border trade of course exists. No one sensible would deny that, but let me set out the facts. That trade is limited in scale, concentrated in a small number of sectors and represents only a fraction of Northern Ireland's overall economic activity, yet some continue to push the idea of an all-island economy, as it justifies sweeping constitutional change. They do so to downplay or simply ignore the reality that Northern Ireland's trade with the rest of the United Kingdom is what sustains our economic success. That trade sustains jobs and businesses in every community and underpins living standards in communities right across Northern Ireland.

We heard the proposer of the motion talk about the devolution of additional fiscal powers, yet, in the 10 minutes that were allotted to her, she did not give one example of the powers that she wants to see devolved. Moreover, the Minister of Finance has not set out a credible plan for devolving the powers that he wants to see devolved. That shows the seriousness with which Sinn Féin takes the issue. It is not honest politics, and it is not serious economics. The danger of that narrative is that it is not only wrong but leads to bad policy. We have already seen what happens when abstract concepts are used to justify arrangements that disrupt trade within the United Kingdom and the real cost of that for businesses across Northern Ireland. As another Member rightly articulated last week, we have yet to see the damage that the "Alliance tax" will cause for businesses and householders across Northern Ireland.

Economic policy in this place must be based on fact, not on political aspiration. Northern Ireland benefits from cooperation, where it makes sense; openness to trade; and constructive relationships across these islands. That does not, however, require us to pretend that two very different economies are, in fact, one. If we are serious about growing Northern Ireland's economy, creating jobs and delivering opportunity — the very thing that each and every person in the House was elected to do — we need to get away from that political agenda.

Pádraig Delargy (Sinn Féin, Foyle)

I thank the Member for giving way. The Member seems to have missed the point of the motion. The motion is about cooperation; it is not about taking away or reducing our east-west relationships. It is about enhancing all-Ireland relations and economic opportunity. For example, in 2021 —.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Interventions are supposed to be short, Pádraig.

Pádraig Delargy (Sinn Féin, Foyle)

Fair enough.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

The Member has an extra minute.

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. Mr Delargy, I would take you at your word if that was mentioned in the text of the motion, but there is no recognition in the motion of the vital nature of Northern Ireland's place in the internal market of the United Kingdom. What it does call for are additional tax-raising powers. I have yet to hear a Sinn Féin Member give an example of those powers and what they would use them for. Given the proposals for hospitality that have been made by the Sinn Féin-controlled Land and Property Services (LPS), the people of Northern Ireland will join with us in saying that we do not support additional tax-raising powers being handed out at this stage.

The motion is very interesting and serves some people's political agenda, but it does nothing to move on the conversation about how to have the best possible economy in Northern Ireland. It is about having open trade with our neighbours in the Republic of Ireland, but we need to tackle the imposition of the Irish sea border, which takes away Northern Ireland's place in the internal market of the United Kingdom, which the facts show is clearly our most important market.

I look forward to hearing people's solutions to some of those issues, but this party opposes the motion.

David Honeyford (Alliance, Lagan Valley)

I came into the Chamber to debate a motion on growing our economy. We have just had minutes upon minutes of constitutional nonsense. I was at the launch of the ESRI report; I went to that because I wanted to hear about and see the trends. Too often, we do not have evidence on which to base policy and have mature political debate. The ESRI report gives us that factual baseline for understanding what our economy is doing, what is happening in the South, how we are performing, how we are succeeding and how we can grow.

As I said last week, our economy in Northern Ireland is growing by 2·8%. That fact is in the report. That should be celebrated because it is more than double the average growth in the UK, which is growing at a rate of 1·3%. The reason for that difference in the rate growth is uncomfortable for the people sitting on my right, but it is because there is a difference in the situation here and that in the rest of the UK. Invest NI has said very clearly that we are growing our economy and seeing that difference because we have access to the two markets for the very first time. Equally, growth in trade with GB has increased in both directions, from just over £10 billion three or four years ago to £17 billion in the last financial year for which the figures were counted. Some 51% of trade is now with UK. Trade with the South has grown to 26%, and trade with the EU and the rest of the world has also grown. Those are all good news stories; it is not a choice between one or the other, as has been said. We should celebrate the good news because it brings better for ordinary people.

I have talked many times in the Chamber about sharing this island, collaborating North and South to grow opportunities, deliver better for people, break down barriers, make sure that people have better opportunities for skills, grow our economy, reduce our energy costs, put more money in people's pockets, improve our health outcomes and everything at the very beginning of what has been listed. Those are barriers to creating better wealth, better health outcomes and a stronger economy. That is just common sense. One colleague called it the common-sense alliance. We want better for people. I am not interested in a debate about the constitution; I am interested in making things better for people. If we are serious about that and serious about increasing and growing living standards, we need to start looking at what needs to change. When we start to look at that, we need to start making the changes and the reform. We hear the word "reform" used, and we talk about it all the time, but what does that look like?

I was at the launch of ESRI's report in its offices in Dublin, and my question after the launch was: what do we do? Give me one or two things that we do to make a difference and to make a change. First, we have a problem because we left the EU, which was uncomfortable for some, and we do not have freedom of movement. Therefore, we have an issue with the number of people coming through to continue and sustain the growth of our economy. The second thing is that we have a skills gap in Northern Ireland. We do not have the link, which we have been talking about for quite a while, where businesses can input into how we develop and grow courses and skills. Education needs to reform. We cannot sustain 25,000 people under the age of 25 not in education, employment or training. That is not sustainable. We need reform without the cliff edges of what is happening in education, where people are basically in the dustbin very early in life. Outcomes in the South are much better. Those are changes that we can make.

We also need changes in the North for Skillnet Ireland, which we have cross-community support for in the House. We need that brought through urgently. We need the Minister to start work on that to align the further and higher education colleges to the employment that we have on the island, North and South, so that somebody can live somewhere here and a job will be there for them when they come through training. Those are the changes and reforms that we need.

Kate Nicholl (Alliance, Belfast South)

Will the Member give way?

David Honeyford (Alliance, Lagan Valley)

I am out of time.

Diana Armstrong (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

I begin by saying something that should unite every Member in the Chamber: Northern Ireland's prosperity matters more than any party's constitutional aspirations. Economic policy must be grounded in evidence, not in wishful thinking. On that basis, the motion falls short. The Ulster Unionist Party will not get too exercised about the ESRI report as a panacea for change. It is the first in a series to examine economic developments and linkages between the two economies. At its introduction, its stated aim was to:

"help identify how we could cooperate more for mutual benefit, across a range of policy areas."

Sinn Féin's motion asks us to recognise all-island economic trends as if they point inevitably towards a particular political destination, but, when we look at the actual data, particularly the work of Ulster University economist Esmond Birnie, the picture is far more complex and far less convenient than the narrative being presented today. Let us start with the fundamentals. North/South trade has grown in recent years. That is a fact, and it is welcome, but Dr Birnie's analysis shows that the growth is driven largely by trade diversion and a rerouting of supply chains in response to post-Brexit frictions.

David Honeyford (Alliance, Lagan Valley)

Will the Member give way?

Diana Armstrong (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

Yes.

David Honeyford (Alliance, Lagan Valley)

If that is totally accurate, and if that is the only reason for that, why is trade east-west growing in both directions?

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

The Member has an extra minute.

Diana Armstrong (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

Thank you for your intervention. Trade is growing east-west, but trade North/South has grown because of Brexit and because businesses had to make a decision to find their supply chains to that market east-west through a different diversion.

Returning to the topic, it is not evidence of an emerging all-island economic model; it is evidence of businesses adapting to disruption. Even with that increase, the scale of North/South trade remains modest. Our trade with Great Britain is still several times larger. Our UK internal market remains the backbone of our economy, our supply chains and our consumer base. That is not a political slogan; it is an economic reality and a fact.

We also need to be honest about the differences between the two jurisdictions on this island. Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland operate under fundamentally different economic systems, different tax regimes, different welfare models, different labour markets and very different levels of public expenditure. Esmond Birnie has been clear that those structural differences matter far more than short-term trade fluctuations. Let us not forget that the Republic's headline GDP figures are heavily distorted by multinational profit shifting. Building sweeping political arguments on those figures is not serious economic analysis. Yes, we should cooperate North and South where that benefits people — on health, infrastructure and tourism — but cooperation is not the same as convergence. It certainly is not the same as a constitutional inevitability. The data simply does not support the claims that are being made in the motion.

I also want to address the proposal that is implicit in some contributions to the debate, which is that the answer to every economic challenge is to devolve more fiscal powers to the Finance Minister. Let me be clear: the Ulster Unionist Party supports responsible devolution, but responsibility requires realism. Northern Ireland already struggles to manage the fiscal levers that we have. We face structural pressures in health, education and infrastructure. We rely on significant financial support from the UK Treasury: support that allows us to maintain public services at a level that would be extremely difficult to replicate under any alternative arrangement.

Before anyone rushes to demand new tax-raising and borrowing powers, we need to demonstrate that we can use our existing powers effectively, transparently and sustainably. Devolving further fiscal powers without the necessary capacity, safeguards or economic base would not be bold; it would be reckless. Let us be honest: some of the calls for additional fiscal powers are not about improving public services; they are about creating the optics of divergence from the rest of the United Kingdom. That is not a responsible basis for economic policy.

Northern Ireland's economic future will be secured not by constitutional theatrics but by focusing on productivity, skills, investment and stability. We should strengthen our place in the United Kingdom internal market, deepen practical cooperation with our neighbours and base our decisions on rigorous analysis and not on selective reading of trade statistics. For those reasons, while we welcome the opportunity to debate economic trends on this island, the Ulster Unionist Party cannot support a motion that misinterprets the evidence, overstates the significance of short-term trade shifts and uses economic language in order to advance a constitutional agenda. I urge Members to reject the motion and to commit instead to having an economic strategy that is grounded in realism, partnership and the best interests of all the people of Northern Ireland.

Sinéad McLaughlin (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

I welcome the motion and the publication of the ESRI report. It is a serious and timely piece of work, and it is right that it will now become an annual report through the Shared Island initiative.

The report identifies clear synergies between the two Programmes for Government, particularly around improving productivity, accelerating decarbonisation and supporting small and medium-sized businesses. That alignment really matters, because, if you live, for example, in a border county, the border does not really exist when it comes to going to work and moving around the place. Alignment really matters a lot.

Patsy McGlone (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Mid Ulster)

I thank the Member for giving way. Does she accept that as far as the likes of the agri-food sector is concerned, there is no border?

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

The Member has an extra minute.

Sinéad McLaughlin (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

Thank you.

Absolutely. In many walks of life, increasingly, even in healthcare, there is no border, and there are better outcomes if we share our services.

I have to say, however, that there is a glaring contradiction at the heart of today's debate. The Sinn Féin motion is about urgency in economic delivery while Sinn Féin holds the Economy Ministry and is failing to deliver on the basics. So, before we get carried away with ambition, we need some honesty. It is easy to table a motion, but it is so much harder to govern and deliver. The ESRI report is clear that shared ambition alone is not enough. Without reform, urgency and delivery, particularly here in the North, those synergies will not translate into higher productivity, better living standards and stronger incomes. That is why my central message is simple: we must go further, and we must go faster. However, Northern Ireland continues to underperform against the very indicators that matter most in people's lives. The figures are stark. In 2023, gross national income (GNI) per capita in Ireland stood at €63,500, compared with GDP per capita of €30,500 in Northern Ireland. That is an 84% gap. As has been said, there is a similar pattern with households' disposable income. In 2022, disposable income per household was €36,900 in Ireland, compared with €33,400 in Northern Ireland. That is a 10% gap. Those are not abstract statistics but translate into whether families can cope, whether young people can stay here and whether work truly pays.

Productivity is at the centre of the gap. The Lyons review criticised Invest NI for failing to properly measure or improve productivity, yet it is now years since that Lyons review, and there is little or no evidence of improvement. If productivity is truly central to the Minister's economic vision, where is the delivery? That leads me directly to talk about the Department for the Economy, because the uncomfortable truth is that Sinn Féin cannot propose motions about economic transformation while presiding over economic delay. Take the 'good jobs' Bill. We were told that that would lead to the biggest change in workers' rights in a generation, yet it still has not been brought to the Assembly. Deadlines have slipped, again and again, and, from what we heard at last week's Economy Committee meeting, it seems that there will probably be a further six-month delay. That causes concern. That uncertainty hurts workers and businesses alike and at precisely the time when we should be improving productivity and living standards for people.

It is worth noting that Sinn Féin in the Republic of Ireland has been vocal about calling out Governments when they have failed workers. The Sinn Féin spokesperson for enterprise, tourism and employment said:

"We now see the government reneging on its commitments to workers, at a time when workers never worked so hard and struggled so much."

I would argue that workers across Northern Ireland have never worked harder and that they deserve delivery, not delay. Sinn Féin cannot demand ambition in a motion today while presiding over slippage and missed deadlines in the Economy Ministry at home here.

On energy, the story is much the same. In fact, it is probably worse. We were once a leader on the transition to a greener economy, but now we are missing out on investments because the frameworks are not in place. Where is the legislation to support renewable electricity, and why does uncertainty persist around the North/South interconnector, which would deliver real benefits for consumers, investors and our long-term energy security?

Regional balance is another area in which Sinn Féin's rhetoric does not match reality. Regional inequality has doubled here since the Good Friday Agreement. That is shocking. In 1998, Belfast's GVA was 42%. That now sits at 80%. People in the north-west do not experience regional balance. They see that too many good jobs are still concentrated in and around Belfast, and too many young people have to leave if they are to build a future. We are almost 16 months on from the publication of the 'Sub-Regional Economic Plan', yet only a minute proportion of the £45 million that was allocated to local economic partnerships has been spent. That does not represent regional balance or urgency —

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Time is up, Sinéad.

Sinéad McLaughlin (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

— and it is not serious delivery.

Deirdre Hargey (Sinn Féin, Belfast South)

It is nice to see that Sinn Féin is in the frontal lobe of the SDLP's brain today. I thank the proposer of the motion and add my support. The ESRI report, which is the first to consider annual economic surveys and to assess economic trends across Ireland, using comparable data, is good, and it would be good for everybody to look at it and, importantly, to learn from it for policy formation.

This is a significant development. It is the first time that policymakers across our island will have access to a shared and consistent evidence base on economic output, labour markets, incomes, living standards and public finances. That matters because good decisions depend on good data, and, until now, such data simply did not exist in a comparable form.

The findings are positive, but they also, obviously, highlight challenges and areas for future work and collaboration. Both economies record a solid growth in-year until the second quarter of 2025. Economic output in the North grew by 2·8% and in the South by 3·2%. In an uncertain global environment and amid political instability, that points to a resilient all-island economy and suggests that, when we work together, that can translate into positive outcomes and results for our workers, our communities and the economy.

I know that Diana highlighted the area of Brexit, but, since as far back as the financial crash of 2008, there have been economic shocks every couple of years. It is important that we use such research and surveys to mitigate those shocks. When you look around the world at the moment, you can tell that the shocks will continue, and, obviously, they all have an impact on our economy. For that reason, the research is important, and we must use it to collaborate and mitigate those future shocks.

The labour market stands out as a particular strength. Employment is at a near-historic high across the island, with 20,600 jobs added to the North and 64,000 to the South. Strong participation rates show continued demand for workers and underline the importance of skills and workforce planning.

The report also provides a clear, evidence-based picture of incomes and living standards and confirms that average earnings and households' disposable incomes are higher in the South, reflecting the differences in productivity, sectoral mix and, of course, wage structures. Those are areas that the Economy Minister is addressing through her economic vision and not least through her progressive "good jobs" Bill, which will focus on creating good and well-paid jobs and, importantly, will protect employment rights and workers' rights. A lot of people have talked about that, but I am keen to find out, when the workers' rights Bill comes to the Chamber, where people will stand. Will they stand for protecting workers, enhancing trade union rights and representation and growing our local economy, or will they stand against those things? We will wait and see.

Importantly, the survey also identifies shared policy priorities across the island, ranging from supporting SMEs to addressing skills shortages and managing the transition to a low-carbon economy. That alignment highlights real opportunities for cooperation across all those areas.

For the North, the implications are clear: the report strengthens our ability to plan strategically and makes the case for investment in design policies grounded in the robust evidence that has been presented. It also reminds us that, without sustained action on areas around productivity, infrastructure and skills, existing gaps in living standards may widen.

Ultimately, the survey is not just about statistics but about better jobs, higher incomes and improved opportunities for all our people and communities, particularly, as has been highlighted, in the border and regional areas such as the north-west and west of the Bann that, let us face it, through the policies of Executives and Governments in the North since partition were deliberately and politically marginalised and sidelined from economic opportunities.

The ESRI annual survey provides a foundation for more informed debate, better policy-making and stronger cooperation, and it is a resource that we should all fully use. It is about coordination and planning across our island and about good alignment, but, importantly, it is also about better outcomes for our people, our communities and an economy that works for those things —

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Your time is up.

Deirdre Hargey (Sinn Féin, Belfast South)

— and not against them.

Diane Forsythe (DUP, South Down)

While some play party politics, real data is at the heart of the issue.

Data is critical in analysis, and, as an accountant — a number cruncher — I believe in the value of good data in assessing value for money, assessing our economy and making good use of information. It is well known that, in Northern Ireland, data is not adequately gathered, assessed, published or verified across a number of fields. We need to focus on getting our own house in order rather than on looking beyond here.

The Assembly's focus should be on Northern Ireland. Last year, when the Northern Ireland Affairs Committee met representatives of the Finance Committee, it highlighted that point about our data. We on the Public Accounts Committee see that all the time. Hundreds of millions of pounds are being spent through many of our services here, with no tracking of data on how that affects health outcomes or our economy. We need to get better data and use it across the board in Northern Ireland. That applies even at the heart of our Budget system. You were at the same event as me last week, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker, at which the Northern Ireland Women's Budget Group highlighted how we can look at our gender budgeting and at the well-being framework underpinning our Programme for Government. Better use of data is needed for all of that.

Crucial to the understanding of the economic and social conditions on the island is the need for us to understand the reality that we have two very distinct jurisdictions with two distinct economies. The ESRI report itself highlights the fact that Northern Ireland and the Republic "differ in important structural respects", with the two countries having separate legal systems, social security systems, education systems and monetary systems. Although the two economies may neighbour each other, they are very distinctive. Notably, there are separate currencies and different tax regimes. The differences are clear to all observers. Northern Ireland is in union with the rest of the United Kingdom, whereas the Republic of Ireland is a separate state and fully part of the European Union.

We do not fear the report or accurate data. We believe, however, that time and effort would be better spent on focusing on the UK internal market. Our economic prosperity is clearly overwhelmingly linked to our links to the UK internal market. That must remain the primary context for interpreting labour market and mobility statistics. Will parties in the Chamber show the same level of endeavour when it comes to comparing Northern Ireland data with that of other UK regions, particularly data on our interconnectedness socially and economically? Why would we want to obscure an understanding of Northern Ireland's specific needs and circumstances within the UK or the enormous contribution that the NHS and other UK-funded services make to the lives of our citizens by blending our data with that of the Irish Republic?

The Sinn Féin Economy Minister has stated that her priority is to protect the all-island economy, yet her responsibility should be to champion the interests of Northern Ireland's economy and its businesses above all else. The DUP is and always has been committed to growing Northern Ireland's economy. Our continued priority is to make Northern Ireland the best that it can be.

Kate Nicholl (Alliance, Belfast South)

There is a lot that I agree with in Diane Forsythe's contribution, especially on the importance of data. I chair the all-party group (APG) on policy and public data. That will sound boring to many people, but it is actually one of the most interesting groups. The issue is so important. Northern Ireland is data-rich. From the minute that we are born until the minute that we die and beyond, data is collected on every one of us, yet, so often, policy decisions are based on a sample of a couple of thousand people. If we had better access to data and if we were to share data across Departments, the better our policy solutions could be not just now but in the future. I therefore welcome the opportunity to talk about the massive importance of data, especially to our economy.

Where I diverge, though, is that I think that all data is important. We cannot say that data is really important but we want only some of it. So much of our economy is on an all-island basis: for example, energy, tourism, waterways and agri-food. Our interconnectedness, our interdependence, how we operate and knowing where we diverge and where we are similar are so important. Having a report that looks at that baseline is really important. Highlighting the structural differences between our economies sets a baseline for future monitoring, and that is to be welcomed.

The report's focus on data gaps and on identifying those that hinder a North/South analysis of productivity, labour markets and cross-sectoral working is really interesting. As I said, having a better understanding of that would allow us to make policy for the future. We are criticised for all sorts of things, but the one that sticks the most is that we just do not think in the long term. So much of that is structural, because we do not create policies for the long term. The report is really good and really welcome. It allows us to provide a framework for future annual assessments.

I hold the Chair of the Economy Committee in high regard. He is an excellent politician. I disagree with a lot of what he says, but he is excellent. The "Alliance tax" line has really annoyed me, and I will call it out every time I hear it. If we are serious about economic growth in Northern Ireland, such silly sound bites are ridiculous and really annoy me. The charge on parcels has come from the EU. We have already said that our solution is to have a UK-EU customs union. Blaming that charge on us will annoy me, and I will pick it up every time that it is said. We in the Assembly should ensure that we use evidence, work together and improve lives; we should not pick on people or make things up.

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

I appreciate the Member giving way. I hold her in the same high regard. On the issue of sound bites, the motion calls for "additional revenue-raising powers": in 15 minutes of speeches, Sinn Féin Members have not given one detail of those powers. How can Members be expected to troop through the Lobbies and support the motion when there is no data on what powers Sinn Féin wants to devolve or what it wants to do with them?

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

The Member has an extra minute.

Kate Nicholl (Alliance, Belfast South)

We need to have more conversations about revenue raising. When we look at our economy and how we operate, we see that there are lots of things that we could do to be more efficient and to save. We need to have honest conversations about how we revenue-raise. For us, as a party, it has to be progressive and fair, and we need to make sure that it will make a tangible difference in people's lives. Alliance will not stand back from those conversations; we are happy to be involved in them.

We have to be serious. People who are looking at the Chamber and at what we are doing are saying, "Well, they're not very efficient. They won't talk about how we actually deal with the issues in public finances". We all need to take tough decisions, work together and look at evidence. We need to approach the debates in a good spirit to identify ways in which we can work together and find solutions. So often, that will be about evidence, so collecting more data can only be a good thing. I look forward to seeing how the proposal is taken forward.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Thank you, Kate.

Jon Burrows will be the next Member to speak after Question Time. Question Time is at 2.00 pm, so I propose, by leave of the Assembly, to suspend the sitting until that time.

The debate stood suspended.

The sitting was suspended at 1.57 pm and resumed at 2.00 pm.

(Mr Speaker in the Chair)

Oral Answers to Questions — Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs

Philip McGuigan (Sinn Féin, North Antrim)

1. Mr McGuigan asked the Minister of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs for an update on biosecurity measures relating to agriculture. (AQO 2967/22-27)

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

My Department regards biosecurity as a cornerstone of animal health and disease prevention. Our approach is proactive and risk-based, recognising the interconnection between animal, human and environmental health. The agriculture sector operates in an environment where infectious diseases such as bovine tuberculosis, avian influenza and bluetongue pose significant risks to animal health, farm productivity and market access. Biosecurity is critical in preventing disease transmission and mitigating the impact of disease outbreaks, which can lead to severe financial loss, herd disruption and long-term impacts on rural livelihoods.

DAERA has comprehensive biosecurity guidance available online, alongside a statutory biosecurity code for Northern Ireland farms, which sets out best practice for livestock keepers, vehicle operators and those involved in food production. DAERA continues to deploy wide-ranging communications, reminding all flock keepers of the necessity of adhering to high levels of biosecurity, particularly at times of heightened disease risk. It always remains the case that robust biosecurity is important and is the most effective defence against specific epizootic diseases when they do occur, helping to protect individual flocks, herds and the wider agri-food industry.

Philip McGuigan (Sinn Féin, North Antrim)

I thank the Minister for his response. The Minister is aware that the livestock industry plays a vital role on an all-island basis. On biosecurity, will his Department consider assessing the potential of an all-island approach to bovine electronic identification (e-ID), particularly for enhanced disease control, improved traceability and smoother cross-border trade?

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

It is an important issue, as the Member rightly says. The island of Ireland is one single epidemiological area, and we must cooperate on these issues, as we do. We are consulting on the specific issue that the Member outlined. Northern Ireland and the South operate on the same basis, being members of a single market. That means that the e-ID technology that we will use is going to be the same in the North and the South, and I encourage people to respond to the consultation on e-ID.

Tom Buchanan (DUP, West Tyrone)

Minister, biosecurity is an important issue in the farming community. When will you introduce a robust programme to deal with the ongoing TB issues, which are continually on the increase?

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

I am glad that the stakeholder group was able to agree a blueprint. That was published last year, and we are progressing its implementation. Biosecurity is a key element in our collective efforts with the farming community to drive down incidences of TB. Alongside that, we will commence a consultation on wildlife interventions this spring.

Stewart Dickson (Alliance, East Antrim)

Minister, what proactive role can farmers play to promote good biosecurity?

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

Thank you, Stewart. Biosecurity is the first line of defence to protect livestock and business. Good biosecurity reduces the risk of the introduction and spread of disease. It is about taking all the efforts to reduce the risk of contact between disease-causing organisms and agents and susceptible animals, both from outside and inside the farm.

First, farmers can take measures such as minimising purchases and, where purchases are necessary, doing so from low-risk disease sources; good farm-boundary management; cleansing and disinfection of vehicles, equipment and people before entry on to their farm; and application of measures to control vermin and minimise contact with wildlife. Secondly, farmers can protect their livestock inside the farm by quarantining newly purchased animals to ensure that they are not carrying the disease with them; providing good standards of husbandry, hygiene and nutrition, thereby minimising stress on animals; promptly isolating and treating any sick animals and seeking veterinary attention as required; and improving immunity through vaccination protocols under veterinary direction.

Keith Buchanan (DUP, Mid Ulster)

2. Mr K Buchanan asked the Minister of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs for an update on the current time taken by the Northern Ireland Environment Agency (NIEA) to respond to planning consultations by local councils. (AQO 2968/22-27)

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

As a statutory consultee in the planning system, my Department has a duty to respond to a statutory consultation within 21 calendar days or an otherwise agreed timescale. Statutory planning consultations are formal applications submitted to a local authority for permission to carry out development, as required by the Planning Act 2011. They include a full application for development, an outline application for development and environmental impact assessments. The Department also receives planning consultations that are non-statutory but considered relevant to the planning system due to policy or other interests. Those include pre-application discussions.

The current year's performance on statutory consultations is 65%. From 1 April 2025 to 31 December 2025, 2,956 statutory consultations were received, with responses being issued for 2,528. Of those responses, 1,916 were issued on target. An additional 725 non-statutory consultations were received in the same period, with responses being issued for 686.

I am fully aware that our response times for applications need to improve, but I am also aware that there are challenging factors such as the complexity of some cases, staff and resource pressures and the variable quality of the applications presented for consideration. To improve our response times and service to planners, a planning improvement plan has been developed and is being implemented at pace.

Keith Buchanan (DUP, Mid Ulster)

I thank the Minister for his answer. I will stay on the theme of planning consultations. Shared Environmental Services (SES) is simply not responding to consultations — it is just not doing it; it has stopped — and that is, literally, killing agriculture, building and development. Minister, is it answerable to you, or is it following your guidelines? What is happening with that organisation?

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

I thank the Member for his question. I understand the frustration about planning applications and statutory consultees, and, in Northern Ireland, we need to do better.

Shared Environmental Services was set up by the councils and is ultimately within their purview: that is where the accountability is. Overall, the Minister with responsibility for local government is the Communities Minister, but I urge the Member to raise any concerns about it with the relevant councils.

Aoife Finnegan (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

I am glad to hear questions being asked about SES and its role. We have met farmers and the agri-food sector and have heard that some planning applications have taken three or more years to be decided. Minister, what is your Department doing to help in those cases?

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

I am aware of the frustrations about the time that it takes the Department, as a statutory consultee, to reply to some planning consultations. Consequently, my officials have developed and are implementing the Northern Ireland Environment Agency planning improvement plan.

That strategic plan aims to increase DAERA's performance rate for responding to statutory consultations through reducing delays and streamlining workflow processes; improving the quality and consistency of planning decisions; enhancing communication with stakeholders and applicants; increasing staff capability and resource efficiency; improving customer satisfaction and trust; and ensuring compliance with regulations and best practice. The actions under the plan are categorised in five work strands: technical advice and guidance; caseload management; monitoring and reporting on performance; processes and IT systems; and communication and stakeholder engagement.

I get that we need to do better on this, and that is what we are focused on.

Robbie Butler (UUP, Lagan Valley)

I thank the Minister for engaging with the Committee on this important topic. I will ask the Minister about a specific, imminent threat. There has been a reduction by a figure of about 20 million in the production of chickens in the past three years. Producers say that it is the planning quagmire that is holding them back. Will the Minister commit to meeting planners in my area — there are applications to talk through — when we have the answers, which are based on betterment and tackling the ammonia strategy head-on?

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

Thank you for your question. I am happy to meet on the matter, but we have to be careful about conflating the issues of planning and ammonia pollution. We have extremely high levels of ammonia pollution in Northern Ireland. I am trying to find a way forward to reduce that pollution, which we must do because it is having a real impact on our environment, but also to deal with practical issues such as replacement sheds, which are coming in as a result of animal welfare commitments.

This is difficult. Anyone who wants more information on the ammonia issue should read the report from the Office for Environmental Protection. It found that the Department previously acted unlawfully on it. That is a challenge for us. Air pollution is an issue of concern for me. It may be different from water pollution in being harder to identify, but it is a serious issue of concern, and we need to find a way through it.

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

Planning in the countryside is on the go-slow or has stopped. I know that that is not the Minister's responsibility — it is the responsibility of the Minister for Infrastructure — but the planning response team in the NIEA, which is within the Minister's purview as a statutory consultee, states that it will no longer provide detailed responses to "any requests for updates" or undertake any prioritisation of representations made. Is the Minister concerned about that? If so, what will he do about it?

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

Since November 2021, the Department has not been provided detailed responses to requests seeking updates on time frames for issuing consultation responses. Provision of detailed updates to the high volume of requests received from applicants, their agents, political representatives and planning officials significantly reduced the time that officials had for processing consultation casework responses.

I will provide some context. The Member should be aware that my Department has received approximately 355 planning consultation update requests in the past three months alone. In combination, it would take a significant time for case officers to respond to those requests in detail, and the provision of such a service would cause additional delays to consultation response times. The measure that the Member referred to was initiated in order to maximise the time that case officers have to spend on responding to planning consultations as opposed to on providing those updates.

I am aware that stopping the provision of detailed updates has caused frustration to planning authorities and planning officials, who would like to be able to speak to an individual case officer about queries that they may have. It should be noted that officials are available to offer advice about technical queries, and anyone who wishes to make such a request can contact the DAERA planning response team, which will seek the most appropriate casework officer from DAERA's internal planning teams to respond. There is also a new inbox for planners with specific operational questions for the natural environment division.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

I know of North Antrim farmers who have been waiting on consultation responses from SES for over four years. That delay is holding up investment to make the farms more viable and efficient. SES has taken the position that, before issuing responses, it needs to know the impact of land spreading on sites in the Republic for farmers who want to export hen litter across the border. No objections or other responses have been received to many of those planning applications, yet SES continues to hold up the issuing of its consultation responses. As the Minister for Agriculture, what will you do to resolve the issue?

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

I am aware that those concerns have been expressed. As I outlined, Shared Environmental Services is a collaborative function, shared between the councils. The Northern Ireland Environment Agency wrote to Shared Environmental Services recently to set out its opinion on how it should deal with the transboundary issue. That is a very technical matter, but, following Question Time, I will write to the Member to set out what we have done to engage with Shared Environmental Services in recognition of the concerns about the delays that have been experienced.

Andrew McMurray (Alliance, South Down)

3. Mr McMurray asked the Minister of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs for his assessment of the benefits of changes made to land eligibility under the farm sustainability transition payment for nature, the environment and farm businesses. (AQO 2969/22-27)

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

The land eligibility rules for the farm sustainability payment, which came into effect on 1 January 2026, have been simplified, to the benefit of farm businesses. That has made them easier to understand and reduced the associated bureaucracy and potential for error. The new rules make previously ineligible features, such as rush, scrub, bracken, heather and bogs, eligible. That is to the benefit of the environment. Specifically, it will help to address soil and water quality issues and challenges to biodiversity, as well as to mitigate climate change. Farmers no longer need to be concerned about receiving over-declaration penalties for areas of rush or scrub on their land that they have inadvertently failed to remove from the claim. Importantly, the simplifications will reduce the risk of environmental damage and the impact on biodiversity or water quality through activities undertaken to maintain eligibility, such as burning heather, the removal of scrub by mechanical means or controlling rush by spraying.

Full details of that are in the 'Guide to Land Eligibility', which is available on the Department’s website.

Andrew McMurray (Alliance, South Down)

Thank you, Minister. How will the roll-out of Farming with Nature support farmers to look after nature and our environment?

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

The roll-out of Farming with Nature is critical to supporting farmers, as the custodians of the countryside. I am conscious that agri-environment support reduced post the EU exit, and I am seeking to restore that. Last year, we launched the Farming with Nature transition scheme. A number of actions were available then, and there will be a further roll-out this year. I want to see the pace quicken, because it is important that we support farmers, and Farming with Nature is a key support scheme from the Department under the sustainable agriculture programme.

Declan McAleer (Sinn Féin, West Tyrone)

Minister, I welcome the simplifications and recognise the value of the changes for biodiversity. However, the inclusion of additional land in the rules for the farm sustainability payment and the closure of the regional reserve, with no new entitlements being issued, will mean that there is a shortage of entitlements to cover the new eligible land. Will you look again at the decision to close the regional reserve?

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

There was significant debate about that issue at the Committee and in the Assembly. After leaving the EU, we had to set up our own farm support scheme. Change is difficult, and it requires decisions to be made. There are also actions under way on that through the historical years exercise. It is important that we proceed with the changes. There is overall environmental benefit for Northern Ireland from the changes to land eligibility. I note that the changes have been warmly welcomed by organisations such as Ulster Wildlife, and I was glad to see that.

Danny Donnelly (Alliance, East Antrim)

4. Mr Donnelly asked the Minister of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs for an update on the development of a nature recovery strategy. (AQO 2970/22-27)

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

Members will be aware that I made an oral statement to the House and launched the draft nature recovery strategy for public consultation on 20 January. The consultation will remain open for eight weeks, following which the strategy will be finalised for publication. It is extremely important that citizens from all parts of society and of all ages engage in the consultation. Nature provides us with our most basic needs, such as food, water and shelter. It helps regulate our climate and provides us with spaces in which to enjoy recreation. Unfortunately, nature is in decline not just here but across the world, which is why delivery of the strategy is one of my corporate pledges.

At a local level, there is a statutory requirement under the Wildlife and Natural Environment Act (Northern Ireland) 2011 for my Department to develop and regularly review a biodiversity strategy to further the conservation of biodiversity in Northern Ireland. At a global level, Northern Ireland, alongside the rest of the United Kingdom, has committed to 23 targets and four goals in the global biodiversity framework agreed at the Conference of the Parties in December 2022. Therefore, my draft nature recovery strategy proposes new actions for Northern Ireland that add to the existing framework of targets in relevant policies and strategies that are already in place. The aim is to provide bigger, better managed and more connected nature to help biodiversity recover and regenerate for generations to come.

Danny Donnelly (Alliance, East Antrim)

Thanks to the Minister for his answer. What funding has his Department allocated to nature recovery projects? Will he provide some examples of the benefits of that financial support?

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

Investment in nature is critical if we are to halt and reverse biodiversity loss. In 2025, I committed £3·2 million to support nature recovery projects through the environment fund. The nature recovery challenge fund offers grants to support environmental projects to deliver in the key areas of nature recovery networks, species recovery networks and 30 by 30 projects. Nine projects are being funded that will help deliver environmental improvement. They include oak woodland restoration in Fermanagh; developing nature recovery networks in Belfast; and habitat improvements in Portmore lough. The fund will award £1·4 million in grants in this financial year, totalling over £3·2 million by 2027-28.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Mr Carroll is not in his place.

Maurice Bradley (DUP, East Londonderry)

6. Mr Bradley asked the Minister of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs to outline the number of trees that have been planted around Lough Neagh in order to reduce nitrate run-off in the past three years. (AQO 2972/22-27)

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

Trees and woodland play an important role in reducing the pollution entering our waterways, which is particularly relevant due to the scale of the Lough Neagh water catchment areas. Over the past three years, approximately 242,000 trees have been planted in the Lough Neagh catchment under forestry grant schemes. DAERA also provides financial assistance to landowners through the Farming with Nature transition scheme, which has replaced the environmental farming scheme. Those schemes support farmers and land managers to deliver environmental improvements, including measures that reduce nitrate run-off. Funding through the schemes enables the planting of trees for hedges, small woodlands and riparian buffer strips. Over the past three years, around 2,500 trees have been planted in the Lough Neagh catchment through the schemes. Together, those measures form an important part of my Department's broader approach to improving water quality, enhancing biodiversity and supporting more sustainable land management practices across the Lough Neagh catchment.

I want to increase tree planting across Northern Ireland and within the Lough Neagh catchment. That will require collaborative working between the Government, landowners and environmental organisations. That is why I have commissioned the co-design of the Northern Ireland tree planting action plan, which will outline the actions required to increase tree planting, including in the Lough Neagh catchment.

Maurice Bradley (DUP, East Londonderry)

I thank the Minister for his answer, which nearly answers my supplementary question. Does he acknowledge that restoring Lough Neagh will require a more strategic and ambitious approach? Will he commit to extensive afforestation to improve water quality and nutrient catchment in the whole of the lough, including the Bann corridor?

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

I agree with the Member that restoring Lough Neagh requires taking an ambitious approach and difficult decisions. It is important that we do so for the sake of people who rely on the lough and the communities around it, as well as because 40% of our drinking water comes from it. Afforestation is an important issue for us in Northern Ireland. We have obligations to increase it, but there are also opportunities. That is why we have launched the tree planting action plan.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Tree planting will be a huge and important part of the Lough Neagh mitigation measures in order to rescue Lough Neagh. The draft multi-year Budget commits, I think, £5 million a year for the period. We do not know whether that amount will be agreed, as we do not know the status of the multi-year Budget. Even if it is agreed, £5 million seems like a small amount. Minister, for how much did you bid for the Lough Neagh recovery plan over the period of the multi-year Budget? Is £5 million a year enough?

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

I think that Mr O'Toole is referring to the previous question, which was not asked. I will leave it to you whether to answer, Minister.

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

I will write to the Member setting out the figures for which I bid. I will say, however, that the draft Budget, which is out for consultation, makes for grim reading for my Department. If the funding materialises, it is likely that we will not be replacing posts when they become vacant and that no additional staff will be recruited beyond those in place currently. That paints a difficult picture, considering the work that needs to be done on our environment and to support agriculture in Northern Ireland. In addition, a fundamental issue with Lough Neagh is the need to invest in the waste water infrastructure. It is critical that we turn the situation around, but the draft Budget does not meet the requirements for investing in the waste water infrastructure.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

I go back to the strategies for the planting of trees. What action is the Minister's Department progressing to increase the number of trees being planted?

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

Increasing woodland cover is one of my Department's priorities. The current forestry strategy, 'Northern Ireland Forestry: A Strategy for Sustainability and Growth', sets out the long-term objective to increase woodland cover, which is currently 8·6% of Northern Ireland's land area, to 12% by 2050. That aim aligns with the recommendations of the Climate Change Committee (CCC) on the level of forestation needed to contribute to the 2050 net zero targets. In October 2025, I announced the commissioning of the Northern Ireland tree planting action plan, to be developed in co-design with stakeholders. The plan will highlight the key actions needed to deliver the strategy of 12% forest cover by 2050. I expect to see a draft plan in spring of this year.

Eóin Tennyson (Alliance, Upper Bann)

7. Mr Tennyson asked the Minister of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs for an update on progress made on the animal welfare pathway 2025-27. (AQO 2973/22-27)

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

Animal welfare remains one of my key priorities, and I am pleased that work is continuing at pace to take forward the reforms contained in my animal welfare pathway. In terms of progress to date, legislation on mandatory CCTV in slaughterhouses has been drafted, and steps are being taken to secure the necessary approvals.

The consultation response document on Lucy's law and my agreement on next steps for the sale and supply of puppies and kittens will be published shortly. Following that, I will be asking officials to progress the laying and making of the legislation. I am determined that that policy and its implementation will have a positive impact on the lives of pups and kittens in Northern Ireland. In addition, the expert review of dog-breeding regulations is due in early April, with a further report from the group, on canine fertility clinics, due in June. I will review all recommendations provided to me before deciding on next steps. I am committed to making progress in that area, where feasible, during this shortened mandate.

On communications, I am pleased that a responsible dog ownership and animal welfare social media campaign was launched last August and is being delivered in conjunction with councils.

Finally, my officials are continuing to work on a consultation, to be launched before the summer, on the remaining proposed reforms outlined in the pathway. This will include an exploration of a ban on aversive training devices; proposals for an increase in dog licence fees; regulation of rescue and rehoming, dog microchipping enhancements; and a call for evidence on the potential introduction of mandatory cat microchipping.

Eóin Tennyson (Alliance, Upper Bann)

Will the Minister provide an update on his efforts to ensure the mandatory use of CCTV in slaughterhouses?

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

I thank the Member for his question. We are the only part of the UK that does not have mandatory CCTV in slaughterhouses, so I was glad to get agreement from the Executive last week to progress such legislation. We will engage with the Committee on the issue so that we can legislate for it and bring it in as a requirement in the short time ahead.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

The Minister says that animal welfare is one of his key priorities, but how does that stand up to scrutiny when we continue to see thousands of otherwise happy and healthy dairy cows and other cattle being sent to slaughter because of positive TB reactions? Will the Minister deal with the wildlife issue and ensure that those animals have the welfare status that they deserve?

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

As I outlined earlier, I was glad that we agreed a blueprint for the way forward on the issue on the basis of three pillars: people, cattle and wildlife. It is important that we take action on the matter. I will consult on wildlife interventions this spring, and I encourage people to respond to that consultation and give feedback. We need to take learnings from the previous intervention that was announced, which was successfully judicially reviewed.

Áine Murphy (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

8. Ms Murphy asked the Minister of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs for an update on the discovery of quagga mussels in Lower Lough Erne. (AQO 2974/22-27)

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

The highly invasive quagga mussel was confirmed as present in Lower Lough Erne, which was the first Northern Ireland occurrence, on 10 December 2025. Due to the similarity with zebra mussels, DNA sequencing was used to verify identity. Departmental officials are scoping an environment DNA (eDNA) surveillance programme of larger waterbodies in Northern Ireland to monitor for the presence of quagga mussels.

As with most aquatic invasive species, there is no effective control or eradication method for quagga mussels once they are present in a waterbody. Departmental efforts focus on encouraging better aquatic biosecurity by water users through the long-running Check, Clean, Dry campaign, which highlights the need to clean boat hulls and equipment in contact with water. A focused cross-border Check, Clean, Dry signage campaign, funded through the Shared Island biosecurity and invasive species initiative, is being developed to raise awareness of the ease of spread of all aquatic invasive species through poor biosecurity.

Áine Murphy (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

I thank the Minister for his substantial answer. Minister, you have answered most of my supplementary question. Will you detail the further steps that your Department is taking to increase preventative measures and its engagement with people who use the waterway?

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

Quite a lot of work has been done, and more will be done. Fundamentally, it is about raising people's awareness of the importance of biosecurity. We will engage through that Shared Island initiative, because we recognise that the issue does not respect borders. We want to continue to raise awareness of it. I understand the Member's concern about the reports of quagga mussels with regard to her constituency.

Peter McReynolds (Alliance, Belfast East)

9. Mr McReynolds asked the Minister of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs to outline how recipients will benefit from the social farming capital grant scheme. (AQO 2975/22-27)

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

As a result of the social farming capital grant scheme, recipients will be able to provide enhanced facilities for participants to take part in meaningful farm work. Improvements to social farms because of the social farming capital grant scheme 2025-26 include the renovation of existing farm buildings, improving access at farms, the installation of energy-efficient measures and the purchase of equipment to aid and enhance the social farming experience for participants.

It is important for farms delivering social farming to achieve their social farming standards. Therefore, the grant aid allows them to undertake improvements that will both enhance their farm enterprise and help them to achieve their social farming standards. Farms that deliver social farming will also receive reimbursement from referral partners. That income will help to support the sustainability of small rural farms.

I am a strong advocate of social farming, as it is a practice that benefits those delivering the service and, very importantly, the participants, who are some of the most vulnerable in our society.

Peter McReynolds (Alliance, Belfast East)

I thank the Minister for that response. Minister, how will participants share in the benefits from the social farming capital grant scheme?

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

Thank you, Peter. Participants in social farming experience benefit as a result of reduced stress, anxiety and depression alongside increased physical activity. The carers and participating social farmers feel more connected to their community and develop new friendships and social networks. Participants also acquire new skills, gain confidence in their abilities and feel a greater sense of purpose. The practice of social farming also contributes to sustainable farming methods, biodiversity and landscape preservation. It also fosters a sense of community, promotes social cohesion and builds stronger community relationships. Those delivering social farming also receive an income from referrals, which aids the sustaining of farm diversification projects.

Cara Hunter (Social Democratic and Labour Party, East Londonderry)

10. Ms Hunter asked the Minister of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs whether his Department has reviewed and approved the outline business case (OBC) for the Dungiven regeneration project. (AQO 2976/22-27)

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

My Department has been working with Causeway Coast and Glens Borough Council on three growth deal projects that will result in investment of £15·3 million in rural areas across the borough. The Dungiven regeneration project is a £6·7 million project that encompasses an upgrade of the public realm, a streetscape improvement scheme and the transformation of an unused building on Main Street, Dungiven, into an enterprise hub.

Unfortunately, there has been some delay in submission of the Dungiven regeneration project outline business case to the Department by the council. The draft of the OBC, which was initially expected in June 2025, was submitted to my Department on 16 December last year. My officials are reviewing the OBC, and, subject to compliance with the Better Business Cases Northern Ireland Five Case model, the Department expects to have approvals in place in advance of deal signing, which is currently planned for June 2026.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

We move to topical questions.

Daniel McCrossan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, West Tyrone)

T1. Mr McCrossan asked the Minister of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs what action he is taking to address persistent planning and permitting delays in the NIEA for farmers and agribusinesses seeking to invest in environmentally beneficial projects, including biomethane production, and how he will ensure faster, cleaner and more proportionate decision-making so that those trying to transition are supported rather than stalled. (AQT 1951/22-27)

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

Thank you for your question. As I outlined earlier, there is a planning performance plan that we are seeking to progress. It is important that we do that, because we need to turn around those responses quicker. There is also an obligation on those submitting those applications to ensure that they submit all the information at the beginning so that we are not going back looking for further clarification. In addition, we need resources for this, and that is where the draft Budget is a challenge for me and my Department, because it requires individuals to consider these. However, I recognise these issues, and that is why we are focused on improving performance.

Daniel McCrossan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, West Tyrone)

Thank you, Minister. Do you accept that delay is not neutral and that every stalled permit or planning application represents lost investment, lost emission reduction and lost confidence among farmers?

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

We need to improve planning performance so that people can get decisions on their applications swiftly. The NIEA is just one of a number of statutory consultees. There is also a wider issue with our planning system in Northern Ireland, and we want to make sure that we are turning decisions around much quicker. I recognise my role in that, and we are focused on delivering the improvements that are needed.

Peter Martin (DUP, North Down)

T2. Mr Martin asked the Minister of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs, given that Cockle Island sits within the Ballymacormick area of special scientific interest in the Outer Ards special protection area, what immediate actions he will take to protect the Arctic terns there, particularly in light of conservation concerns about the site and the fact that, yearly, many of the Arctic terns' eggs are being eaten by vermin before they can hatch. (AQT 1952/22-27)

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

I thank the Member for his question. I am aware of the specifics of that, because the constituent who raised it with him has also raised it with me. It is a great part of Groomsport village that we want to value. I am happy to meet the Member — not on site, because we would have to go across the water — alongside officials so that we can talk through those concerns. I am very conscious of the impact of vermin, but there are no quick solutions to some of these things.

Peter Martin (DUP, North Down)

I was going to ask whether the Minister would consider meeting me, some constituents and some experts to discuss how Arctic terns could be better protected. They are like the special forces of bird wildlife, travelling more or less all the way around the world and landing back in Groomsport every year. Therefore, Minister, I am really keen to take up your offer of a meeting so that we can see how those birds can be protected during this season. They really are remarkable creatures.

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

I agree with you on that. Let us see whether we can get officials from my Department to meet you and other relevant individuals so that we can ensure that actions are taken to preserve the terns for future generations.

Danny Donnelly (Alliance, East Antrim)

T3. Mr Donnelly asked the Minister of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs how he is working with the Justice Minister to strengthen sentencing for animal cruelty and environmental crime. (AQT 1953/22-27)

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

Thank you, Danny. That is a really important issue, and that is why I am glad that the Justice Minister has announced, and will work with my Department on, a sentencing review in those two areas. It is important that we do that. Alongside that, there are other actions that we are taking as a Department, whether in relation to an animal welfare pathway or the fisheries and water environment Bill. It is important that we take action on this, and I am glad to see the Justice Minister moving ahead with that. We will cooperate closely on it.

Danny Donnelly (Alliance, East Antrim)

Thank you, Minister, for your answer. How will the fisheries and water environment Bill strengthen penalties for water pollution?

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

I am glad to have got Executive agreement to progress that, and the Bill is being drafted, after consultation was undertaken last year. It will raise the maximum penalty. It is important that we do that to act as a deterrent, but it also gives us the ability to issue fixed penalty notices in relation to water pollution events. That allows us to have a more agile response to that, and, hopefully, it will be a sufficient deterrent in relation to pollution occurring in our waterways so that we can chart a course for better water quality in Northern Ireland. Legislation is an important thing that we do, and I am glad that the Bill is being drafted. I look forward to cooperating with the House during the Bill's passage.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

T4. Ms Ní Chuilín asked the Minister of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs to give examples of environmental mitigations that his Department is using or proposes to use to prevent further pollution from traffic in inner-city communities in Belfast. (AQT 1954/22-27)

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

Thank you, Carál. That is an important question, because air pollution disproportionately impacts on deprived communities in Northern Ireland, and it is important that we take action. We are working on a clean air strategy for Northern Ireland. Officials are pulling that together, and it will hopefully go out to consultation soon and people will respond.

We need to look at how we travel in Northern Ireland and at the decarbonisation of our fleet. We also need to look at how we provide a just transition to help people move away from burning fuels at home, such as coal, because of the impact that it can have on the air quality. In Northern Ireland, there are many actions that we need to take to improve air quality, and I am very conscious of its impact, particularly on deprived communities.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

I thank the Minister for his response. He will know that I am from an inner-city community in North Belfast. It is no coincidence that many residents who live on congested roads suffer from respiratory diseases. Will the Minister, along with his colleague in the Infrastructure Department, consider the addition of some plants and foliage to the motorway system to reduce the awful pollutants that the residents face daily?

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

I am happy to engage with the Infrastructure Minister about the matter. I am acutely aware of the impact that pollution has had on generations of communities in that area because my family came from the New Lodge. I am happy to engage with the Infrastructure Minister and will come back to you on that.

Sian Mulholland (Alliance, North Antrim)

T5. Ms Mulholland asked the Minister of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs, having stated that he will be aware of how much of an advocate she is of our rural businesses and organisations, which are struggling, to outline what he and his Department are doing to support our rural community organisations and businesses. (AQT 1955/22-27)

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

My Department supports rural businesses and voluntary and community organisations through the rural business development grant scheme and the rural micro capital grant scheme, which are delivered under the tackling rural poverty and social isolation framework.

In December 2025, over £6 million of grant aid was awarded to 1,310 businesses through the rural business development grant scheme, which is delivered in partnership with the 10 rural councils. The grant aid allows rural microbusinesses to purchase capital equipment that will help them to enhance sustainability and growth and, in many cases, to create employment opportunities that, in turn, will strengthen the rural economy. Additionally, in December of last year, 1,048 rural voluntary and community organisations across Northern Ireland received capital grants totalling £1·74 million through the rural micro capital grant scheme. Those grants assist community and voluntary organisations to purchase capital items or undertake minor capital works to help address locally identified poverty or social isolation issues, with an estimated 165,000 rural dwellers benefiting from that.

In addition, my Department continues to fund the rural community development support service and contributes to the regional infrastructure support programme, which is delivered by the Department for Communities.

Sian Mulholland (Alliance, North Antrim)

I thank the Minister for his answer and for the work that he and his Department have done so far. Will the Minister give an update on the new rural policy framework?

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

Thank you, Sian. Last year, I committed to developing for consultation a new evidence-based rural policy, which received the support of my Executive colleagues. My Department has worked closely with rural stakeholders, Departments, local government and other stakeholders to co-design outline proposals. My intention is to consult on those proposals in the early part of this year. In advance of that, I recently shared with my ministerial colleagues the draft outline rural policy proposals.

Whilst the policy is being developed, my Department continues to address the needs and to develop the assets of rural communities by delivering significant Executive priorities in partnership with the Special EU Programmes Body and councils. That includes delivering PEACE PLUS funding of €80 million and £31 million of city and growth and complementary funding initiatives, alongside a range of initiatives under the tackling rural poverty and social isolation framework.

Peter McReynolds (Alliance, Belfast East)

T6. Mr McReynolds asked the Minister of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs whether he would support a bid for Belfast to become a national park city. (AQT 1956/22-27)

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

One of my 10 pledges for the mandate is to publish and work to deliver a nature recovery strategy to ensure that 30% of land and sea is protected and well managed for nature by 2030. The Member will note that I recently launched a draft nature recovery strategy for consultation. Improving our environment is vital for the benefits that it brings to people, the economy and our precious wildlife. I am keen to support projects that share my vision of an environment that is bigger, better managed and more connected for the future, such as the national park city initiative, which will bring nature closer to people in urban areas.

Peter McReynolds (Alliance, Belfast East)

Thank you, Minister. Do you agree that working to achieve national park status would improve health and well-being for everyone across the city of Belfast?

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

I agree that access to nature would bring significant benefits to Northern Ireland, and particularly to the city of Belfast. If that project were progressed, it would increase access to walkable green spaces, cycle paths and outdoor recreational facilities. It would encourage more active lifestyles, reducing chronic illnesses and obesity rates.

Paula Bradshaw (Alliance, Belfast South)

T7. Ms Bradshaw asked the Minister of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs for an update on the development of the third climate change adaptation programme (AQT 1957/22-27)

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

That is an important intervention that we are duty-bound to take. It is also important that we take those actions if we are to protect our communities, society, businesses and the economy from the impacts of climate change. The third climate adaptation plan has been with the Executive for a while, and I will continue to engage with my Executive colleagues on it, because it is important that we get it agreed and published. We are particularly conscious of the impact of climate change in the winter months, with there being more severe and more regular storms. We need to be better prepared for that.

Paula Bradshaw (Alliance, Belfast South)

Thank you for that answer, Minister. You will recall that, at the end of October 2025, there were scenes of severe flooding, especially in the Lisburn Road area, where residents and businesses were severely affected. Minister, will you come with me to meet some of those who were affected, so that they can discuss that and you can maybe allay some of their fears about a potential repeat of that?

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

It is important that we carry out climate adaptation. There is an impact on communities. You just outlined the impact in your constituency, and I would be only too delighted to come along with you to meet those residents.

Trevor Clarke (DUP, South Antrim)

T9. Mr Clarke asked the Minister of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs when he first became aware of a problem with his Department's response times to the planning consultation process, given its commitment in that regard, which was the subject of a previous question. (AQT 1959/22-27)

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

Northern Ireland Environment Agency response times are a long-standing issue. When I became Minister, my first-day brief set that out. I am committed to trying to turn that around.

One of the biggest challenges that my Department has is resources: getting people in post so that they can do the jobs that are need to be done. I continue to engage with the Finance Minister on the recruitment of staff into post. We need to do better on that, but the planning system, more broadly, needs to be improved so that it results in response times that are more prompt. I will engage with the Infrastructure Minister as required, but, more importantly, I will progress the improvement plan for the Northern Ireland Environment Agency.

Trevor Clarke (DUP, South Antrim)

I thank the Minister for his response. You said that that was part of your first-day brief. From your response to a previous question, it seems that it is only now that you are setting up a system to track the length of time that the process takes. Do you believe that that is good enough, given that that was in your first-day brief? It is holding back the development of some farms in Northern Ireland.

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

The tracking of applications has always been in place. It is important that that happens so that when the applications are received and turned around is tracked. I reassure the Member that that has always been the case.

Not every planning application is the same. Some issues and challenges with ammonia pollution are reflected in the responses from the Northern Ireland Environment Agency. That is a challenge that I inherited. Ammonia levels are going up. There is severe pollution in Northern Ireland. We have an obligation to turn that around.

I am aware of the farming community's concerns about the replacement sheds that they want. We are trying to find a solution to that. If it were easy, it would not have been sitting for so long before I came into office.

Paul Frew (DUP, North Antrim)

T10. Mr Frew asked the Minister of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs for an update on the impact of the bluetongue virus in North Antrim. (AQT 1960/22-27)

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

I am aware of the concerns around that. I have been in contact with my counterpart in the South. A case of the bluetongue virus has been identified in the South, and they are responding to that there. We will assist when necessary.

To date, five cases of bluetongue have been identified in Northern Ireland. We have been able to ease movements within the temporary control zone. We will keep the matter under review. I understand the concerns of the farming community. I gave a direction that we would help with some of the costs of pre-movement testing, and, thankfully, that has been taken up. As the picture unfolds, we will continue to respond.

Paul Frew (DUP, North Antrim)

I thank the Minister for that answer. What specific support can he give to instil confidence in businesses in North Antrim?

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

The Department has given, and will continue to give, advice on biosecurity. That is important.

The temporary control zone, which is where people have been primarily affected, does not fall within your constituency.

My concern is that more cases of bluetongue will be reported as we move into warmer weather in spring and summer. We will continue to engage with the industry and the farming community around the support that we can provide. Bluetongue has been in England for a long while and has now arrived on our shores. We did not perceive its arriving in winter, but it is here, and we are responding to it. I thank veterinary service officials for their work in that regard.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

That concludes questions to the Minister of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs. Congratulations, Minister, on answering all your questions.

Oral Answers to Questions — Communities

Gerry Kelly (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

1. Mr Kelly asked the Minister for Communities to outline the actions that he will take to ensure that every homeless person is offered accommodation when the severe weather emergency protocol (SWEP) is initiated. (AQO 2982/22-27)

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I do not want anyone to find themselves in this position. I have supported the Housing Executive in putting a severe weather emergency protocol in place during periods of extreme weather for anyone who is sleeping rough. That is in addition to the statutory homelessness services that are already provided by the Housing Executive in partnership with voluntary and community sector organisations. Aside from introducing the first ever ring-fenced funding for strategic homelessness prevention, I have allocated £37·3 million to the Northern Ireland Housing Executive's homelessness budget, which is the highest funding on record.

The SWEP includes additional outreach, crash beds and a rest centre. I have sought and received assurances from the Housing Executive that it retains sufficient capacity in crash beds in order to meet, during SWEP, the assessed levels of ongoing rough sleeping. That will continue through my officials. I also intend to spend some time with those who operate the Housing Executive's out-of-hours service, including partners, so that I can see for myself how it is working. I express my sincere gratitude to Housing Executive staff and our voluntary and community partners for working tirelessly around the clock in challenging situations to make sure that SWEP provision is available.

Gerry Kelly (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Gabhaim buíochas leis an Aire as ucht a fhreagra.

[Translation: I thank the Minister for his answer.]

To put it in context, there is a storm warning for tomorrow. Minister, you will be aware of the recently reported situation in which 11 people from Belfast were not provided with accommodation during the recent cold spell in early January. I note that you have discussed the matter with the Housing Executive. Will you go a bit further and explain the circumstances that led to that unacceptable outcome?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

First, the Member is right to highlight the weather that is currently being experienced. That is why the SWEP was put in place last night and is in place for tonight and tomorrow night. On the night in question, the service was provided to those who required it. My understanding is that some calls to the Housing Executive from those who may have needed services were not returned. Partners tried to get in contact with callers again, but contact was not made. I am assured that the provision is there, but we need to make sure that there is communication.

Pam Cameron (DUP, South Antrim)

Does the Minister agree that it is vital that the Public Health Agency and the Belfast Trust are fully engaged in finding solutions to address chronic homelessness, given the devastating impact of and, indeed, the complexities around health issues caused by homelessness?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Absolutely. If you take a deep dive into many individual cases, you will see that, unfortunately, many of the issues are health-related. It is not just about the lack of provision. There are often issues such as addiction and other tragic circumstances as well. That is why it is important that this is a collective effort, not just from a housing perspective but, importantly, from a health perspective. The Health Minister and I have been working together on the New Foundations pilot as an example of how we need to make sure that we work together to tackle the situations that are faced by those who, we know, are most in need. That is what we are doing and will continue to do.

Kellie Armstrong (Alliance, Strangford)

I will speak up, because it is quite hard to hear everyone on the microphones today. Minister, we understand that 4 January was a difficult time for 11 people who did not have access to emergency accommodation. Do you agree that it is counterproductive to blame the community and voluntary sector for not having enough space? The SWEP system needs to be reviewed to make sure that emergency accommodation is available. I believe that there are still some issues around the Housing Executive's opening up its premises. Do you agree that we should work more with the community and voluntary sector rather than apportion blame to it?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

It would be counterproductive, but that is not what has happened. There is no blame being apportioned.

Patsy McGlone (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Mid Ulster)

Minister, when talking about the severe weather emergency protocol, you said that the greatest amount of resources had been allocated to the Housing Executive. Can you explain how much higher that allocation is than that to organisations in the community and voluntary sector that provide a resource for people who find themselves in often terrible circumstances, especially during this very bad weather? Are you assured that the Housing Executive and the community and voluntary sector have sufficient resources to accommodate people who find themselves in such awful conditions, often not as a result of their own actions?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

The capacity is there, but, unfortunately, communication with those who need the service is not always what it should be. The Member asked specifically about resources, and I can tell him that, in the year that I came into office, the funding for SWEP was £9,837. In the most recent financial year, it was £51,523. That is an indication of the seriousness with which I take the issue.

David Honeyford (Alliance, Lagan Valley)

2. Mr Honeyford asked the Minister for Communities to outline any assessment that he has made of the impact that the uncertainty around Sport NI funding is having on workforce retention. (AQO 2983/22-27)

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I have made no such assessment, because I will not be in a position to determine the level of Exchequer funding for Sport NI until the Executive have agreed the Department's budget. The Member will be aware that Sport NI also disburses National Lottery funding, and that is operated independently of my Department. The chief executive officer of Sport NI has advised me that it issued a letter to sports bodies in December 2025 to advise that, in principle, it would continue funding at current investment levels in 2026-27, specifically to ensure that there was no uncertainty over Sport NI funding.

David Honeyford (Alliance, Lagan Valley)

I spoke to the sports bodies just before I came in here, and they did not get that guarantee. The Commonwealth Games are in six months' time, and we do not have secure funding for our athletes, coaches or support staff. They are being absolutely failed. Minister, you have spoken a lot over the past two weeks about providing clear, unequivocal guidance, but what are you doing as sports Minister to address the issues that are affecting our athletes and our sports?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I just gave the answer to the Member. If he has —. Perhaps he should let me answer the question before shaking his head. It is always better to listen first. That is how Question Time should work. I am telling him that that is the letter that has been issued to the sports bodies. I was about to say that, if the Member wishes tell me which individual organisations did not get that guarantee, I will be happy to hear from him. He is shaking his head again, so he does not want to do that. I therefore say to any of the sports involved that have not yet got that assurance that they can bypass Mr Honeyford and get in contact with me directly.

Maurice Bradley (DUP, East Londonderry)

We are talking about funding, so will the Minister provide an update on the Olympic legacy fund that he has rolled out?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Yes, I am delighted to. I have committed to recognising the remarkable achievements of our Olympians and Paralympians at the Paris games in 2024. We all remember the incredible sporting moments and the incredible medal haul, which, I know, will encourage future generations to reach the pinnacle of their sport. We are building on that legacy by providing £1 million of capital funding to create new opportunities for people of all ages and of all abilities to take part in sport in their local area. Although "Olympic" is in the title of the fund, the projects are not solely for Olympic sports. The legacy fund is there to support all sports at the grassroots level and to encourage continued growth and participation. Sport NI has already approved 37 projects across nine different sports and 11 council areas, and an additional 39 projects are being held in reserve.

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

I am sure that the Minister will agree that further uncertainty over sports funding will have impacts way beyond workforce retention and affect participation and competitiveness. Will he provide an update on commitments to introduce a multi-year funding programme for NI? Moreover, can he assure us that sport will not be the poor relation for him and the Executive?