Northern Ireland Assembly, 12 January 2026

441 contributions from 68 members. The official report.

Assembly Business

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

I advise Members that, as notified to the Chief Electoral Officer, William Irwin resigned as a Member of the Northern Ireland Assembly for the Newry and Armagh constituency effective from 2 January 2026.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

I was subsequently informed by the Chief Electoral Officer that, to fill that vacancy, Mr Gareth Wilson has been returned as a Member of the Assembly for Newry and Armagh. On Monday 5 January, Mr Wilson signed the undertaking and the Roll of Membership and entered his designation in my presence and that of the Clerk to the Assembly. He has now taken his seat. I welcome him to the Assembly and wish him every success.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Members will have been saddened to learn of the passing of two of our former Members, both of whom died on Tuesday 30 December. I am sad to announce that Joe Byrne and Mary Bradley, former MLAs for West Tyrone and Foyle respectively, have sadly passed away. I would like to take this opportunity to express my personal sympathies to Ursula and the family and Liam and the family on the loss of their husband and wife respectively.

Of the two of them, I knew Joe particularly well. Joe was a very pleasant guy and a nice guy to know. I had a lot of respect and time for him, as I had for Mrs Bradley, who served from 2003 right up to 2011. Mary was a real community person in the city of Londonderry. She did her work very well and was very well respected locally and, indeed, in the Chamber. The loss of those two former Members is very significant for the SDLP.

I express my sympathies to the SDLP but specifically to their families.

I wished to pay my tribute before we take the opportunity for others to express their condolences. I will call Mr Matthew O'Toole, and, after that, Members will have up to five minutes to pay tribute to their two colleagues.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Thank you, Mr Speaker, for your kind words and for offering Members the opportunity to pay their respects to two giants of public service; people who embodied the heart of the Social Democratic and Labour Party and the values that created and still animate our party and movement today. As you said, Mr Speaker, Joe and Mary died at the same time over the Christmas break. They served together in the Assembly. In a sense, they came from different traditions in the SDLP in that one represented an urban community and the other was a passionate rural champion, but collectively they represented the soul of our party: public service through commitment to the common good, cross-community politics, dialogue and serving the people who elected you.

Joe Byrne was an extraordinary public servant. He was born in Aghyaran, a townland outside Strabane; a place about which he was passionate and to which he was always connected. He was a passionate member of the GAA, and, indeed, my father was involved in the Queen's University GAA club with him in the mid-1970s. Joe was a stalwart of the team, and his passion for the GAA was something that he carried throughout his life. He sponsored and organised the first GAA event in Parliament Buildings in 2001.

Joe became a member of Omagh District Council in 1993, having been a long-standing SDLP member and activist in Tyrone. He was part of the SDLP's negotiating team that led to the Good Friday Agreement, and he was a key member of the nascent Policing Board. Our party worked hard to establish a new start for policing that could command the respect and trust of the whole community in Northern Ireland, and people such as Joe Byrne did the hard yards to make that happen.

Joe went on to be the chairperson of the SDLP between 2009 and 2012. He had two different stints in the Assembly: from 1998 in the first Assembly through to 2003, and he was elected again in 2011. That is dedication. Some might call it gluttony for punishment, but it showed his dedication to his community and the people of West Tyrone — all the people of West Tyrone. The extent of Joe's service and the respect in which he was held across the community is a testament to that. Mr Speaker, we have had words from you, and there have been tributes to Joe Byrne as a giant of public service from across the community in West Tyrone and, indeed, the whole of the North and all of Ireland.

On behalf of his colleagues, friends and comrades in the SDLP, I say that we will miss him. I went to his funeral in Killyclogher, which is just outside Omagh, on a wintry day, and the turnout was extraordinary. It was a testament to him. Our thoughts are with Ursula, Aoife, Emer, Eoin and his wider family circle. His values remain with us.

Mary Bradley was another extraordinary person who embodied the values of the SDLP. Mary was born in Derry on the Foyle Road, but she made Carnhill her home. She represented Shantallow on Derry City Council not just for years but for an entire generation. As Father Mongan said at her funeral:

"She was the heartbeat of the Carnhill community and the Greater Shantallow area".

She was deeply connected to the community in Derry that she served and loved. She worked for them and championed them at the council and the Assembly, and, right up to her passing, she was known as a community champion. She embodied the connection that our party has historically had with the city of Derry and the community there. Mary's warmth, generosity and kindness were remarked on by everybody who knew her. She was an astonishingly open-hearted person, which was appreciated by those from all parties who served with her in the Assembly. Our former leader, Mark Durkan senior, said of her generosity of spirit that she was bitter and partisan in only one respect, and that was in relation to football teams, because she was a passionate supporter of both Manchester United and Derry City. She was only ever a partisan and tribal figure in her support for those teams.

Both of those extraordinary individuals — Joe Byrne and Mary Bradley — embodied something that, we think, is special about our party. Their colleagues and friends in the SDLP and, particularly, the communities that they served in West Tyrone and Derry will mourn and remember them.

More broadly, they represented an outlook that we should all aspire to in public service: the people whom we serve are what matters. They were a constant reminder that what matters is not clicks on social media or controversy in the Chamber but doing right by the people who send us here and devoting every waking hour to improving their lives. I pay tribute to Joe and Mary. Rest in peace.

Declan McAleer (Sinn Féin, West Tyrone)

Over the Christmas break, I was very sad to learn of the passing of my former constituency colleague Joe Byrne. Joe spent a lifetime in public service as a lecturer in Omagh college, a councillor and an MLA. He also held many roles in the community and, as Matthew mentioned, was a GAA stalwart. I attended Joe's wake in Killyclogher, and the huge crowds that turned up to pay their respects at the wake and, indeed, at the funeral were a testimony to the high esteem in which he was held in our constituency of West Tyrone.

It was a privilege to have been Joe's constituency colleague in West Tyrone. We both served here on the then Agriculture and Rural Development Committee. When I came here in 2012, Joe was the Deputy Chair of the Committee, and, by coincidence, I am the Deputy Chair now. Joe was a relentless voice for rural communities and all the people of West Tyrone and beyond. Even though we were from different parties, we worked together on many issues, including health in the west, the A5 and common agricultural policy reform. Even before I was a public representative, Joe assisted me by giving me advice and support on planning permission for the house that I now live in with my wife and family.

Joe served as an Omagh district councillor with my late father Barney McAleer in the 1990s. Daddy also held Joe in high regard, finding him to be a very fair and effective public representative and considering him to be a friend.

On my behalf and that of Sinn Féin, I extend our thoughts and prayers to Joe's wife, Ursula, and all the family and, indeed, to Joe's SDLP colleagues at this sad time. I hope that he rests in eternal peace.

Tom Buchanan (DUP, West Tyrone)

I express my sincere condolences to the Byrne family on the recent passing of Joe, a beloved husband and father and a friend to all who knew him.

Joe and I were first elected to Omagh District Council in 1993, where he served for a number of years. He also served in the House as an MLA for West Tyrone. He was a great advocate for the SDLP. During his political career, Joe was passionate about delivery in West Tyrone, and we worked together on many subjects. On employment opportunities, infrastructure projects, economic growth, equality in health and education and many other issues, Joe's voice was always heard lobbying for his constituents. He was never one to back away from the difficult decisions that had to be taken. Joe was always there, and he was a gentleman to work with.

Joe worked tirelessly for the constituency until he was forced to step aside due to deteriorating health. However, he endured his health conditions with great fortitude and always had a positive word to say any time that I met him, enquiring about the political situation and how things were going in West Tyrone. He was a gentleman to work alongside, and he was dedicated to the people of West Tyrone. Irrespective of class, creed or who they were, Joe was dedicated to working for those people.

Joe will be sorely missed by his wife, family and friends and by his colleagues in the SDLP. To you all today, I tender our deepest and heartfelt sympathy and trust that you will find strength in the days to come. Today is a timely reminder that

"In the midst of life, we are in death".

It therefore behoves each one of us to

"number our days, that we may apply our hearts unto wisdom".

Stewart Dickson (Alliance, East Antrim)

On behalf of the Alliance Party, I pay tribute to Mary Bradley and Joe Byrne.

Mary Bradley was, as Members have already been made aware, an MLA for Foyle. That was before my time in this place: in fact, she was leaving the Assembly as I arrived in 2011. She was a councillor for the Shantallow area on the then Derry City Council from 1985, and she served as deputy mayor in 1990 and as mayor between 1991 and 1992. It was during that time that I met her on a number of occasions as a local councillor. I was also very saddened to hear of the passing of Joe Byrne, and I want to extend my condolences to both of their families and friends and to their colleagues in the SDLP.

As with Mary, I first knew Joe as a local councillor and met him at various events over the years. We were both elected to the Assembly, with him being re-elected, in 2011. During my first term as an MLA, like many new Members, I was finding my feet in this place. Joe was one of those Members who brought previous experience, calm and, indeed, a sense of perspective to the Chamber. We both served for a time on the then Regional Development Committee, on which he was a tireless campaigner for the A5 road project. As others have said, he was always knowledgeable about his constituency and worked for everyone. He was respectful throughout and serious about the job that he was elected to do. He cared deeply about representing his constituents and about the work of the Assembly. That always came through in how he worked.

At times like this, it is right that we put politics to one side and recognise the people behind the roles that they hold. My thoughts at this sad time are with the Bradley and Byrne families, their party colleagues and all those who knew and worked with Joe and Mary. Theirs will be lives well remembered.

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

On behalf of the Ulster Unionist Party, I offer condolences to the friends and families of Joe Byrne and Mary Bradley and to the Members and supporters of the SDLP — but also, actually, to anybody who supports democracy, because here were two great democrats who gave their lifetimes to public service, as we all aspire to do.

I had the pleasure of serving with Joe Byrne during my early years in the House. That was his second spell as a Member of the Legislative Assembly. Of course, he came with life skills, because he was a graduate in economics from Queen's University, from where he went on to become a lecturer in business studies at the then Omagh College of Further Education. It is so important that Members come into the Chamber with life skills. Some will say that Joe's passion was for agriculture, but he did not have passion just for that: he had a passion for educating our children and for all matters rural. He also served on the Policing Board, and he did so at a time when the whole concept of a Policing Board was relatively novel and all the more challenging because of that. I remember Joe as a gentleman but also as a quiet but effective politician in the Chamber and in Committees.

Like Mr Dickson, I came here in 2011, so I did not serve with Mary Bradley, who was stepping down at that time, having come here first in 2003. She served during some of the really tough years for the Assembly as it was trying to bed itself down. If there is something that connects Joe and Mary, it is that they were two great advocates of the mantra that all politics is local. Mary, of course, was a great advocate for the people of Derry, and particularly for those who were suffering disadvantage. She was also a great advocate for women in politics and, indeed, for women serving more generally in public life. It is fitting, Mr Speaker, that you make space for all of us to pay tribute to two people who walked the hard yards in the difficult years and devoted themselves to public service. May they rest in peace.

Daniel McCrossan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, West Tyrone)

I rise to pay tribute to Joe Byrne, who was a former colleague in the Assembly; a mentor to many of us in the SDLP; and a man whose life was defined not by title or position but by service, integrity and humanity. Joe entered public life during some of the most difficult and formative years in our recent history. He believed deeply that politics mattered, that it should be done with integrity, and that it should always be rooted in respect for people. He lived by the belief, often expressed by our dear friend Seamus Mallon, that the first rule of politics is to be there for people. Joe lived by that rule every single day.

Whether in the council chamber, on the Floor of the Assembly or at a kitchen table at a constituent's home, he showed up, listened and cared. He worked patiently to find solutions that made a real difference to the lives of our people. Joe made a significant contribution to peace and public life here. He played a pivotal role in the slow, demanding work that helped to build a more stable and hopeful society, work that required patience rather than posturing, openness rather than entrenchment, listening rather than shouting and perseverance rather than triumphalism.

Those qualities defined Joe Byrne's approach to politics and public life, but Joe was never only a politician. Long before holding public office, he was deeply involved in youth work and sport, particularly through Gaelic games. He was a founding member of Strabane Sigersons GAA club. He was the club's first coach and, indeed, its first chairman. Beyond that, he was rooted in GAA games at Queen's University and in his local area of Omagh. He devoted countless hours to developing our young people, not just as players but as individuals. What mattered most to Joe Byrne was not simply winning but how the game was played. He believed that sport was a place where discipline, teamwork, fairness and respect were learned. He demanded standards but never at the cost of dignity.

That belief in people ran through every aspect of Joe's life. He was an educator, a lecturer and a businessman with a sharp and instinctive understanding of enterprise, and he was always willing to take a risk if it meant creating opportunity. He understood the importance of education, having a strong local economy and investing in the future of rural communities. That is why he championed issues such as healthcare, education, infrastructure, agriculture and, in particular, the A5. He understood their transformational impact on the lives of ordinary people, those whom he represented. Joe was also a founding member of the Policing Board, helping to build confidence in new institutions at a time when trust was fragile and hard-won. Across politics and across communities, he commanded respect for his calm, informed and constructive approach.

I want to speak personally for a moment about my friend. Joe brought me into politics. He believed in me, encouraged me and supported me at every single stage. Our paths crossed by accident, but I have no regrets, and I sincerely hope that he did not either. He offered advice freely, shared his experience generously and always made time. I am deeply grateful to him for the opportunity, for his friendship and for the confidence that he placed in me. It has been an honour to follow in the footsteps of such a great man and represent his beloved West Tyrone.

Above all else, Joe Byrne was a husband and a father. His wife, Ursula, was his anchor throughout their life together. A partner in every sense of the word, she shared the demands of public life, the joys of family life and, later, the challenges of Joe's illness. Her strength, love and constancy sustained Joe through his hardest days. Together, they raised three children, Aoife, Emer and Eoin, who were the centre of Joe's world and his greatest pride. His understanding of family, loyalty and strong relationships shaped the kind of public representative that he was. He knew that politics only mattered if it strengthened lives, not strained them. Joe was fiercely loyal to friendship. He valued long-standing relationships deeply and never let them drift. He stayed connected, interested and present. Those qualities defined him as a friend and public servant. Even as Parkinson's disease took hold, Joe's interest in people, politics and the world never faded. Those who spent time with him speak of conversations filled with thoughtfulness, humour and gratitude rather than complaint. Joe's faith guided his life. In divided times, he was measured. In difficult times, he was steady. In uncertain periods, he remained hopeful. He believed in peace not as an abstract idea but as a responsibility, something to be worked for, protected and handed on.

Today, we mourn the loss of a former colleague, mentor and dear friend, but we also celebrate a life rooted in service, loyalty and love. Joe stood for the very best of public life — the best of all of us — and his lesson will continue to guide us for many years to come. On behalf of the Assembly and the SDLP, our deepest sympathies go to Ursula, Aoife, Emer and Eoin and the wider Byrne family. Rest in peace, Joe.

Ciara Ferguson (Sinn Féin, Foyle)

I express my condolences on the recent passing of Mary Bradley to Liam; Paula, Mary's daughter; Fiona and Aaron, her grandchildren; and Olivia, her great-grandchild; her wider family circle; her neighbours in Carnhill; her many friends across the city; and her colleagues in the SDLP.

Mary will be sorely missed by our city and beyond. She was held in the utmost regard as a strong voice for Derry, with a strong ability to form meaningful connections and relationships across the city whilst serving as a councillor for nearly two decades from 1995. She served a term as the Mayor of Derry city from 1991 to 1992.

Mary was also one of 17 women out of 108 MLAs elected to the Assembly back in 2003. She made a significant contribution to advancing the role of women in public life and was held in high regard for her active involvement in community development. In my role as a community development officer in Shantallow for over 20 years, I attended many a meeting and public meeting with Mary and was involved with her in other ways, particularly on improving the quality of life of our people and communities. She was a very active member of the Resource Centre Derry (RCD), which is based in Carnhill. I never went in there to meet with the CEO, the late Betty Feeney, but Mary Bradley was sitting there as well. I had to get any decision that had to be made past both of them. Mary was very strong, clear and articulate, and I cherish the times that I spent working with her on advancing community development in the greater Shantallow area.

I also acknowledge and recognise Mary's commitment to achieving improved health outcomes, particularly for mental health and well-being. She was a keen advocate for improved health outcomes, not just locally but across the North.

I finish by simply saying may eternal rest be granted unto Mary, may she rest peacefully and may her loved ones be comforted by the immense gratitude that exists for all the work that she did for the city of Derry and its people throughout her life.

Alan Robinson (DUP, East Londonderry)

I cannot claim to have served with the late Mary Bradley. She served in the Assembly before my time, but, by all accounts, she was an incredibly hard worker, a very popular mayor, a grassroots, on-the-ground politician and a lady much loved and well liked in her former political party and across the political spectrum who gave 25 years of service to the people of Londonderry.

I therefore extend sympathies from the DUP to the SDLP. Although she will be missed by the people of that city, she will particularly be missed by her family and family circle, today and tomorrow. The DUP sends them its sincere condolences.

Jon Burrows (UUP, North Antrim)

I extend my condolences to the friends, family and colleagues of Mary Bradley and Joe Byrne. I met Mary many times when I served in the city. Like all the SDLP representatives there, she exemplified service, dignity and courage. It was not an easy time to be an SDLP politician, particularly in a place such as Londonderry, or Derry: whatever you want to call it. Many times I was at their homes, speaking with them and helping them when their houses had been attacked and they had come under threat. Aside from her commitment to public service, she therefore showed courage to stand up and serve at a time before everyone supported policing, when times were very dangerous indeed.

Mary was part of a great team, alongside the likes of Gerry Diver, Thomas Conway and Mark H. One thing that I will say about Mary is that her passion for her community was loud and clear, but there was a dignity and a fairness about her that exemplified the SDLP's approach to politics. Mary would contact me and then follow up on it if she thought that something had to be challenged, but she would always ring me or my colleagues and ask for the facts. If you were fair with Mary, she was always fair with you.

There was something very old school about Mary Bradley. I pay tribute to that genuine sense of public service, to which we should all aspire. As I went through my police career, I was inspired by Mary Bradley and her like, who gave of their time and energy, at considerable risk to themselves and their families, to serve democracy and to hold dear to the idea that one can have a passionate belief that is contrary to what someone else believes but can still be courteous and civil with them and never think that violence is the right thing.

We take that for granted now, but, when Mary served, that was not always the case.

I am thankful that we had people like Mary Bradley in our politics. It was a privilege to meet her when I did. I send my condolences to the party, to Mary's friends and family and, of course, to the friends and family of Joe Byrne.

Sinéad McLaughlin (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

I am proud to rise to remember two former colleagues in the Assembly and remarkable servants of the people: Mary Bradley and Joe Byrne.

I begin with Mary because she was one of us — one of Derry's own — and someone whom I was privileged to know well. Mary did not enter politics for status or profile; she entered politics for one simple reason: people. That never changed. From her election to Derry City Council in 1985 through to her time as mayor of Derry and, later, in the Assembly Mary's politics were always rooted in the same values: fairness, dignity and decency. Mary was not flashy. She was not interested in grandstanding. She was, however, fearless in standing up for her community and relentless in doing the work that really mattered.

As someone who represents the same constituency, I see Mary's legacy everywhere. I see it in Carnhill, in the community groups that she supported, in the families whom she stood alongside in difficult moments and in the quiet confidence that she gave people who felt overlooked or unheard. Mary had that rare combination of strength and warmth. You always knew where you stood with Mary, and you always knew that she would stand with you when it mattered. She believed deeply in the values of the SDLP — equality, social justice, community and hope — but, more important, she lived those values in her casework, in council chambers, in the Assembly and in the countless private moments when she helped someone who had nowhere else to turn. Mary understood something simple but powerful: that politics is not about documents, debates or policy but about human lives. The mother worried about her child, the pensioner struggling to make ends meet, the young person searching for an opportunity and the volunteer holding a community together: Mary saw them all and fought for them all.

Beyond politics, her love of grassroots football, youth development and community life showed the depth of her commitment. She knew that strong communities were not built only in buildings like this but on the playing fields, in the youth clubs, in the advice centres, in the church halls and in everyday acts of kindness. Mary Bradley leaves behind a city that is stronger because of her, a party that is better because of her and a generation of public servants who learned from her. She taught us that real leadership is service, that politics must always be rooted in compassion and that, no matter how hard the road, you never stop standing up for your community.

I want to thank Mary's family, her husband, Liam, her daughter, Paula, her grandchildren, Fiona and Aaron, and her great-grandchild, for sharing her with us. Public service is never an individual journey but is carried by families who sacrifice and support every step of the way. Mary's family were incredible, loyal and a great source of support and strength to Mary. Mary, you showed us what it means to serve with integrity, lead with heart and put people first always.

I also want to remember Joe Byrne, a giant of public service and lifelong champion for the people of Tyrone. I did not know Joe Byrne well, but I knew his reputation for integrity, kindness and commitment, which reached far beyond his constituency. Joe lived by the principle expressed by his friend Séamus Mallon: the first rule of politics is to be there for people. As far as I know and by all the accounts that people have shared with me, Joe lived that every day. Joe believed in peace, not as an abstract idea but as something that comes with responsibility and as something to be worked for, protected and passed on. Joe was calm, thoughtful and practical, and he was deeply respected across party lines. Above all, Joe was a family man: his wife Ursula and their children Aoife, Emer and Eoin were the centre of his world and the source of his greatest pride.

Today we mourn the loss of colleagues and peacemakers, but we also celebrate their lives of service. They had a reputation for decency and a belief that politics at its best is something that lifts people up. May Mary and Joe rest in peace. May their families get comfort in knowing that they were valued and respected and that they will be missed by the SDLP family.

Mark Durkan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

Today we pause to remember two giants who embodied not just the values of the SDLP but public service in its truest sense and whose passing leaves a deep sadness for our party, our communities and, first and foremost, the families of Mary Bradley and Joe Byrne. Mary and Joe served not for recognition or reward but because they believed profoundly in people, in fairness and in the responsibility that comes with representing others. They were political representatives of a generation that understood politics not as a performance but as a service rooted in listening, empathy and hard work carried out quietly and consistently.

Mary Bradley was a formidable advocate for our constituents. She brought strength, compassion and determination to everything that she did, never losing sight of the people behind the issues. She had an unwavering commitment to equality and social justice that she carried with dignity and resolve, even in the most challenging circumstances. She was Derry and, as we have heard, Derry City Football Club to the core. However, she was not bitter or partisan even when it came to football: I recall on council her always championing Institute Football Club in our city and the need to provide it with adequate facilities.

Joe Byrne, in his way, reflected the same values. He believed deeply in community, decency and the power of local representation to improve lives. Joe's politics was shaped by his humanity and a belief that progress is measured not in rhetoric but in the difference that we can make to people's lives every day. He made a difference through education, the GAA and his role as an elected representative.

Mary and Joe were shaped in and by difficult times. We have heard Members refer to the threats and attacks to which they were subjected, but neither of them allowed those times to harden them; instead, they chose hope over bitterness, dialogue over division and service over self. They helped to build the foundations on which others now stand, and they did so with integrity and humility. We extend our deepest sympathy to their loving families, their friends and all who had the privilege of working alongside them. Mary and Joe will be remembered not just for the esteemed offices that they held but for the values that they lived by. Ar dheis Dé go raibh a n-anam.

[Translation: May their souls be at God’s right hand.]

Matter of the Day

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Timothy Gaston has been given leave to make a statement on the ongoing political crisis and international tensions in Venezuela that fulfils the criteria set out in Standing Order 24. Members who wish to be called can indicate that by rising in their place. All Members will have up to three minutes to speak. I call Mr Gaston.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

Thank you very much, Mr Speaker. The actions of the United States in Venezuela were not taken against a legitimate, democratically elected Government. In 2020, Maduro was federally charged in the United States with crimes including terrorism and international drug trafficking. Those charges alleged direct involvement with global trafficking networks and collaboration with the Colombian terrorist organisation, FARC. His removal from power has not been met with mourning or protest by the people of Venezuela; it has been welcomed with open celebration by those who lived for years under his jackboot. That, of course, has not been the reaction of some closer to home, and that is small wonder, because we do not need to travel to Venezuela to find people with links to drug-trafficking and Marxist terrorism. The party opposite spent years campaigning for the release of three IRA men who travelled to Colombia to train FARC in methods of murder and terror. Sinn Féin figures were content to hobnob with the Venezuelan dictatorship, attending events, ceremonies and inaugurations after Maduro clung to office following an election that the world knew to be fraudulent. While they now rush to condemn the actions of the United States, delivering lectures about bombings, forcible removal and detention, my mind inevitably turns to a great contrast between their words today and their record yesterday.

Jean McConville never stood before a court. She was never afforded legal representation. She was never given due process. She was abducted, murdered and secretly buried when the Provisional movement chose to act as judge, jury and executioner. That exposes the reality behind Sinn Féin's outrage. We are witnessing not principled opposition to violence or injustice but selective outrage shaped entirely by far-left, anti-Western ideology in which tyrants are excused so long as they mouth the correct slogans and hate the correct enemies.

I welcome the removal of Nicolás Maduro. I commend the United States for a job well done.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

It is worth acknowledging the seriousness of the devastating intervention that the United States launched on the people of Caracas almost a week ago, which killed at least 50 people. We know that the United States has a sorry, brutal history of intervention, capture, overthrowing democracy and undermining the wishes of local people across the world, specifically in Latin America. However, what the Trump Administration carried out on 3 January was next-level stuff. We should be absolutely clear on what it was: it was kidnapping. That is what happened on 3 January. It is also worth emphasising that the country of Venezuela posed and poses no risk to the people of the United States or the United States Government.

The rules-based international order was always a fabrication, and the United States has always done what it wanted to do, but they did not even pretend to go through the motions when it came to capturing a democratically elected leader. The response from unionist parties in the House is absolutely baffling. Imagine the scenes, the comments and the rightful outcry if Vladimir Putin launched a campaign to kidnap the deputy First Minister of this Administration. Unionist parties would be rightly outraged. They would cry foul and oppose that and rightly so, but, when the US does it, it is, "Work away, lads. Do what you want". It is obscene stuff.

Operation Absolute Resolve is classic Yankee imperialism launched by the biggest empire in world history. That empire has been forced to retreat from other parts of the world but thinks that it can intervene in what it calls its "hemisphere".

It is up to the Venezuelan people, as it is the people of any country, to determine their leader, their Government and who rules them. From day 1, the US and the EU hated the project of Chavismo, which, to sum it up, was about limiting the power of multinational corporations and redistributing wealth and resources to poor and indigenous people. The US, the EU and Western Governments detest that — they went so far as to back and finance a coup against Chávez in 2002.

This is not about stopping drugs. Amidst the boats that were captured by the US, 115 people who were working on the seas were killed. It is worth mentioning that the drug charges against Maduro have been dropped. Not a single ounce of drug paraphernalia was found on those boats. That is not to mention Trump's pardoning of the former Honduran president. In a rare moment of honesty, Trump admitted what it is about: oil.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

The Member's time is up.

Declan Kearney (Sinn Féin, South Antrim)

The US assault against Venezuelan national sovereignty has serious and far-reaching repercussions for the primacy of international law and the authority of the United Nations charter. That act of US military aggression is deeply destabilising for Venezuela as well as the wider Latin American and Caribbean region. It comes at a time when the illegal embargo against Cuba has intensified and the American president is threatening more unilateral military attacks in the Middle East while repeating his threats against the sovereignty of Greenland.

It is notable that the illegal removal of the Venezuelan president from office by the US sits in marked contrast with the American Administration's defiance of the International Criminal Court arrest warrants in the names of Israeli political leaders, which were issued for genocidal crimes against the Palestinian people.

During the past 12 months, there has been an unprecedented undermining of the multilateral system. International law must be defended and enforced. There is no legitimate or legal alternative to respect for national sovereignty, the use of diplomacy and peaceful coexistence, so the aggression must be unambiguously condemned. What is now required is an urgent de-escalation of political tensions in Venezuela and the establishment of regional political stability and security.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

We should not kid ourselves for one moment that we understand the intricacies of the military operation that took place in Venezuela. We know only that it was a daring, courageous and well-executed military operation by our friends, neighbours and allies in the United States military. I often think of the military families in times such as these: what difficulties their partners and loved ones face, and what risks they take, in the name of national security.

What we do know is information about Nicolás Maduro and, indeed, his Administration. He was a dictator and a ruthless one at that. Under his regime, Venezuela has seen political prisoners, torture, extra-judicial killings, crushed protests, and the courts and media being overrun and captured by the regime. The UN has found credible evidence of crimes against humanity being used to keep Maduro in power. He was not a democratically elected president: he was using the cover of democratic office, but the election in which he saw office was discredited by all as having been won on false pretences.

Maduro was a narco-terrorist. He was propped up by Russia, China and Iran, and his regime has long-running overlaps with organised crime networks. Let us be clear: Maduro was Vladimir Putin's key asset in South America. In that context, the Western lefties and, indeed, Members in the Chamber who want to run to his rescue and cry foul at his extradition could not be further from reality. They have chosen to sign up with and stand alongside far left terrorists, including Hamas, ETA, FARC — the list could go on. Those are the types of organisations that have received Sinn Féin support for years, so it should surprise none of us that Sinn Féin's Conor Murphy and Chris Hazzard attended Maduro's inauguration. Sinn Féin cannot continue to ride two horses. The American public has well caught on to the types of far left extremists and global despot regimes that Sinn Féin supports. The $1,000 dinner plates in the United States will not be as easily filled this year or in years to come, as American citizens catch on very quickly to Sinn Féin's game. The Americans are no fools.

Eóin Tennyson (Alliance, Upper Bann)

Nicolás Maduro was a brutal and illegitimate dictator, and the Alliance Party certainly sheds no tears for his downfall. For years, the Venezuelan people have been subject to repression, corruption and economic collapse, with families torn apart and millions displaced. However, the crimes of a dictator do not give Donald Trump carte blanche to break international law or disregard the UN charter. No state, no matter how powerful, is entitled to run roughshod over the rules that safeguard global stability. We know what happens when American presidents take illegal action under the pretext of an imminent threat. This illegal action sets a dangerous precedent for Russia, China or any other Government that might now be emboldened to violate sovereignty. It makes the world more unstable, more unpredictable and more dangerous.

It is abundantly clear that, for Donald Trump, this was not about liberating the Venezuelan people. He has praised authoritarian regimes and dictators around the globe. If democracy had been the objective, the United States would not have sidelined Nobel Peace Prize winner María Machado and other key opposition figures — individuals who have risked their lives for democratic reform. Instead, in order to get his hands on Venezuelan oil, Donald Trump is happy to do business with Delcy Rodríguez from Maduro's very same brutal and illegitimate regime. Nor was this action about tackling drugs, given the fact that Donald Trump has used his executive powers to pardon narco-terrorists and drug dealers during his time in office. It was about proving that might is right and defending only the interests of American oil companies. Anybody who believes that President Trump will stop here has not been paying attention: they clearly have not read his own national security strategy. Already, he has issued threats to countries including Cuba, Colombia and Greenland.

There are two great hypocrisies on display in the Chamber. The United Kingdom was key to setting up multinational institutions and a system of international law. Today, we have already heard two unionist politicians cheerleading Donald Trump in ripping down that international order. We also have a so-called progressive party in the form of Sinn Féin that cannot utter a word of condemnation for Maduro and his illegitimate regime. When Sinn Féin had the choice, it stood alongside him at his inauguration and claimed that it was open and democratic. When Sinn Féin had the choice between standing with the Venezuelan people or a brutal dictator, it chose the brutal dictator. Sinn Féin owes the people of Venezuela an apology. We cannot cherry-pick when we apply international law and human rights. As a party on these Benches that is committed to international law, human rights and a rules-based order, we want to see free and fair elections held in Venezuela without delay.

Steve Aiken (UUP, South Antrim)

Happy new year to you, Mr Speaker, and to everybody in the Assembly.

Anybody who witnessed the Sinn Féin demonstration at the US embassy in Dublin and the Venezuelan counter-demonstration will know that the latter made it very clear that President Maduro's demise is very much welcomed by Venezuelans, who were subject to his tyranny for far too long. One of the key questions is this: what was the United States doing, and was it just a one-off act by the United States president? Anybody who has been looking at what has been going on in Venezuela and the wider region for the past year would have seen that there was an enormous diplomatic effort and push to try to get Maduro to move offside. It was made very clear to him that he would be given Ofpra status. He was expected to take it, but he did not. Instead, he doubled down and made the situation worse in Venezuela.

This as an abject lesson for anyone who believes in socialist, Thirty-two Counties wonder areas — or Narnias. Venezuela should be one of the richest countries. It was one of the richest places in South America. It has one of the largest amounts of resources in oil, gas, gold and silver. Anybody who understands Venezuela knows that, before Chávez and Maduro destroyed it, it was a vibrant country. It was one of the leaders in the region and an area that was becoming one of the leaders of South America. It was being talked about in the same way as Brazil, but let us see what happened: in Venezuela, there is starvation, a lack of jobs and no human rights. If that is what socialist republics are about, you can count me out.

Another important aspect is how we dealt with the awful situation of the shadow fleet and the ship that came from Venezuela. All Members should thank the United States Navy, the United States Coast Guard, the Royal Air Force and the Royal Fleet Auxiliary for their work on the high seas to stop the Bella 1 or the Marinera or whatever they are calling the ship now. It was a potential environmental disaster, and the fact that we were able to prevent such a disaster and stop the ship from getting back to Russia says something important about the strategic position of Northern Ireland. I, for one, was very pleased to see that the United States Navy and the US Air Force were able to use Aldergrove as a diversionary airfield during that difficult operation. It demonstrates yet again the strategic importance of Northern Ireland. There is no such thing as Northern Ireland having no long-term strategic implications. The most important thing is that Northern Ireland is strategically important to NATO, the United Kingdom and the United States.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

We have rather drifted from the main topic of the action in Venezuela, so let me bring it back to that. When talking about politics and international affairs, there is a truth that, unfortunately, is undermined or sometimes obviated by social media, which is that two things can be true at the same time. It can be true that Nicolás Maduro and his Government were illegitimate, authoritarian and profoundly objectionable. It is not just that they were but that they are, because the Maduro regime is still in place at the behest of Donald Trump and his Government. It can, however, also be true that launching an illegal operation inside sovereign territory to remove, abduct and kidnap a political leader, even if you find them objectionable and they are authoritarian and acting profoundly against the interests of their own people, is a bad thing. Both things can be bad. It is not the case that by the simple fact of Maduro being an objectionable authoritarian that the United States was justified in going in and illegally abducting him. It was not.

We are living in a deeply destabilising era of international law. Even if, as some people say, there has always been a significant degree of hypocrisy in the upholding of international law, lots of which we have seen, such as the appalling actions of Israel and the lack of consequences for that, the fact that the states that created the international order after the Second World War, including the United States, were willing to acknowledge the presence of international law was, at least, some form of guard rail mitigation. We do not have any of that now.

The United States' going in and abducting Maduro, however objectionable or authoritarian he was, is deeply troubling because the consequences and precedent are unbelievably serious. What is now to stop Putin from saying, "My action in Ukraine is entirely justified", as obnoxious, illegal and hateful as it is? What is to stop Xi Jinping saying, "I now want to go in and launch some kind of action in Taiwan", just as Trump did with Venezuela, because he said that it was in his neighbourhood in the Western hemisphere. What is to stop them from doing that and saying, "The United States is doing that in Venezuela, so why can we not do it in our neighbourhoods?" Let us think through the consequences.

Yes, by all means, I am happy to call out Sinn Féin's position on Maduro as being unacceptable, but I was astonished to hear unionist politician after unionist politician stand up today and pay tribute to the Trump regime and what it is doing in Venezuela. They are not listening to what is being said in the Chamber. Frankly, they do not care about the UK, Europe or anyone else other than their own interests, their own authoritarianism, their own pockets and their own desire to bend the world to their will. I caution people in the Chamber to think more carefully —

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

The Member's time is up.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

— about the consequences of what is happening in the world today.

Members' Statements

Emma Sheerin (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I speak this afternoon about a deeply disturbing occurrence that we have seen rise in popularity over the past week: the use of AI to invent images that sexualise young women and girls and the real threat that that poses. We talk all the time in the Chamber and, indeed, across society about violence against women and girls, and this is a new way of torturing women. I often think of the phrase, "Sticks and stones may break your bones, but words cannot hurt you": we know, of course, that that is not true. Such images are deeply harmful to the women and young people who have been targeted.

We need to see more action in response to the Grok technology that is being used to undress people without their consent or permission. The owners of X, formerly known as Twitter, have removed that function for anyone who is not a paid user, but they need to go further than that. That call has already been made by a range of people. We need to see action from Ofcom and the British Government to criminalise those who have engaged in such behaviour. The Minister of Justice has formally committed to criminalising deepfake technology and the creation of deepfake images. I know that we will want to work with her to ensure that that is done as quickly as possible.

There needs to be a united message from the House that the sharing of inappropriate images is illegal and that sharing such images without consent is illegal. As well as that, the creation of such images should be discouraged and made illegal. There is a massive piece of cross-departmental work to be done on education and on engaging with young people in particular to have conversations with them about the ramifications of such harmful crimes and of sharing images. We have seen the rise of such behaviour even in our schools, and its long-term impacts are crazy.

I commend the bravery of the young person in Armagh who came forward when they were made aware that such an image had been created of them. I encourage all young people affected, instead of suffering shame and, as a result, seeing more harm done, to come forward and talk about it in order to ensure that the perpetrators are brought to justice.

Gareth Wilson (DUP, Newry and Armagh)

I take this important opportunity to pay tribute to the 10 innocent men so brutally and callously murdered by the IRA at Kingsmills on 5 January 1976. It is 50 years since that horrific attack, and, over recent days, there has been a series of important events to mark the tragic 50-year anniversary. It was a solemn privilege to attend those events and to stand in support of the families of those innocent men.

The special anniversary service in Bessbrook town hall on 4 January was especially poignant. It saw hundreds of people gather together in solidarity with the Kingsmills families and show in a very warm and real fashion that those innocent, hard-working family men will never be forgotten. A special anniversary service was also held last night in Tullyallen Presbyterian Church, where family and friends of victim the late Mr Robert Walker gathered to pay tribute to him and the nine other victims. That was an especially important and moving service, and it was a solemn privilege to attend it. Each year on 5 January, a special roadside service at the scene of the attack is held. That is always a solemn, reflective and important event, and I know that it will continue for many years to come. The conducting of that annual special roadside service ensures that the innocent victims of the IRA attack at Kingsmills continue to be remembered.

The story of Kingsmills will not be rewritten or airbrushed. The hurt and pain of that horrific night has not diminished with the passage of time, nor has the desire to see justice served against the ruthless IRA perpetrators of the attack. The families of the 10 innocent men who were murdered and, of course, the survivor of the attack, Mr Alan Black, continue to pursue justice and truth in a most dignified manner. I stand with them, as do many of my colleagues in the House. There must be renewed resolve from the Government, the police and the justice system and a renewed focus on bringing the perpetrators of the attack to justice. My thoughts and prayers continue to be with the families in the days ahead.

Kellie Armstrong (Alliance, Strangford)

Mr Speaker, I wish you and everyone in the House a very happy new year.

Unfortunately, it has not been such a happy new year for some people in Northern Ireland. On Sunday 4 January — one of the coldest nights of the year so far — 11 people were forced to sleep on the streets in sub-zero temperatures. That happened despite the severe weather emergency protocol (SWEP) being in place. SWEP exists for one reason: to prevent anyone from sleeping rough during life-threatening weather conditions. On that night, it failed. Those 11 people were turned away because there was not enough space in communal areas. I have to ask why that happened. I have reached out to the Minister for Communities to ask why it happened on his watch and to ask him to ensure that it never happens again.

It is not just a procedural failure; it is a failure that put lives at risk. The public expect us to act when systems designed to protect the most vulnerable break down. The Northern Ireland Statistics and Research Agency (NISRA) has reported that 58 homeless people died in Northern Ireland in 2024. That is 58 lives lost — 58 tragedies that should compel us to do better. When a protocol that is designed to save life fails, the consequences will be fatal. We cannot allow more homeless people to become statistics.

SWEP is supposed to provide emergency accommodation in communal spaces provided by hotels, hostels, churches — anywhere that offers warmth and safety — yet 11 people were turned away because there was not enough space. Was it a lack of capacity, a breakdown in communication or a failure in planning? Did the Department, perhaps, not provide enough money to deliver the service? Those are questions that demand answers.

The Department and the Northern Ireland Housing Executive know that the number of out-of-hours homeless requests has exploded over the past three years. In July of last year, 1,675 people presented to the out-of-hours service. That was in just one month, in warm weather. Imagine if 1,675 people were to present in December and January and be turned away.

There has been a call by Councillor Paul McCusker at Belfast City Council to say that the out-of-hours service is dysfunctional and chaotic, so we have to get it fixed. There is public outcry every time that a homeless person dies on our streets and rightly so. The public expect leadership. I need to know and I need the Minister to outline what steps he will take to ensure that every person who needs shelter during severe weather gets it and what changes will be made to guarantee that SWEP works every time it is needed. No one should be left out in the cold again.

Diana Armstrong (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

Over the past few days, the media have been reporting that an allegedly ruthless female commander of the IRA's south Fermanagh brigade, who played a key role in the Enniskillen Poppy Day bomb that murdered 12 people 38 years ago, has been seen back in the town of Enniskillen. She is understood to have moved abroad after the Poppy Day bomb but has been sighted frequently, as far back as 2015.

Thirteen people have been arrested in connection with the bomb in Enniskillen on Remembrance Day, on 8 November 1987, but nobody has been charged. The recent revelations add further pain and anguish to the families of those who were murdered, maimed and traumatised by that horrific terrorist attack. Seeing headlines and images from that tragic day recycled again and again reopens wounds that do not go away.

At times like these, we must remember the people who are at the very centre of the tragedy. I knew many of the victims very well, as they attended the same church as I did. It still pains me that innocent people who were paying respect at the solemn eleventh hour should have been slaughtered in such a wanton and cruel manner. Families still seek truth, justice and accountability, yet Sinn Féin still cannot issue words of condemnation.

I call for clarity on the revelation. There is a name out there that I will not give at this stage. I will write to the Chief Constable to ask whether that person has been in receipt of a comfort letter, and I will ask that the Independent Commission for Reconciliation and Information Recovery (ICRIR) re-examines the investigation for any outstanding or unreported evidence. The Republic of Ireland has a clear statutory duty of disclosure and candour, yet there are substantial concerns about its transparency around legacy issues. There is also an ongoing failure to properly engage with the ICRIR in relation to Troubles crimes committed in Northern Ireland. For Enniskillen, for the families and for truth and accountability, this must be investigated.

Daniel McCrossan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, West Tyrone)

Before I begin my Member's statement, I welcome Mr Wilson to the House. I congratulate him on his appointment to the Assembly and wish him well in the time ahead. On behalf of the SDLP, I also thank William Irwin for his many years of dedicated service. We wish him a long and happy retirement with his family.

This afternoon, I will focus on older people's care. We have an older population that is growing and is expected to continue to grow over the coming decade. Older people built the society that we live in. They worked, paid their taxes, raised families and held communities together through some of the most difficult and divided years this place has known. Yet, today, too many of our older people feel abandoned by a system that the Northern Ireland Executive have failed to properly plan for, fund or reform. Today, 12% of our older population live in relative poverty, and 9% of pensioners live in absolute poverty. Those numbers, which are in the thousands, are entirely unacceptable. It is also reported that 18% to 23% of our older population suffer from loneliness and that 80,000 people in Northern Ireland over the age of 65 live alone.

Huge challenges face our older population, which, as I said, is growing while the services that older people rely on are shrinking. That is not an accident; it is the result of years of drift, delay and, unfortunately, political inaction. Access to health services is becoming harder, not easier, and getting a GP appointment often feels like winning the lottery. Hospital waiting lists are among the worst in western Europe, and older people pay the price first and have the longest waits. Community services that once allowed older people to live independently have been steadily stripped back. Preventative care has been hollowed out, leaving families to cope alone and forcing people into crisis before help appears. That is not a joined-up health and social care system but one that reacts too late and costs more in the long run to repair.

For many older people, the cost-of-living crisis has been relentless, because their fixed incomes simply do not stretch to cover soaring energy bills, the rising cost of food and increasing costs generally. People who planned carefully and lived responsibly now worry about whether they can heat their homes or make ends meet. The Executive have talked a great deal about protecting the vulnerable in our society, but, unfortunately, the numbers do not add up.

There is a great injustice in how we fund care. People who worked all their life, paid into the system and saved for the future find themselves facing the loss of their home and life savings when residential care becomes necessary and unavoidable, particularly given that they cannot get that care in their own home when and if they need it. We need to step up, stand up and speak up for our older population. The Assembly needs to recognise that none of us will get out of this: it affects our grandparents and our parents, and, unfortunately, it will eventually affect everyone in the House.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

I welcome Mr Wilson to the Assembly and pay tribute to William Irwin. William was a gentleman. I wish you all a happy new year.

Like Kellie, I received the correspondence from Paul McCusker, as, in fact, we all did. I have gone out on outreach a few times with the People's Kitchen and have met a lot of homeless people who have no option — seriously, none — other than to live on our streets. I also went to meet pastor Brian Madden on Saturday night with my colleague Deirdre Hargey. They all do exemplary work. There is a problem, which is that any projects with "homeless" in them are doing good work in their own right but, collectively, they are not working together for people who are really vulnerable. Independently and separately, Gerry Kelly and I went out before Christmas to see the arrangements that had been put in place. Church- and faith-based and voluntary groups are using donations to buy B&B accommodation. They are providing the services for which the Housing Executive has a statutory responsibility, and it is not working.

I am organising a meeting in Belfast city centre. I would like an MLA from each party to come and meet those who provide services to the homeless to work out what we can do better. On Saturday night, there was frost on the ground. I spoke to a woman who is four months pregnant who was sleeping in a car park. We got her registered with a GP and that, but she said that she did not feel safe in some of the temporary emergency shelters that she had been offered, which were completely inappropriate for women. There are particular challenges for women who sleep on the streets.

Statutory bodies do their best, but I see the bulk and the weight being carried by the voluntary sector. I am talking about my experience.

I am talking about groups working together to organise and coordinate the bringing of food, sleeping bags and tents to the people who need that comfort the most. If it is a test of how we, as an Assembly, look after our most vulnerable citizens, we are, frankly, failing. I will contact Members, and I look forward to them responding positively.

Trevor Clarke (DUP, South Antrim)

The past weekend stood in stark contrast to the previous weekend. The rain took away the final remnants of the snow that we woke up to last week. That snow must have come as a shock to the Department for Infrastructure, because the roads ground to a halt last week. The lack of organisation in DFI, with traffic coming to a halt, is shameful. The consequence was that schools had to close, not because they were cold but because it was unsafe to travel to them. That was particularly the case in the east of the Province: I am sure that others in the Chamber did not suffer from last week's snow as properties in the east did.

It is disappointing that the Department for Infrastructure had not planned for that event, which had, clearly, been forecast. We had had a relatively mild winter up to then, so why on earth are grit boxes empty at this stage of January? Why are there not stockpiles of grit and salt for the gritters to use on our roads? Those are reasonable questions, which the Department for Infrastructure needs to answer. There was no preparedness whatsoever. It is a shameful indictment of the Department that school principals had to make such a decision, not because of the state of the schools but because of the road conditions that the Department for Infrastructure allowed.

I was contacted during the early part of last week, as I am sure that many others were, about roads that are not part of the gritting route. Those roads have been forgotten about and abandoned entirely. In previous years, grit piles were provided for unapproved or ungritted routes; this year, there is nothing. There was no preparedness at the start of January. We have had to tell people who have contacted us that the Department is not on top of even the main routes, let alone the side roads on which some of us live. That is an indictment of the Minister for Infrastructure. They need to get their act together. We have had a mild winter, but it is possible that this will continue for another few months, and I would like assurance from the Minister that action will be taken to prevent it from happening again.

Kate Nicholl (Alliance, Belfast South)

Happy new year. I welcome Mr Wilson to the Chamber.

Last week, the headlines were dominated by the revelation that an AI feature on X — formerly known as Twitter — can be used to undress women with the click of a button. Artificial intelligence has extraordinary power. I have talked about what it can do for the good, and I am genuinely excited about its potential to transform our public services and to help the economy and healthcare for the next generation — there are so many opportunities — but we cannot ignore the reality, which is that, right now, the same technology is being used to cause harm. One of the most urgent and disturbing examples of that is the rise of so-called nudification apps and sexually explicit deepfakes. The non-consensual creation of such images is abuse: it is a form of violence that is, overwhelmingly although not exclusively, directed at women and girls. Our law needs to keep pace with what is happening. As chair of the all-party group on artificial intelligence, I believe that we have a responsibility to make sure that AI works for society, not against it.

At present, it is entirely legal to have on your phone apps for which the sole purpose is to generate sexually explicit images of real people. There is no justification for that. That is why I have started work on an amendment to the Justice Bill to ban nudification apps and to make it illegal to create non-consensual sexually explicit images, rather than its just being illegal to share them. Naomi Long has been doing important work to tackle deepfakes. In order to complete that work, however, we need to tackle the technology that enables it.

This is not an abstract issue. It already causes profound harm, and it is an especially urgent issue when it comes to children. The recent findings of the Children's Commissioner for England show a worrying rise in the use of nudification tools involving children, with clear calls for those apps to be outlawed. Protecting children and young people should be at the very centre of absolutely everything that we do.

It is not only a legal or technological challenge. This is one of the key questions that, as a politician and a mother, I am grappling with. We see on the news that politicians are exiting Twitter in droves. What I find so difficult is that there are real people behind those prompts, so it is a societal issue. Technology does not exist in vacuum; it reflects the attitudes and behaviours of the world around it. Ending abuse also means challenging misogyny, raising awareness and listening, particularly to young people, who are often the most directly affected. We need to consult on the issue and talk about it, because talking about the abuse and shining a light on it is the most powerful tool that we have.

Linda Dillon (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

My statement is directly related to the previous one. It is not on AI, but it is related.

I will speak today about violence against women and girls and the easy narrative regarding that epidemic that the perpetrators are strangers, do not look or sound like us, are not our friends and family, do not play on our local sports teams and are not respected people in our community. When will people wise up? Those men are your friends, your family and your teammates; they do sound and look like you; and being respected in the community is exactly how they get away with violence against women and girls. They use their positions of trust in the community, and they use their positions of power.

If we want to combat the low reporting rates of domestic and sexual abuse, we need to change the culture in our society whereby the victim's credibility is often scrutinised more than that of the alleged perpetrator. That does not happen with any other crime. No other victims have their integrity and honesty scrutinised as though they have done something wrong by daring to report a crime. We have seen that all before when it comes to historical abuse in institutions and by religious orders and people in positions of power. They undermined the victims so that they would not be considered to be credible witnesses, even if they had had the courage to complain or report an incident at the time. Those victims have paid a high price, and current-day victims of domestic and sexual abuse will carry that same trauma throughout their lifetime.

Although we have seen some changes in the courts through the Gillen review and recommendations and there has been legislative change in the area of domestic and sexual abuse, we need to see a genuine culture shift. That starts in the Chamber. There can be no tolerance of violence against women and girls. That needs to be real and should be reflected in everything that we say and do as elected representatives. Platitudes and lip service are not good enough. We must challenge ourselves to be part of the change that will make a real difference for victims. Right now, it is easier not to report domestic and sexual violence, because the additional trauma is overwhelming for many victims. What does that say about us as a society? The easy narrative is failing women and girls every day, and we need to stop being part of it.

Robbie Butler (UUP, Lagan Valley)

First, I welcome Mr Wilson and remind him that he has big welly boots to fill after the loss of William Irwin. I am sure that you will all join me in wishing William all the very best in his retirement. I welcome Gareth and look forward to working with him on the Committee for Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs.

I am absolutely delighted to stand here and celebrate what was an unprecedented Christmas period in Lagan Valley. It was all down to football, with two of our local clubs lifting major silverware on the same historic stage at Seaview. First, on Christmas Day, while some of us were nursing the flu and some of you were eating turkey and cake, Ballymacash Rangers secured their first ever Steel and Sons Cup win. The team showed amazing resilience, belief and composure in the face of stiff opposition. That happened under the leadership of their manager, Gary Hamilton, who is being fantastically guided by chairperson, Stuart Thompson, and has the diligent and dedicated support of the directors, led by Philip Trimble. That cup win was a landmark achievement for a club that has transformed itself since I used to kick ball against it — I have many memories of playing at the Bluebell Stadium — and is now playing at a completely different level.

During the match, Ross Hunter's early goal led to Jordan Williamson's heroics in the penalty shoot-out. It was a victory built on teamwork and character. Above all, it was powered by the unwavering loyalty of the Ballymacash supporters who follow their club across the country through every high and low, and I suspect that there will be more highs than lows in the future.

Just days after that, another fantastic team from Lagan Valley — Derriaghy Cricket Club Football Club — continued the golden run by lifting the prestigious Border Cup. Manager, Owen Forsythe, and my personal friend and chairman, Iain Webb, have built a side that reflects everything that is positive about grassroots football: commitment, discipline and pride. Goals from Lewis Higginson and Nick Beta sealed a deserved triumph and added to the club's growing legacy.

As we know, those football clubs are more than teams in our home towns and constituencies; they are pillars and a reflection of our communities. The volunteers, supporters and players give young people role models to look up to. They bring communities together, and they remind us all what local sport means. Lagan Valley could not be prouder.

Colm Gildernew (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

For anyone who wants to use a headset: I will speak as Gaeilige.

Ar dtús, ba mhaith liom fáilte a chur roimh Gareth Wilson anseo agus guím athbhliain faoi mhaise daoibh go léir. Bíonn deis againn ag tús na bliana ár machnamh a dhéanamh ar an am atá thart, agus rud is tábhachtaí ná sin, ar an am atá romhainn agus bheith ag pleanáil don todhchaí mar chuid de na rúin againn don athbhliain. Is iomaí sprioc shuntasach a bhain na Gaeil amach an bhliain seo caite: ceapadh Coimisinéir Teanga; ghlac Comhairle Cathrach Bhéal Feirste beartas nua teanga; bhí Oireachtas na Samhna den scoth i mBéal Feirste; agus gheall Catherine Connolly go ndéanfaí teanga oibre Áras an Uachtaráin den Ghaeilge.

D’fhógair Comhaltas Ceoltóirí Éireann anuraidh go mbeadh Fleadh Cheoil na hÉireann ag Béal Feirste i mbliana. Éacht atá ann sin, agus cuirfidh an ócáid chéanna borradh ollmhór faoin chultúr agus faoin gheilleagar, ní hé amháin i mBéal Feirste ach ar fud an Tuaiscirt. Mar Ghaeilgeoir agus mar bhall de Chomhaltas Thír Eoghain, is maith a thuigim an tionchar cultúrtha a imríonn ár dteanga agus ár gceol ar gach duine a ghlacann leo. Cuirfear an ceol agus an cultúr saibhir s’againn i lár an aonaigh de thairbhe an Fhleadh a bheith ag teacht go Béal Feirste, agus beidh sí ina hócáid shuntasach ealaíne agus shóisialta chomh maith. Níl an bhliain úr ach ina tús. Tá am go leor ann go fóill le bheith ag freastal ar rang, le huirlis a fhoghlaim agus le suim a chur sa stair shaibhir againn. Ná fágtar síos siar san athbheochan sibh — bígí linn agus bainaigí sult as ár gcultúr.

[Translation: First of all, I welcome Gareth Wilson here and wish you all a happy new year. The beginning of the new year gives us the opportunity to reflect on the past and, more importantly, to look ahead and plan for the future as part of our new year’s resolutions. Gaels have reached significant milestones in the past year: an Irish Language Commissioner was appointed; Belfast City Council adopted a new Irish language policy; a very successful Oireachtas na Samhna was held in Belfast; and Catherine Connolly vowed to make Irish the working language of Áras an Uachtaráin. Last year, Comhaltas Ceoltóirí Éireann announced that Belfast would host this year’s Fleadh Cheoil na hÉireann. This is a monumental achievement, and a huge cultural and economic boost, not only in Belfast but across the North. As an Irish speaker and a member of Comhaltas Thír Eoghain, I fully understand and appreciate the rich cultural impact that our language and music has on all those who embrace it. This will be a brilliant showcase for our rich music and culture, as well as a significant artistic and social event. The new year is only beginning. It is never too late to get to a class, to pick up an instrument and to immerse yourself in our rich history. Do not let the revival leave you behind. Join us. Enjoy it.]

Diane Forsythe (DUP, South Down)

Happy new year, Mr Speaker. I, too, welcome my colleague Gareth Wilson to the Chamber.

Last week, when we were in recess and without agreement from the Executive, the Finance Minister issued a written ministerial statement outlining his proposals for a multi-year Budget. It was disappointing that he issued that without agreement and outside the opportunity for scrutiny, setting up a week-long media platform on which he distanced himself from the outworkings of the proposals, which fail to prioritise front-line services. Let me be clear: the draft Budget is John O'Dowd's Budget. It is a Sinn Féin Budget that has not been agreed on and is not supported by the DUP. It fails to put essential public services first. We recognise the very real financial pressures faced in Northern Ireland. The choices and allocations set out by the Sinn Féin Finance Minister are deeply flawed and will require significant changes to gain our support.

Sinn Féin joined other Executive parties in agreeing the Programme for Government and its key priorities, yet now it is failing to fund it. Childcare is a huge issue for our working families and the economy of Northern Ireland, and it is an agreed priority in the Programme for Government, yet Sinn Féin has stopped progress on childcare by applying a real-time cut to its funding. We have repeatedly heard Sinn Féin in the Republic of Ireland blast the Irish Government about social housing, and we have an agreed priority to deliver housing in Northern Ireland, yet Sinn Féin is not providing the funding to enable the Programme for Government housing targets to be delivered.

In 2025, when the Communities Minister brought forward an anti-poverty strategy, it was slammed by Sinn Féin, but that strategy has no funding in the proposals. For a party that campaigns in support of workers, housing and childcare, it is shocking that it fails to provide funding allocations to deliver those strategies. We very much welcome ring-fencing for waiting lists, but that area needs to remain ring-fenced unlike in previous years. We need to see the efficiencies driven by Budget proposals, which need to be aligned with Programme for Government priorities. Front-line services must be prioritised.

(Madam Principal Deputy Speaker in the Chair)

A multi-year Budget is not a "prize", as John O'Dowd said, if it is delivered just to tick a box. It needs to mean more than that. We want to see a multi-year Budget in place to enable longer-term strategic planning, but it must be realistic and achievable and put essential public services first to ensure that taxpayers' money is used efficiently and delivers for families and communities across Northern Ireland. As we enter the eight-week consultation period, I encourage members of the public and all organisations to respond to ensure that any Budget brought forward delivers, as the Programme for Government says, "what matters most" to people and communities in Northern Ireland.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

That brings to an end Members' statements.

Private Members' Business

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

On a point of order, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. I have a point of order on the vote that is about to take place now. In 'New Decade, New Approach', at point 2.2.4 of annex B, it states that a petition of concern would not be applicable for a motion that had:

"no express legal or procedural effect."

That provision in 'New Decade, New Approach' was then supposed to be transcribed into the Standing Orders of the Assembly. That was provided for in the Northern Ireland (Ministers, Elections and Petitions of Concern) Act 2022. Therefore, I would like to understand why the motion, which, as far as I am aware, does not have any express legal or procedural effect, is eligible for a petition of concern.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

I appreciate your point of order, but you are factually incorrect. The Standing Orders have not been brought in yet regarding that Act. It is a matter for the Procedures Committee. I think that you have members on that Committee, so I advise you to use that route, rather than this route.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Further to that point of order —.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

There is no further point of order to something that is not a point of order.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

On a point of order.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

It needs to be a new point of order. Go ahead.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

I appreciate that. It is a new point of order, but it is further to the —.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

No, it is not, but go ahead.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Thank you for that clarification. Can the Speaker's Office clarify whether, had Standing Orders been updated, as I think most people would have expected them to be, given that the Act was passed several years ago, would the petition of concern have been legally allowed?

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

I will pass your concerns on to the Speaker, but my understanding — I will repeat it to you — is that it still has to go through the Procedures Committee. However, for complete clarity and transparency, I will refer your concerns to the Speaker, and I imagine that you will raise the same thing through your members on the Procedures Committee.

The petition of concern that was presented on Monday 8 December 2025 in relation to the vote on the motion on observer status in the European Parliament was subsequently confirmed on 22 December 2025.

In accordance with section 42 of the Northern Ireland Act 1998, if the petition is presented by 30 members, the vote on the matter requires cross-community support. Today is the first opportunity that the Assembly has had to vote on the motion, which has been amended. There will be no further debate on the motion today. If that is clear, I will put the Question on the motion as amended.

Main Question, as amended, put.

The Assembly divided:

Ayes 50; Noes 33

AYES

NATIONALIST:

Dr Archibald, Mr Baker, Mr Boylan, Miss Brogan, Mr Delargy, Mrs Dillon, Miss Dolan, Mr Durkan, Ms Ennis, Ms Ferguson, Ms Finnegan, Ms Flynn, Mr Gildernew, Miss Hargey, Ms Hunter, Mr Kearney, Mr Kelly, Ms Kimmins, Mr McAleer, Mr McCrossan, Mr McGlone, Mr McGrath, Mr McGuigan, Mr McHugh, Ms McLaughlin, Mr McNulty, Mrs Mason, Ms Murphy, Mr O'Dowd, Mrs O'Neill, Mr O'Toole, Ms Reilly, Mr Sheehan, Ms Sheerin

OTHER:

Ms K Armstrong, Mr Blair, Ms Bradshaw, Mr Dickson, Mr Donnelly, Ms Egan, Mrs Guy, Mr Honeyford, Miss McAllister, Mr McMurray, Mr McReynolds, Mr Mathison, Mr Muir, Ms Mulholland, Ms Nicholl, Mr Tennyson

Tellers for the Ayes: Mr Gildernew, Mrs Mason

NOES

UNIONIST:

Dr Aiken, Mr Allen, Ms D Armstrong, Mr Beattie, Mr Bradley, Mr Brett, Mr Brooks, Ms Brownlee, Mr K Buchanan, Mr T Buchanan, Mr Buckley, Ms Bunting, Mr Burrows, Mr Butler, Mr Chambers, Mr Clarke, Mrs Dodds, Mr Dunne, Mrs Erskine, Ms Forsythe, Mr Frew, Mr Gaston, Mr Givan, Mr Harvey, Mr Kingston, Mrs Little-Pengelly, Mr Lyons, Miss McIlveen, Mr Martin, Mr Nesbitt, Mr Robinson, Mr Stewart, Mr Wilson

Tellers for the Noes: Dr Aiken, Mr Harvey

Total Votes83Total Ayes50[60.2%]Nationalist Votes34Nationalist Ayes34[100.0%]Unionist Votes33Unionist Ayes0[0.0%]Other Votes16Other Ayes16[100.0%]

Ms Ennis acted as a proxy for Miss Brogan.

Mr Clarke acted as a proxy for Mrs Erskine.

Main Question accordingly negatived (cross-community vote).

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

As cross-community support has not been achieved and the motion as amended has been negatived, we move on.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

On a point of order, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Yes, certainly.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

I appreciate you taking the point of order, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker, and the advice that you gave earlier. Further to that, I want to understand whether the vote that we have just had has any point at all, given that the law was changed in 2022 to prevent votes like the one that we have just had taking place. If the vote took place under unreformed law, is the Assembly in breach of the Northern Ireland (Ministers, Elections and Petitions of Concern) Act 2022 because we have not updated our Standing Orders? Further to that, are we not, if that is the case, creating a farce for the public by getting Ministers down here to vote on a petition of concern vote that should not have happened under the law as it stands?

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

It is good to see your concern for Ministers as leader of the Opposition.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

And the Opposition too.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Yes, absolutely. As I said, Matthew, because the Standing Order has not been brought in, it has no bearing. However, as I advised you, if, as I suspect, you go to the Speaker, as you should, do it in writing to seek transparency and accountability about what the next steps are and through your membership of the Procedures Committee.

If we are settled on that, we move on.

Assembly Business

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

John Blair has sought leave to present a public petition in accordance with Standing Order 22. The Member will have up to three minutes to speak.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

I rise to bring a public petition on behalf of the residents of Doagh to the House. The petition raises serious concerns on behalf of the undersigned individuals, who respectfully request the installation of a pedestrian crossing at Station Road, Doagh. The petition comes from the 260 people who have signed it and me, as South Antrim MLA.

The reasons for the request are as follows. The current lack of a designated crossing point puts pedestrians, including children, elderly residents and people with disabilities, at significant risk when attempting to cross the road. The area experiences heavy pedestrian movement due to nearby schools, a play area, shops and public transport stops. The road is used frequently by vehicles, including heavy goods vehicles, making it difficult for pedestrians to cross safely, particularly at peak times. In the past few decades, the population of Doagh has risen considerably, as the census and electoral roll will show. Unfortunately, the road infrastructure, including the infrastructure to ensure safe crossing, remains largely unchanged. There is the likelihood of near misses or accidents involving pedestrians and motor vehicles at that location. A pedestrian crossing would encourage walking, promote healthier lifestyles and improve accessibility for all members of the community.

Those who have signed the petition urge the Department for Infrastructure to conduct a safety assessment of the location, ensuring consideration of peak times and school times, and install a clearly marked pedestrian crossing with appropriate signage and, if possible, traffic-calming measures, such as flashing lights or speed ramps. The petition requests those crucial elements. Consideration should also be given to additional safety features such as dropped kerbs for wheelchair and stroller access. The issue demands the Department's urgent attention. We look forward to working collectively for prompt action to improve the safety of pedestrians and road users in Doagh.

Mr Blair moved forward and laid the petition on the Table.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Thank you, John. I will forward your petition to the Minister for Infrastructure and send a copy to the Committee for Infrastructure.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Members, the next item of business is a statement from the Minister of Finance. I propose to suspend the sitting until Question Time at 2.00 pm, after which we will hear the statement from the Minister of Finance. The sitting is, by leave, suspended.

The sitting was suspended at 1.53 pm and resumed at 2.00 pm.

(Mr Speaker in the Chair)

Oral Answers to Questions — Education

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Question No 4 has been withdrawn.

Robbie Butler (UUP, Lagan Valley)

1. Mr Butler asked the Minister of Education for an update on all options being considered by the Education Authority to reduce costs associated with school transport, whilst protecting the complex needs of children with additional needs. (AQO 2878/22-27)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The Education Authority (EA) is reviewing its school transport provision to identify any options to reduce costs. My officials are actively supporting that work. As part of the process, equality issues are being carefully considered to understand the potential impact of any proposals. Further consultation may be needed before options are finalised.

I fully recognise that some children have significant needs. I do not underestimate how challenging it is to meet those needs whilst ensuring that costs remain reasonable and sustainable. Every child with a statement of SEN has their needs identified in the EA statutory assessment and review process. If additional transport needs are identified during a child's assessment, transport assistance must be arranged through the most suitable means available, ensuring that that provision is compatible with the efficient use of resources. However, it can be challenging to meet each child's needs whilst managing costs responsibly.

Robbie Butler (UUP, Lagan Valley)

I thank the Minister for his answer. The Minister will agree that access to education is a fundamental human right. It is also underpinned by the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC). For children with complex needs and disabilities, the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (UNCRPD) will kick in, but value for money is also important. Will the Minister maybe look at the option that I was dealing with with Lagan Valley Rural Transport? There are options out there, but, fundamentally, access to appropriate education is the priority in everything that we do here.

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I thank Mr Butler for the question. I see that he is number one and Mr Burrows is number two on the list for questions today. Maybe that is a harbinger of things to come: time will tell. Maybe this is the closest that we will get to a hustings debate: I do not know. We will have to wait and see.

The Member raises important questions and highlights the impressive work that Lagan Valley Rural Transport carries out in our constituency. That is certainly an area in which there can be engagement between the EA and community transport groups. If provision can be harnessed through that process, I would certainly encourage that.

The Member is right: it is critical that we provide children with access to education. Specialist provisions increasingly being located outside local communities creates further pressure on transportation costs. If the options for a child are to travel a considerable distance or not to travel at all because of the cost, we will have to meet the cost. Some children who need a placement do not have provision in their local community, which leads to increased transport costs. However, it is vital that that delivers value for money. That is why the EA has carried out a review of its contracts and engaged with organisations in the taxi industry on those contracts. We must ensure, where possible, the efficient and effective use of taxpayers' money.

Danny Baker (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

Minister, can you guarantee that no child will be impacted? A letter went out just before Christmas asking for a 10% cut. Can you guarantee that, should a taxi man give back their run for it to go back out for procurement, no child will miss a day of school because of that?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The process to date has not led to any contract being returned by a provider. The EA engaged with operators and some of the other organisations. A number of them came forward to engage on their contracts. There is ongoing engagement, but, to date, no contract has been returned. There needs to be provision for transport, so, were a contract to be returned, it would need to be tendered, and there would be an opportunity for it to be replaced. I certainly would not want there to be a gap in provision if such circumstances materialised, but, to date, no contract has been returned.

Brian Kingston (DUP, Belfast North)

I have heard differing claims about what is paid to taxi drivers to transport children: some rates are exceptionally high, and others are more modest. Through the review that the Minister is pushing the EA to carry out, will he seek to ensure that rates are standardised as well as that they provide good value to public purse?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The benchmark used by the EA is the Department for Infrastructure rate for metered journeys of £1·86 to £2·03 per mile. Those figures are set out in legislation — they were revised in December 2023 to take account of rising fuel costs and other taxi industry pressures — but there are contracts in place under which the rate is significantly higher. When I look at the rationale for that, however, I see that, in determining a fare for a school run, taxi operators need to take account of multiple stops, non-continuous runs and significant repositioning of what are called "dead miles", when there are no passengers. There is no straight, like-for-like comparison between the transportation of children, especially those with special needs, and a normal taxi fare, such as when you call up a taxi to get from A to B.

It is an important issue. The EA is carrying out an exercise to ensure that there is effective use of public resources when it comes to that funding, but I recognise that some circumstances are unique to provision for children with special educational needs. My main concern is to make sure that children get to school, but, where we can make that more efficient and effective for the taxpayer, we should do so.

Michelle Guy (Alliance, Lagan Valley)

There has been significant focus on the cost of school transport and of taxis in particular, which has caused concern, given the budget pressures in Education. Given the huge overspend in Education, will the Minister commit to a zero-based budgeting process to ensure that every piece of spending is justified?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The broader question that the Member raises is an important one. Almost 95,000 pupils in Northern Ireland receive some transport assistance. That is the most generous provision of anywhere in the United Kingdom. It accounts for £140 million in the 2024-25 financial year. That is significant expenditure. When Members ask me to review that, it is often with a view to increasing rather than reducing the accessibility of transportation. One of the biggest increases in expenditure has been in special educational needs provision; that has led to exponential growth.

Transport assistance is also used to underpin parental choice. When it comes to choosing a school, whether controlled, Catholic maintained, integrated or Irish-medium, the transportation policy incentivises parental choice, as opposed to saying, "If you do not go to your nearest school, irrespective of the sector, you will not be funded".

All of that is underpinned by legislation, so making changes would require that debate and discussion. Given the financial pressures that are crystallising not just in my Department but across the Executive, we need to have those debates, but we recognise that it would take time to make those changes and for them to have an impact.

Jon Burrows (UUP, North Antrim)

2. Mr Burrows asked the Minister of Education whether the school uniform guidelines have been revised to create a legal right for a pupil to wear a coat of their choice to and from school. (AQO 2879/22-27)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I can confirm that, as previously advised, the school uniform guidelines have been updated to clarify that all pupils are to be permitted to wear a non-branded coat. That has always been the intention. Schools can require a range of colours but not a branded coat, and they cannot require a coat with school-specific branding. The legal rights are achieved through a combination of the School Uniforms (Guidelines and Allowances) Bill and the guidelines. The Bill places a legal duty on schools to adhere to the guidelines when devising, reviewing, implementing and enforcing their uniform policy. That means that schools must adhere to the requirements in the guidelines, which include permitting non-branded coats for all pupils. Should schools not do so or should they seek to penalise a pupil for not following the school uniform policy because of affordability, my Department can and will issue a legal direction to ensure full compliance.

The day after the Bill receives Royal Assent, it will come into operation, and the updated guidelines will formally issue to schools. Schools have already had sight of the guidelines and are aware that their uniform policies for the 2026-27 school year must comply with them.

Jon Burrows (UUP, North Antrim)

I look forward to reading the final version of the guidelines. It is an example of practical politics that works for our people that pupils will have the right to wear a coat of their choice to school. On the issue of practical politics and school uniforms, will the Minister give an assurance that he supports the right of girls who wish to wear trousers to school to do so, just as ladies can do in workplaces up and down the country?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I thank Mr Burrows for his supplementary question and wish him well in the weeks ahead. I made a comment earlier about Mr Butler being number one today, and Mr Burrows is now number two. We wait to see whether Mr Butler will hand in his wings and give the Member his dream shot at being the leader of the Ulster Unionist Party. If he does, I wish him well in his endeavours.

The Member asked a question about the guidelines, and it is one that we have referred to on a number of occasions. The guidance now empowers pupils, particularly young ones, to make the case for changes. In no way does it prohibit schools from putting in place provision for girls to wear trousers. I was always clear that there was a balance to be struck in respecting the autonomy of individual schools to devise their school uniform policy. They now have to consult and engage with their pupils. Pupils, as well as parents, can raise their voice, and I very much encourage girls to do that. They should make their case. Again, we struck a balance that meant that schools were to make those decisions on their uniform. While some schools have already taken a decision, meaning that there is now a choice to wear a skirt or trousers, others have not taken that position to date. The legislation and the guidelines enhance the opportunity for that change to take place. Schools can make such changes, and I encourage people, particularly pupils, to engage in the policy consultation process in order to devise the most appropriate school uniform policy for them.

Cathy Mason (Sinn Féin, South Down)

Will the Minister assure parents that the school uniform legislation will reduce costs? For example, will a school uniform that cost £500 last year cost much less this year?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

There is already evidence of schools having made changes. An example of that is where schools have had an honours blazer for a particular recognition. For pupils to get that recognition, a different type of uniform had to be bought, and it was often more expensive. Without naming it, in one of the schools that I have visited, that change is already being made to the school uniform policy, which will have a positive impact on cost.

At the heart of the legislation that we all passed was the affordability and practicality of the school uniform. It will drive down some of the unnecessary costs. We now have clear monitoring processes in place as a result of the legislation. We will get the data and be able to measure the impact that the legislation has had. I am confident that it will have an impact on affordability, but, importantly, the information will be there to allow us to scrutinise the data and see where we need to make changes. The guidance has the adaptability to be updated, so we can make changes through guidance rather than having to return to primary legislation.

The other aspect is that we will consult on the potential introduction of a capped cost. That is something that we will continue to engage on, giving us an opportunity to consider whether it would be an effective means of helping to reduce costs.

Maurice Bradley (DUP, East Londonderry)

What is the process for legally challenging schools if they do not adhere to the guidelines?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

Where a complaint comes in about a school not following the guidance, that complaint can be investigated. Ultimately, the Department will consider the information and issue a direction.

Assembly colleagues included a provision in the legislation to name a school if it did not follow the provisions, so public pressure would come to bear if a school was not complying with the direction. If there was a legal challenge — because a judicial review could, ultimately, be taken — a judicial review would fall upon the Department as to whether or not it deemed it appropriate to issue a direction, as opposed a judicial review being taken against a school. It is open to judicial oversight in that respect. I believe that those are the areas with grounds on which it would be tested in the courts. We hope, however, that we will never get to a stage when it needs to be taken to court. That is why the guidance has statutory underpinning, and I believe that those who will operate it will do so in good faith.

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

Minister, you said that guidelines on school uniform rights have been revised, yet many parents of children with ASD still say that rigid uniform policies are causing anxiety and exclusion. Why does your Department still lack clear and enforceable protections for those with sensory needs?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I challenge the claim that we do not have clear guidance in place now. We do. Royal Assent is imminent, and the guidance will therefore have legal effect. When it comes to designing a school uniform, there is now a much clearer framework with which schools need to engage when it comes to practicality and affordability. When designing uniforms, all of that should be taken into account for children with additional needs.

Let us allow the guidance to take effect. However, we have clear monitoring capacity to make sure that it is effective. We have utilised and will harness the role of the Education and Training Inspectorate, so an inspection process will be able to look at how schools carry out their policy development and implementation. That should give confidence to some of the parents whom the Member mentioned, as there will be a way to challenge schools on how the guidelines are to be interpreted and implemented.

Sian Mulholland (Alliance, North Antrim)

3. Ms Mulholland asked the Minister of Education for an estimate of the maintenance costs for the Bushmills Education Centre site since its closure in August 2017. (AQO 2880/22-27)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The total maintenance costs for Bushmills Education Centre since its closure in 2017 to the present day have been approximately £39,000.

Sian Mulholland (Alliance, North Antrim)

Thank you. Minister. The centre's closure in 2017 was a massive loss. However, given the admirable new commitments by the Scottish Government in their Schools (Residential Outdoor Education) (Scotland) Bill, what percentage of children in Northern Ireland have the opportunity to engage in an outdoor education experience?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I do not have that information to hand. What I can say to the Member is that there are increasing opportunities in our schools to have outdoor learning experiences, not least through the Forest School programme and Eco-Schools, as well as through parts of the curriculum that we are updating and refreshing, such as the world around us.

The Education Authority is looking at the Bushmills Education Centre in the context of its wider school estate. If capital funding were to become available for youth work, it could be used to redevelop that facility for the Causeway Coast and Glens youth offices and an Oasis centre for young people aged between four and 25 years. That is entirely subject to capital funding being available, but plans are still in place for ways in which that site could be used for young people in the future.

David Brooks (DUP, Belfast East)

The Minister mentioned capital funding for youth work. Will he give us an overview of the current position with that?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

We continue to face significant capital pressures, and no funding has been available to progress any youth capital schemes for the voluntary or statutory sector since 2023. Given the budgetary pressures that exist, work on new youth facilities is not being taken forward at this time. However, I continue to make the case for additional — substantial — capital investment in educational infrastructure, including youth-focused settings, to the extent that I corresponded with the Finance Minister. I suggested that we could have had a special ring-fenced youth capital programme that would help to take forward a lot of the youth projects in Members' constituencies. However, that was turned down. Rather, it is to be dealt with within the Department of Education's baseline capital facilities budget, which, as Members know, is wholly and inadequately funded to meet the need.

Nick Mathison (Alliance, Strangford)

5. Mr Mathison asked the Minister of Education, following the 2024 Northern Ireland life and times survey, which found that 55% of respondents said that they would prefer an integrated school, to outline any action that he is taking to meet demand for integrated education. (AQO 2882/22-27)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I thank the Member for the question. The 2024 life and times survey finding that 55% of adults would prefer an integrated school is a valuable indicator of public appetite for integrated education. While such attitudinal evidence is important, appetite is not the same as demonstrated admissions demand. Parental choices will continue to be shaped by proximity, transport, capacity and the quality of provision available in each locality.

My statutory duty is to encourage, facilitate and support integrated education. That is why, following consultation, I have published Vision 2030, which is our strengthened strategy and action plan that includes clear targets, measurable benchmarks and commitments to transparency. The Department is drawing together multiple evidence sources to build a more accurate picture of demand at a local level. That work is already identifying areas where unmet demand may exist.

Where evidence demonstrates a sustainable case for change and statutory criteria are met, I will support new provision and school transformation. I have instructed officials to work closely with the Education Authority and the Northern Ireland Council for Integrated Education (NICIE) to ensure that communities with emerging or unmet demand are engaged early and that credible proposals for increased integrated provision are developed. That approach will also consider practical barriers such as oversubscription, localised shortfalls in places and geographic access. I will ensure that decisions are evidence-led and balanced and that we continue to deliver high-quality education for every child.

Nick Mathison (Alliance, Strangford)

I thank the Minister for the answer provided. It is clear to me that mid-Down, which serves a large part of my Strangford constituency, is one area that ticks all the boxes in demonstrating demand for integrated education. Can the Minister provide an update on what action he is taking to progress that project?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

Obviously, when it comes to provision, many different factors need to be taken into account. We will look at not just the information that the Member has highlighted but what over-provision there may be and whether there is capacity. What we do not want to do — this is not related specifically to the school that the Member has referenced — is provide over-provision where there is already capacity, because you will just be moving provision from one school to another and will have too many places. That is not a sustainable financial position for us when it comes to those types of decisions.

I am happy to provide the Member with a further update on the school that he has referenced. I have engaged with my officials on that particular school. I am happy to give the Member a more detailed response in writing.

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

While some parties in the Chamber are obsessed with one particular sector of our education system, I know that the Minister shares my obsession with ensuring that every child has the best possible education that they can receive. Does the Minister agree that the facts are clear: our controlled sector provides some of the most integrated education in the Province; that, just because a school does not have a title above its door saying "Integrated", that does not mean that it is not an integrated school; and that the demand shown in the life and times survey is met by our excellent controlled schools?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The Member raises really important points when it comes to the diversity that exists across our school sectors, not least the controlled sector. The highest level of diversity is reflected in the population of controlled schools. We could point to many examples where controlled schools are more integrated than those that are officially integrated. I know that principals feel, often to their frustration, that that fact is neglected by those who advocate for integration with a capital "I". Recently, I met Minister Patrick in the Northern Ireland Office. When we were talking about the integrated sector, I made the point about how we support shared education across our different school sectors, how we promote integration with a small "i" in all our schools and how the Northern Ireland Office can help facilitate that. That is why I welcome his commitment to attend and visit a number of schools with me in the near future. That will enable the UK Government to understand that there are high levels of integration across sectors and that, in particular, there is a high level of diversity within our controlled sector.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Minister, one of the strategic aims set out in the strategy that you published last year is about the:

"Development, maintenance and protection of the Integrated Ethos".

However, from your previous answers, it sounds as if you think that the integrated ethos, which is more than simply a mixing of the numbers of pupils, is somehow a bit of a put-up job — a bit of a con job — or that there is something a bit fraudulent about it. In your strategy, you have said that you want to develop and protect the integrated ethos. What do you think it is? Do you think it is a real thing? Do you understand why it is distinct from other sectors?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I attended New-Bridge Integrated College, just before Christmas. I believed very much that it was a real thing due to the wide diversity of sporting and cultural activities in which the children there were being given an opportunity to participate. It was also able to demonstrate a balanced 40:40:20 split when it came to the demographics. It was at pains to make the case to me that it was integrated not just in name but when it came to pupil catchment, enrolment and the diversity of curricular activities that it provided. That is not the case in every integrated school. Often, those that have transformed from controlled to controlled integrated have not been able to follow that through when it comes to the diversity of pupil enrolment. There is a challenge there.

New schools have been able to demonstrate what many would regard as the traditional integrated-type school ethos. However, where schools have transformed, not only has it not worked, on a number of occasions, but there have been examples of where the minority community has decreased rather than increased. That is a honest conversation to be had. It is one that I had recently with Integrated AlumNI, when we talked about how we can promote the integrated ethos within our schools. I do not believe that there is any school in Northern Ireland, from any sector, be that Irish-medium, Catholic maintained or controlled, that practises and teaches a segregated approach to its pupils. They are not teaching their children that segregation is a good thing. We need to move the debate away from integrated being regarded as being inclusive and, if you are not integrated, somehow, you are exclusive and the problem. That is not the case.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

6. Mr Blair asked the Minister of Education, in light of the Supreme Court judgement in the matter of an application by JR87 and another for Judicial Review (Appellant), to outline any plans for a review of the religious education syllabus. (AQO 2883/22-27)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I will make an announcement on the RE syllabus, including interim guidance, in coming weeks. The Supreme Court judgement in the matter of JR87 and another requires careful and thorough consideration, supported by detailed legal advice, to ensure that any response is proportionate, legally sound and educationally appropriate.

It is important to note that the Supreme Court did not strike down the existing legislation. The judgement also confirmed that schools may lawfully teach religious education in line with the Department's core syllabus, provided that they include additional material within the curriculum. The Supreme Court made it clear that the case was not about secularism or removing religion from our education system. The case was not about whether Christianity should be the main or primary faith that pupils learn about in schools in Northern Ireland. Historically and today, Christianity is the most important religion in Northern Ireland, and that reality will continue to be reflected in our curriculum.

There was also no challenge in the case to the principle that collective worship in schools in Northern Ireland may focus on the Christian religion or that, in Catholic maintained schools, the focus of collective worship may reflect the distinctive character of the Catholic tradition.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

I thank the Minister for that answer. Given that the current legislation states that RE in schools must be based on the Holy Scripture, will the Minister need to amend the legislation to ensure that RE is inclusive for all, given the recent ruling?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

Not in respect of the references to Holy Scripture as the basis upon which religious education will be dealt. Ultimately, the syllabus and responsibility for the RE curriculum rests with my Department. It is my intention to make announcements within the next number of weeks on the process that we will follow in looking at the curriculum and ensuring that the Supreme Court judgement is followed. I will, therefore, be able to update the House in more detail on next steps within the next number of weeks.

Harry Harvey (DUP, Strangford)

Will the Minister clarify who will be responsible for developing the revised religious education syllabus?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

In addition to what I said to Mr Blair, legal responsibility for the syllabus ultimately rests with the Department. The process of curriculum development is timely; we are carrying out a curriculum review across every subject as part of our transformation of the education system. In that respect, RE will be updated as well. The review will be informed by professional advice and will focus firmly on the needs of pupils and the delivery of high-quality teaching and learning in schools. Consideration will be given to a wider range of views during the drafting process, including those of local Church representatives and representatives of teachers, academics and young people. Further details of the approach and governance arrangements will be set out as the review process moves forward.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

We move on to topical questions.

Cara Hunter (Social Democratic and Labour Party, East Londonderry)

As my question pertains to AI ethics, I declare an interest, as I sit on an AI ethics board outside my role as an MLA.

Cara Hunter (Social Democratic and Labour Party, East Londonderry)

T1. Ms Hunter asked the Minister of Education, after stating that she had just come from an Ofcom event in the Building that discussed children's online safety and did not want to scaremonger, whether he will either advise or instruct the EA or schools to temporarily postpone posting images of our children online given that last week Grok on X was wrongfully used to digitally remove children's clothes, thereby creating sexual images of them. (AQT 1891/22-27)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I share the Member's sentiment and justified outrage at how AI is being used in that fashion, which is wholly inappropriate and to be condemned. The Member will know that I have been to the fore in restricting access to smartphones. We introduced a prohibition on smartphones being brought to primary school and said that, where they are brought to post-primary school, they should not be accessible during school hours. That is something that all schools should be following. Indeed, I took matters further by introducing a pilot scheme to enforce the restrictions. I was delighted to hear about the outworkings of that at St Ronan's College in Lurgan, which is one of the largest schools in Northern Ireland. The feedback from there indicates that the pilot has had a transformative impact on protecting young people from the inappropriate use of smartphone technology.

The Member raised a separate point about what the EA should do when it comes to schools publishing material. All parents are involved in giving or withholding permission for the use of photographic material of children in any publications that a school posts on social media such as Facebook. These are emerging issues, however, that need to be kept constantly under review.

Cara Hunter (Social Democratic and Labour Party, East Londonderry)

Thank you, Minister, for your detailed answer. We share the goal of keeping our kids safe in the classroom and online. On the back of that, will you commit to having discussions with schools and school leaders about educating and informing our young people about harmful AI-generated content and even, perhaps, include in the curriculum review some mandatory technology talk to ensure that our kids are really safe when they use technology, which is ever advancing?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I based the updated guidance for schools about using smartphones on their premises on safeguarding provisions for the protection of children and young people. That underpins the policy approach, so it is only right that posting material online is viewed in a safeguarding context and that any measures that schools put in place are there, ultimately, to protect our children and young people.

All of us are constantly grappling with the issue, as technology — so people say — advances. However, this is not about a technological advance but an inappropriate use of technology, and we need to continue to review it in order to see what more we can do to protect our children and young people.

Diane Dodds (DUP, Upper Bann)

T2. Mrs Dodds asked the Minister of Education what the implications would be for the future of education in Northern Ireland if the draft Sinn Féin Budget and its cuts were to be implemented. (AQT 1892/22-27)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I thank the Member for that question. The education system continues to face the unavoidable cost pressures and rising service demands associated with delivering its statutory and policy obligations. Those are not fully addressed by the current Budget. Under the proposed allocations, my Department would be required to make savings of approximately £826 million next year, savings of just over £1 billion in 2027-28 and savings of £1·15 billion in 2028-29. Those reductions are, simply, not achievable, and the figures do not include the impact of any potential reductions to the forecasted overspend of around £253 million in 2025-26.

Given that approximately 82% of the Education budget is spent on staffing, there is no reasonable prospect of living within the proposed allocation without there being compulsory redundancies for thousands of teachers and support staff, which would devastate educational outcomes and undermine the very fabric of our system. It would require dedicated in-year redundancy funding at a level that would be similar to the necessary savings. If the proposed Budget were to proceed, without redundancies being implemented, we would be left with no choice but to make major cuts to schemes that families and communities rely on, including home-to-school transport, free school meals, school uniform grants, youth services and the extended-schools programme. The Northern Ireland childcare subsidy scheme would also be unsustainable. Even after implementing cuts of that magnitude, the Department would fall far short of the required savings. That stark reality demonstrates that the proposed Budget is simply undeliverable. The Finance Minister's Budget document fails to highlight that.

Diane Dodds (DUP, Upper Bann)

Thank you, Minister. One of the most vulnerable sectors of our school population is children with special educational needs. Over recent years, there has been a huge increase in the need for capital spending and spending on teaching to facilitate those children's needs. Will you outline what spending has been incurred already and projections for the future? What impact would the draft Sinn Féin Budget have?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The Member is right. When it comes to SEN, those things are not luxuries; they are legally underpinned and therefore statutory. SEN provision is statutorily led.

SEN expenditure increased from being 13% of the overall Education budget in 2017-18 to 21% in 2024-25. The number of children with SEN statements rose by 64%, alongside an increase of 30% in the number of children who attend special schools. Expenditure on providing support for children and young people with SEN or a disability increased from £254 million in 2017 to £670 million in 2024-25. That is an increase of 164% over seven years. Expenditure on SEN is forecast to be £826 million in 2025-26. That has put significant pressure on the EA's budget and on the wider school system. The expenditure trend is unsustainable: if it continues, expenditure will reach £1·8 billion by 2029-2030. That is why we need to look at how SEN operates. We also, however, need a realistic Budget.

Jemma Dolan (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

T3. Miss Dolan asked the Minister of Education to outline the current position on the redevelopment of Holy Trinity Primary School in Enniskillen, including where that project sits in the Department's capital programme. (AQT 1893/22-27)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I am not sure of the detail for Holy Trinity in particular. There are around 114 major capital projects in the Department of Education's programme, around 40 of which have been completed. Other projects are at various stages of the procurement exercises and are subject to the allocation of funding. Of the 114 projects, 24 have not advanced at all, because there is not the budget for them to advance. I am not across the detail of Holy Trinity, but I will be happy to engage with the Member directly to provide a response.

Jemma Dolan (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

Thank you, Minister. I would appreciate that. Given the well-documented condition of the existing school buildings and the ongoing impact on pupils and staff, can you give me an assurance that you will prioritise that project in Enniskillen?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The Member raises, rightly, from her constituency perspective, a school that needs that support. Members, not just in her party but across the Chamber, raise with me particular needs when it comes to the provision of capital expenditure. It is right that Members do that, but we can only provide the appropriate support when funding is available and given to the Department. That is why we are making the case for increased capital expenditure to allow us to carry out the important work that we need to do in updating the school estate and creating the necessary provision. I will write formally to the Member with an update on the school that she referenced.

Emma Sheerin (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

T4. Ms Sheerin asked the Minister of Education to look at the transport policy operated by the Education Authority to see whether revisions can be made to ensure that more children have access to transport and that any wastage is dealt with. (AQT 1894/22-27)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

There are two points to make. First, the Member is right that any wastage needs to be dealt with. The EA has been looking at one aspect of that — the transportation costs associated with taxis and so on — and it will continue to look at achieving the most efficient use of resources. However, we cannot then have a scenario in which I am being told by the Finance Minister, who is from the Member's party, that I need to drill down on costs and reduce what I am spending. We spend £140 million on transport, and, if we were to change the transport policy to make it more expansive, additional resource would be required. If we are going to advocate for policy change to increase provision, that needs to be followed by the financial allocations with which to do it. On the one hand, I have a Sinn Féin Member here saying, "Spend more" but, on the other, a Sinn Féin Finance Minister saying, "Spend less" and not giving me the funding that I need. You cannot have both.

Emma Sheerin (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Minister, if you had listened correctly, you would have heard me asking you to address the wastage. A lot of the time, the problem is cost per journey.

Following a request from a school in my constituency — St John Bosco Primary School in Ballynease — I recently wrote to your Department to ask about transport for swimming lessons. That school was advised to use the process form to apply for that transport but was told that there was no further availability. The school then had to pay privately at a cost of £220 for a half-an-hour round trip. After receiving a response from your Department, I was told to use the same booking form that the school had previously used. Will you look at that case to ensure that the pupils at St John Bosco in Ballynease are able to access swimming lessons as per the curriculum?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I did hear the Member, and that is why I gave the response. Maybe the Member did not appreciate that response. Where there is wastage, it needs to be drilled down into. The Education Authority is operationally responsible for the transport contracts, and it has engaged in a process to do that. Some Members are questioning whether that should be happening and rightly want to make sure that the way in which that is handled is not to the detriment of children, which it should not be.

I have a lot of sympathy with the point that the Member makes. A number of schools have said to me that they would like to participate more in Open Farm Weekend, for example, to allow their children to experience the rural way of life, but all of that requires budgetary cover. There is not budgetary cover for me to meet the statutory transport costs and then give funding for what is not a statutory requirement, such as the example that the Member raised. There simply is not the finance to do that. We are dealing with very constrained financially challenging times. Whilst we would all like to do that, we ultimately have to make decisions, and my decision is to prioritise the statutory requirements and children with special educational needs.

David Brooks (DUP, Belfast East)

T5. Mr Brooks asked the Minister of Education to give an update on teachers' pay. (AQT 1895/22-27)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

We were able to make a formal offer on teachers' pay through the employers to the trade unions last week. That process is being taken forward by the trade unions through their consultation process. I trust that the process will come to a satisfactory conclusion and that we will be able to formally implement the 4% increase in teachers' pay and backdate it to 1 September 2025, which is the starting point for their financial year when it comes to pay. However, progress has been made.

That is a demonstration of the ongoing work to normalise industrial relations. It is the right decision to cover the teachers' pay award, and I trust that we will be able to implement it formally in the next number of weeks.

David Brooks (DUP, Belfast East)

The other aspect that will have been raised with the Minister is workload: can he give me an update on the independent report on teachers' workload?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

As part of resolving last year's pay negotiations, the issue of teacher workload came through clearly. Despite the fact that various reports are in place, I commissioned and established a working group, which was led by a former permanent secretary of the Department of Education, Paul Sweeney. Extensive consultation was carried out, and a report is now with me that contains clear recommendations. That is a demonstration of how we can seek to address workload-related issues and allow teachers to do what they want to do, which is teach, but resolving teachers' pay will also recognise their important contribution and the role that they play. I therefore hope that we can make progress with that report on teachers' workload, and I will update the House in due course.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

We move on to questions to the Minister of Finance.

Oral Answers to Questions — Finance

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

1. Mr Gaston asked the Minister of Finance to outline the current status of the rates bill relating to the office of the former MP for North Antrim at 9-11 Church Street, Ballymena. (AQO 2893/22-27)

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

Land and Property Services (LPS) has robust processes and procedures in place for the collection and recovery of rates and is committed to collecting all unpaid rates and takes proactive steps to do so. They include ongoing billing; notifications, emails and text messages; direct contact with ratepayers via telephone calls; the initiation of legal recovery actions; and discussion and agreement on payment plans over extended periods. A failure to engage on the contact made by LPS and persistent non-payment will result in legal recovery actions.

I can confirm that the outstanding balance of £5,018·82 remains payable for 9-11 Church Street, Ballymena. It is currently being pursued through ongoing rate collection processes. The payment of rates helps fund the vital public services on which our citizens and businesses rely.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

Thank you very much for the answer. The premises were funded by public money, so at what stage will the names of those who are responsible for paying the money in the name of Ballymena Advice Centre be publicised? I have constituents the length and breadth of North Antrim who are hounded by LPS to pay their debts and their outstanding rate balance, yet it appears that this special case has been given undue leeway.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Minister.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

I urge the Minister to take every option and opportunity open to him to ensure that the money is recouped and that the names of those responsible are publicised.

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

The case is not being dealt with differently from any other case of outstanding moneys owed to LPS. I assure the Member that the case has not been given special treatment. We have to be careful about naming those responsible for the payment of outstanding debts because of legal requirements, legal protections and the legal entitlements of all involved. I again emphasise, however, that the case is not being dealt with differently from any other case.

Sian Mulholland (Alliance, North Antrim)

It is disgraceful that, at a time when public services are stretched and ratepayers are under so much strain, a rates bill for an office connected to a political party has gone unpaid for years. Given that the unpaid rates bill is linked to a particular political party and rather than naming the individuals, can the Minister outline whether the onus is on the political party to pay it?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

As I said, there may well be legal proceedings under way, so I am somewhat constrained in what I can say. My understanding is that the premises have been managed by a company. The individuals in the company may well be associated with a political party, but my understanding is that the bill is in the name of a company.

Pat Sheehan (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

2. Mr Sheehan asked the Minister of Finance for an update on how the outcome of the December monitoring round will positively contribute to the targets in the Programme for Government (PFG) 2024-2027. (AQO 2894/22-27)

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

In the December monitoring round, as well as providing over £100 million of resource departmental expenditure limit (DEL) to help deliver pay awards for a number of groups of public-sector workers, I secured Executive agreement to allocate £162 million for capital investment, which will deliver real improvements to public services and infrastructure. Over £59 million of that capital spend was provided for the water service, road maintenance, safety improvements and rail projects. That capital investment will drive forward economic growth and enhance connectivity.

Almost £30 million of additional investment was provided for social housing. That, along with earlier funding allocations, will contribute to 1,750 new social homes being delivered, helping to address housing need locally. In healthcare, an additional £25 million will be invested in IT and the healthcare estate. Some £22 million was secured for investment in schools and education, including funding for Irish-medium facilities, and a further £12·6 million was provided to DFE for investment in higher and further education.

Those capital allocations reflect our Programme for Government commitment to "Doing What Matters Most", by investing in health, education, infrastructure and housing.

Pat Sheehan (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

Gabhaim buíochas leis an Aire as ucht a fhreagra.

[Translation: I thank the Minister for his answer.]

What capital allocations were made to the Department for Infrastructure? How will that funding be utilised?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

The Department for Infrastructure was allocated £59·8 million to deliver essential improvements to our roads, transport and water services. That includes £13·2 million for road maintenance; £5 million to deliver eight new trains and track improvements, enhancing connectivity across the island of Ireland by improving the Belfast to Dublin Enterprise service; and £38·1 million investment across a range of water, transport and roads capital projects. Those allocations and previous funding allocations since autumn 2024 have contributed to the unlocking of waste water capacity for over 5,000 properties across the North, supporting future housing and wider economic development.

Andrew McMurray (Alliance, South Down)

Does the Minister envisage any further monitoring rounds taking place prior to the end of the financial year?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

One more fiscal event has yet to take place in Westminster: the Supplementaries. I expect some funding from that, but I do not expect major investment to come this way.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

Do you have any concerns about the Communities Minister's social housing allocations? His Department said that an initial capital allocation of £168 million would build 1,000 social homes. He went on to say that an extra £30 million from the December monitoring round would build 750 new homes. Obviously, the maths do not add up.

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

It would be up to the Communities Minister to reassure you about the calculations and figures and how they deliver the quantum of housing in each case. There may be different circumstances around site ownership and the stage of development of programmes etc.

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

Whether it is Casement Park, the A5, the A1 junctions, the new children's hospital, the new maternity hospital, all-island rail upgrades, lack of investment in vital waste water infrastructure — I could go on and on — failure to plan and deliver investment has cost us dearly. When will the investment strategy finally be delivered?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

The investment strategy is an Executive document. I assume that it will be up to the First Minister and deputy First Minister to announce when it will be available. However, I want to correct some of the Member's assumptions. He will know that there has been progress on Casement Park. There have also been announcements from the GAA. There are allocations in the draft Budget for it and other sporting fixtures. I just commented to my colleague Mr Sheehan that, as a direct result of investment from the Executive, we have, in a strategic way, fulfilled water connections to 5,000 new homes since February 2024. Therefore, we are making a difference, and we are making change.

No one in the Chamber believes that we have sufficient funds in our hands to make the substantial difference that we want, but we can take your attitude and say, "Nothing is happening", or those around the Executive table can take the attitude of, "What can we do with what we have?". I believe that we are maximising change with what we have.

Diane Dodds (DUP, Upper Bann)

Minister, over the past week, you have been telling individual Ministers to examine their budget to see what money can be saved. In respect of the capital budget, will you tell the House what you have been doing, particularly with the Health Minister, in relation to the sheer and wanton wastage of money on capital projects. Some £10 million has been spent on an energy centre, but not one brick has been laid. A maternity hospital was due to be handed over two years ago this March, but it still cannot be used. We need to take some action in relation to such projects.

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

There appears to be a misunderstanding across the House on occasions that I have more power than I have. I have suggested to some of your colleagues that, if they want to give me more power, I will take it. Some of your ministerial colleagues might not be too keen on the matter, but I assure you that I would use it wisely to drive some of those issues forward.

My comments are to all Ministers in terms of ensuring that our limited resources are used effectively and efficiently. We have huge challenges in delivering capital projects, and that is recognised across the Executive and in the Chamber. I do not have sole responsibility for approving those projects, but I do and will play my part as a member of the Executive team in order to improve capital delivery.

Some of our challenges are not unique. When you look south of the border, you see similar challenges there, as there are in England, Wales and Scotland. We need, perhaps, to look at lessening some of the bureaucracy that we put in place around such matters, without damaging accountability or the environment or any of those things. We need to do an urgent review of the way we place layers upon layers of bureaucracy on projects and then wonder why they are delayed.

Trevor Clarke (DUP, South Antrim)

3. Mr Clarke asked the Minister of Finance to outline the amount of capital funding that has been surrendered to date in the 2025-26 financial year. (AQO 2895/22-27)

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

Departments have surrendered £280 million of capital in 2025-26. Excluding Irish Government and Treasury earmarked funding that was returned for reprofiling into future years, a total of £199 million of surrendered capital was available to the Executive for reallocation in the June and December monitoring rounds. It was allocated in full. The December monitoring allocations were entirely funded by capital reduced requirements, providing much-needed capital funding across housing, Health, Education and Infrastructure. That included almost £30 million for social housing; just over £25 million for Health; £22 million for schools and the education sector; £12 million for further and higher education; as well as funding of almost £60 million going towards water services, road maintenance etc.

Trevor Clarke (DUP, South Antrim)

I thank the Minister for that answer. You are giving advice to other Ministers today: will you give similar advice to your Minister for Infrastructure in relation to the A5? Is it true that she held the money from July, given the court case, and did not ask for reallocation until December?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

In fairness to all Ministers, there was no monitoring round until December. Ministers and Departments will have been aware of the schedule that we have for monitoring rounds. The Infrastructure Minister had to examine complicated legal requirements and issues before surrendering any moneys. The message is clear to all Ministers: if they expect not to be able to spend funding within a certain time, my Department should be alerted immediately. Where substantial amounts of money come to our attention, we will and can rearrange monitoring rounds, but it is not always as simple as that, and there are often complications. The quicker we can get capital money out the door, the better it is and the more wisely we can invest.

Danny Baker (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

How are the capital allocations supporting Education?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

There have been significant allocations to Education over a period of time. As I said, £22 million has been invested in Education this year. The school estate clearly needs significant investment, and I will do all that I can to support the Education Minister in doing that, along with my Executive colleagues.

Eóin Tennyson (Alliance, Upper Bann)

When were you specifically made aware of the DFI underspends? Do you agree that it is substandard that significant capital reallocations are being made in the absence of an overarching investment strategy?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

Engagement has been ongoing between my departmental officials and DFI over several months. Obviously, we were all aware that there was an issue with the A5 as a result of a legal challenge. I was aware of the potential surrendering of money, but the exact amount of that money did not come through until a later stage as a result of the complicated processes that DFI had to go through in order to establish exactly how much money had to be delivered.

The investment strategy is a matter for the Executive, and questions about it are probably best directed towards the Executive Office.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Minister, you are at pains to describe the December monitoring round as a document of profound strategy and genius interventions here, there and everywhere as if it was planned. The truth is, Minister, that 10% of the entire Executive capital budget was underspent with three months left of the financial year. That is an extraordinary position for any Executive and Finance Minister to find themselves in. Can you guarantee that every penny of capital expenditure will be spent properly before the end of this financial year, 2025-26?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

I do not think that I used any of the adjectives that the Member attributed to me, but, if he wants to call me a genius, he should feel free to do so.

The issues around delivering capital projects are well known, and there is a challenge for the entire House and for the Executive. If we continue to layer bureaucracy upon bureaucracy on top of capital projects, we should not be surprised when there are delays. All of us collectively have to take a view on which capital projects that make positive changes in people's lives should take priority over other things without putting at risk accountability or our environment. There is a challenge for us all.

Can I give you a guarantee? I can guarantee you that the message has been received loud and clear by all my Executive colleagues that they need to ensure that they monitor capital projects closely and that, if there is to be a slippage, the money is returned to the centre as quickly as possible so that it can be redistributed.

Diana Armstrong (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

4. Ms D Armstrong asked the Minister of Finance whether his Department has made any assessment of the Department for the Economy annual report and accounts, which have received a disclaimed opinion for the second consecutive year. (AQO 2896/22-27)

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

My officials have reviewed the Comptroller and Auditor General's (C&AG) findings from the 2024-25 Department for the Economy annual report and accounts and are pleased to note that DFE has made improvements on certain issues identified in the previous audit reports. I welcome the commitment that DFE has made to continue implementing a series of targeted improvements to strengthen the 2025-26 group accounts process. It is a highly complex group consolidation, due to differing accounting frameworks, systems and reporting requirements and different year ends. I acknowledge the progress that has been made to date, and it is important to see continued progress. Due to the use of comparatives in annual reports and accounts, Members will appreciate that the disclaimed opinion will take several years to unwind, and my officials will continue to support and assist DFE colleagues to achieve that goal as soon as possible. It is important to note that the issues highlighted by the Audit Office report do not call into question the approach of the Department or its arm’s-length bodies to value for money, propriety or management of the budget.

Diana Armstrong (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

I thank the Minister for his response. Minister, will you, therefore, issue guidance to other Departments and agencies that will prevent further disclaimed opinions being issued?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

I will engage with my officials to establish whether further guidance is required or whether the guidance that is in place is sufficient to ensure that proper processes and outcomes are followed. As I said in my original answer, it was a unique and complex case, but I assure the Member and other Members that it is not a question of money having been lost to the public purse.

Deirdre Hargey (Sinn Féin, Belfast South)

Minister, you said that no money was lost to the public purse: was there any overspend as a result of this?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

No, it is an important accounting issue but an accounting issue. No money has been lost, and there has not been an overspend as a result of this matter.

Diane Forsythe (DUP, South Down)

In the Department for the Economy's accounts, there are financial assets of over £4 billion for student loans sitting on the balance sheet. That is highlighted by the C&AG as an item that she has disclaimed, saying that that valuation is out of date and unreliable. If that is proven to be so when it is reassessed, there is potential for the write-down of that asset, which could cost the Northern Ireland block hundreds of millions of pounds. Minister, have you reviewed the detail of that, and how much risk are we at of taking a huge hit to the Northern Ireland public finances?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

My officials engage with officials from all Departments on such matters. We will keep a watching brief on all the issues and will have to work our way through them. I am satisfied that the processes are in place to monitor those situations. If further guidance or information is required by the Assembly or by Executive colleagues, I will follow up with that, and I have no doubt that the Minister for the Economy will too.

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

5. Mr Brett asked the Minister of Finance for an update on discussions with HM Treasury in relation to retaining funds for Northern Ireland as a result of benefit fraud detection. (AQO 2897/22-27)

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

There is a long-standing commitment in the Fresh Start Agreement that the Executive can bid for a share of savings from actions carried out to reduce benefit fraud and error, where those savings can be verified by the Office for Budget Responsibility. On the basis of that commitment, my Department has provided to the Treasury the business case prepared by the Department for Communities making the case for such savings. Treasury has indicated that there are some issues in relation to the business case that it wishes to explore in more detail. Once those issues have been identified by Treasury, my officials will liaise with the Department for Communities to provide a response.

As part of the autumn Budget, the British Government stated that they would work with the Executive over the coming months on ways to tackle welfare fraud and error and on different funding options, including the potential to share a portion of the resulting savings with the Executive.

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

Minister, will you outline why the paper on that important issue submitted to the Executive by the Minister for Communities has not been approved by the First Minister for discussion?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

As the Member will be aware, I cannot discuss Executive business.

Danny Donnelly (Alliance, East Antrim)

6. Mr Donnelly asked the Minister of Finance to outline any changes that he plans to implement to rate relief in the 2026-27 financial year. (AQO 2898/22-27)

Áine Murphy (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

10. Ms Murphy asked the Minister of Finance for an update on progress to make changes to the small business rate relief scheme. (AQO 2902/22-27)

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

With the Speaker’s permission, I will answer questions 6 and 10 together.

As I set out in my statement to the Assembly in November, I am committed to delivering positive and progressive change to the rating system. Small businesses are the backbone of our economy. I want to see extra help going to those businesses, which provide vital employment, supporting workers, families, and communities.

To give businesses and interested parties a final opportunity to express their views before I present proposals to my ministerial colleagues, I launched a consultation at the beginning of December on proposed changes to the small business rate relief scheme. The consultation will close on 29 January, with the aim of securing Executive approval shortly thereafter.

The draft Budget proposals that I have put forward include a proposal that £10 million be held centrally for 2026-27 to provide support for small businesses. That would see additional support provided through the small business rate relief scheme, helping small businesses provide vital employment to support workers, families and communities.

I want to make changes for April 2026. The timescales that I am working to will allow that to happen. As Members are aware, Executive agreement will be required before any changes can be implemented.

Danny Donnelly (Alliance, East Antrim)

Thanks to the Minister for that answer. He has indicated that the DUP is blocking changes to the early payment discount and the maximum capital value. As mentioned, those changes would raise money to support small businesses here. What rationale, if any, has been offered for that position?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

As I said, I cannot discuss Executive business, but I will say this: I like to think of the matter as still being under discussion rather than being blocked. There is a potential landing zone for agreement on these matters. We have to look at other ways of raising funds. It is a relatively small amount, but implementing the proposals and redirecting the funding to where I would like it to go will make a positive difference to our small and medium-sized enterprises.

Áine Murphy (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

Minister will you expand on the detail of the proposals in the consultation paper on small business rate relief?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

The consultation paper puts forward costed options that focus on two main areas of the small business rate relief scheme. The first is an uplift in the valuation threshold for the scheme so that properties with a slightly higher valuation can be brought into the scheme. The second area is to enhance the level of reductions provided by the scheme to provide greater support for businesses.

Harry Harvey (DUP, Strangford)

Minister, have you engaged with the small business community on the newly planned reliefs and what they will mean for it?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

Yes, there was extensive engagement at official level with the small business sector before the proposals went out to consultation. Obviously, their voices will be important in the consultation responses.

Alan Chambers (UUP, North Down)

7. Mr Chambers asked the Minister of Finance to outline any processes that he will put in place to ensure that the Department of Health remains a priority over a three year multi-year Budget. (AQO 2899/22-27)

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

The draft Budget that I have put forward provides almost £26 billion in resource DEL funding for the Department of Health over the three-year Budget period. Excluding earmarked amounts, that would mean the Health budget receiving over 52% of available resource DEL funding each year. Given the priority placed on waiting lists in the Programme for Government, I am also proposing to extend the £165 million funding package made available in the 2025-26 budget for a further three years. That would see almost half a billion pounds dedicated to cutting waiting lists. The funding ring-fenced for waiting lists in 2025-26 is already delivering results, as evidenced by the reduction in waiting times. Of course, there is still more to do.

Alan Chambers (UUP, North Down)

I note that the Health Department has found substantial savings in its current budget. Does the Minister feel that other Departments could do more to attempt to achieve similar outcomes?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

The level of cooperation and engagement between the Department of Health and my Department has been an exemplar of how to do things.

Philip McGuigan (Sinn Féin, North Antrim)

I welcome the prioritisation of Health by the Minister and the Executive. Given that the health service relies heavily on staff, can the Minister give a commitment that health workers will get their pay rises in a timely fashion?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

I will go into more detail on those matters when I make my statement on the draft Budget after Question Time. When any Minister is preparing their budget, staff pay awards should be budgeted in at the start of the year, rather than waiting to see whether in-year funding becomes available.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Kate Nicholl is not in her seat.

Andy Allen (UUP, Belfast East)

12. Mr Allen asked the Minister of Finance to outline any assessment that his Department has made of the effectiveness of amendments to building regulations introduced in 2022 in relation to Changing Places toilets. (AQO 2904/22-27)

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

My Department introduced a new requirement for Changing Places toilets in local building regulations that came into effect on 30 June 2022. That was an important step for inclusion and equality. Increasing the number of Changing Places toilets will make our public places more accessible and have a significant positive impact on the lives of disabled people, their carers and their families.

At the time, the Department assessed that there were around 42 Changing Places toilet facilities locally. It was also estimated that the new requirement could lead to the installation of 12 additional Changing Places toilets each year following a transition period to allow projects to progress from design through to construction and completion. Since the amendment to the building regulations, there has been an almost 100% increase in provision, with 81 local Changing Places toilets now registered with the Changing Places Consortium, although we have no specific breakdown of how the change to building regulations has contributed to that.

Andy Allen (UUP, Belfast East)

I thank the Minister for his answer. Indeed, it is welcome progress. The Minister has highlighted that it is a positive step for inclusion and equality. In that context, Minister, what engagement have you or your officials had with the Department for Communities on how we can go further and ensure that wider society is more accessible for people with disabilities?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

I do not have specific details with me on what engagement there has been between my officials and the Department for Communities in recent times, but I will be happy to update the Member on that. If further discussions are required, I am more than happy to task officials with that.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Doug Beattie is not in his place.

Aoife Finnegan (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

14. Ms Finnegan asked the Minister of Finance for an update on the banking round table in December 2025. (AQO 2906/22-27)

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

I thank the Member. On 3 December, I hosted a banking round table with representatives from the banking and finance industry, trade unions, business bodies and the consumer and community and voluntary sectors. It provided an important platform to discuss the issues and developments that are most crucial to accessing cash and services here, including the new access to cash rules; banking hubs; and digital and financial inclusion. I pressed the banking sector on the importance of maintaining the branch network, access to cash and essential banking services in our local communities, especially for our most vulnerable citizens, who need in-person services.

I also stressed the banking needs of our small businesses and our community and voluntary groups. In addition, the need to understand and accommodate the level of business and consumer transactions across the border with the South of Ireland and vice versa was highlighted.

Aoife Finnegan (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

I thank the Minister for his answer. What progress has he made on the issues that were identified at the 2024 banking round table?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

The engagement that we have had has proven beneficial for the banking sector and others when it comes to understanding the unique needs of this place. There has to be a greater understanding of this place at Whitehall level, and I am pushing very strongly for better representation from this place on various committees etc. I also want to see a better understanding of the cross-border element in that regard and to ensure that, when LINK, for instance, carries out assessments of communities' needs, the needs of cross-border communities are better understood than they currently are.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

We move to topical questions.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

T1. Mr O'Toole asked the Minister of Finance, having noted that Members are in the slightly absurd situation of having belatedly received a statement on the Budget but being unable to ask questions about it specifically until an embargo breaks, about which there will be more to say shortly, and that the Minister published a ghost Budget last week, in the sense that it sets no real clear ambition that is consistent with the Programme for Government and that it is not yet agreed with his Executive colleagues, not to account for the behaviour of the DUP but to confirm what he will do if he cannot get a multi-year Budget agreed by the Executive. (AQT 1901/22-27)

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

I was hoping for clarity on what a "ghost Budget" is. I simply do not understand what the term means. I know that there are people who believe that they have seen a ghost, but I have never met anybody who claims to have seen an SDLP alternative to the Budget.

I have published a draft proposal, which is now out to consultation. In parallel with that, I will work with my Executive colleagues on how to move forward and obtain a multi-year Budget. That is my objective. That should be the objective of all of us in the Chamber. We should work collectively. There will, obviously, be disagreements and different emphases will be placed on where things should land etc, but we should all work collectively to deliver a multi-year Budget.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

On that basis, Minister, can you confirm that you cannot make the allocations that you have stated in that document that you want to make until there is Executive agreement? Is it the case that they have no standing until there is Executive agreement? Last week, lots of organisations appeared to be under the impression that those allocations had been made, but they have not yet. Will he be clear that, unless and until those multi-year allocations are agreed by the whole Executive, they do not stand?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

I think that the Member underestimates the organisations, the sectors and the public out there. I think that they understand perfectly well what a draft Budget is.

Peter McReynolds (Alliance, Belfast East)

T2. Mr McReynolds asked the Minister of Finance to outline how reinvestment and reform initiative (RRI) borrowing will be used throughout the multi-year Budget period and whether it will be used to make up a capital shortfall, such as with Northern Ireland Water. (AQT 1902/22-27)

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

We are, understandably, straying into the next item of business; it is a topical issue. The borrowing powers are there to be used as a top-up. You would like to see them almost as additional finances on top of what should be a proper capital allocation from Westminster, but we are using the maximum borrowing powers when it comes to capital in order to maximise delivery on the ground.

Peter McReynolds (Alliance, Belfast East)

Thank you, Minister, for your response. What is your assessment of the impact that a proposed capital multi-year Budget would have on the progress of infrastructure projects here?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

It would be hugely significant, particularly in relation to capital. As Members will be aware, it takes a significant amount of time to plan and deliver capital projects. The longer the period of time over which you have to do that, the better that will be for financial planning. It would have a hugely positive impact. A multi-year Budget is good at any time, but, when facing the severe financial constraints that we face, it would allow us to manage the situation better.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Jon Burrows is not in his place.