Northern Ireland Assembly, 3 November 2025

456 contributions from 64 members. The official report.

Assembly Business

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Members, you will be aware that I have selected two Matters of the Day and three questions for urgent oral answer to be added to today's business. The Minister of Justice has asked that we do not hear the question for urgent oral answer to her today, as she is unwell, so one of the questions for urgent oral answer will be delayed. It will now be heard tomorrow.

It is no secret that a number of those items of business are, to put it mildly, somewhat contentious. When Members speak, I therefore ask that they be reflective. They should get their point across, and forcefully if required, but I encourage them to do so respectfully. It is important that the House discuss matters that are contentious, because this is the place in which that should happen. It is for us to express our views on such issues on behalf of the public. Ministers should be scrutinised appropriately. That does not mean that we can be rude, however. We can be robust without being rude. I encourage Members to note my comments. I do not want to have to intervene, but if I have to, I will.

Matters of the Day

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Jonathan Buckley has been given leave to make a statement on the not guilty verdict in the trial of Soldier F, which fulfils the criteria set out in Standing Order 24. All other Members who wish to speak can indicate to do so in the usual manner.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

I welcome the not guilty verdict in the case of Soldier F, an elderly veteran who has been put through years of unnecessary turmoil for what can be described only as a show trial. Many years ago, the Public Prosecution Service (PPS) made it clear that the evidence was confused and unreliable and was therefore unlikely ever to result in a prosecution or a conviction. That was not enough for some, however. Those determined to use the courts for political ends pressed on. They pushed for a judicial review (JR) and then went to the Court of Appeal, forcing the PPS to reconsider, and we therefore had the spectacle that many in the republican movement wanted and had long yearned for: a British soldier being brought before the courts.

Whilst I respect the desire and urge for every innocent victim to seek justice and truth for their loved one, we must be honest: this was never an attempt to get to the truth. It was about propaganda, pure and simple; an attempt to rewrite the narrative of the past; an attempt to recast the characters of hero and villain. In the version pushed by the parties opposite, our armed forces, which stood between terrorism and us throughout the Northern Ireland Troubles, were painted as the aggressor, whilst those who planted bombs, pulled triggers and murdered the innocent were portrayed as freedom fighters. Many of them sit in the ranks of the party opposite with the assurance of a letter of comfort from Tony Blair in their back pocket.

The evidence in this case was the same confused and contradictory evidence that had already been dismissed, so we must ask this: why did it go back to court in the first instance? Therefore, I say to those, such as Colum Eastwood and members of Sinn Féin, who have championed the process that the enormous public cost, the emotional cost and the damage done to the trust in our judiciary system lies on you. We will never allow the history of the Troubles to be rewritten. We will honour the truth; we will honour their sacrifice; and we will ensure that those who served with dignity —

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

The Member's time is up.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

—have the respect that they deserve.

Ciara Ferguson (Sinn Féin, Foyle)

For more than 53 years, the Bloody Sunday families have fought consistently, courageously and collectively in pursuit of truth and justice. On that day, the British army indiscriminately murdered 14 innocent civilians, many of whom were teenagers, and injured at least 15 more, on the streets of Derry. Not one British soldier or their military and political superiors has ever been held to account for their actions. The decision not to convict Soldier F is a travesty. As is reflected on the Free Derry wall, that remains an affront to justice. It goes against the very principles of what justice is meant to entail: principles of fairness, impartiality and due process.

We have been proud to walk with the families for over half a century. In the wake of that most recent, deplorable decision, we remain ever more determined. We commend the determination, dedication and diligence of the Bloody Sunday families. The Bloody Sunday families can stand proud and undaunted in the full knowledge of the thought that reminds them that they have been and, on this day, remain on the right side of history. The Bloody Sunday justice campaign is a campaign led with dignity and carried out of love; the families' campaign for their deeply cherished loved ones: their sons and fathers, brothers and uncles. In 2010, they proudly achieved the first two limbs of the campaign's demands when the Bloody Sunday inquiry consigned the Widgery report to history and all the victims were declared innocent. The truth was set free.

Whilst the recent decision was a setback to their final ask — to hold those responsible for the murders and attempted murders of their loved ones to account before a criminal court — it is due to their bravery and resilience that they have reached that stage to date. They have met the British state's attempts to subvert justice and the rule of law head on. Despite this most recent setback, their quest for accountability and justice remains. We in Sinn Féin continue to stand with the families now as we did then and will do ever more in the days, weeks and months to come. We will support whatever decision they make on the next steps forward.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

I welcome the acquittal of the veteran known as "Soldier F". There are fundamental questions of why the veteran was put through that ordeal, given the self-evident failings of the evidence. The first decision taken by the Public Prosecution Service to decline prosecution was, as the verdict demonstrates, correct. The later decision to proceed was completely wrong and only happened because of political pressure rather than any realistic prospect of conviction. Having pushed for Soldier F to stand trial, it now behoves those who demanded the trial to respect the verdict, including the MP for Foyle, Mr Eastwood. He must admit and recognise that Soldier F is now unquestionably an innocent man and does not have a blot on his record.

I welcome the vindication of a soldier who has borne the weight of years of scrutiny, uncertainty and the stigma of accusation. Secondly, I ask the Assembly to put emotion aside and reflect soberly on the process. If evidence is clearly inadequate, prosecution should not proceed. Thirdly, I call upon all parties to accept the verdict and allow Soldier F to now live in peace. I am shocked that some have sought to attack the fact that Soldier F had his legal bills paid. That criticism has invariably come from those who had nothing to say about the £200 million cost of the Bloody Sunday inquiry. In many cases, it also comes from those who continue to defend and justify the bomb in Enniskillen, where 12 innocents were blown up while remembering the sacrifice for freedom in two world wars.

There has been bloody Monday, when 10 Protestants were lined up and shot on the side of the road at Kingsmills; bloody Tuesday, when 11 soldiers were murdered in the Hyde Park and Regent's Park bombings; bloody Wednesday, when six off-duty soldiers were murdered at a fun run; bloody Thursday, when nine RUC officers were murdered in the Newry mortar attack; Bloody Friday, when 22 bombs exploded in 80 minutes, murdering nine and injuring 130; and bloody Saturday, when the IRA bombed the Abercorn restaurant, leaving two dead and over 100 horrifically injured. Yet Sinn Féin pollutes the air —

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

The Member's time is up.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

— in the Chamber. My goodness, it knows hypocrisy, and it knows no bounds.

Nuala McAllister (Alliance, Belfast North)

I rise to mark the significance of the acquittal of Soldier F. This is an important milestone as we reflect on our past and our failure to deal with our dark and troubled past here in Northern Ireland. There is no doubt that the depth of feeling on the issue is felt right across the community in Northern Ireland, regardless of what side of that debate or community you feel that you sit on. Acquittal should not be a celebration. It is not a celebration by any. Justice should always be an option. It is possible and right to condemn the actions of the IRA on the streets of Northern Ireland and beyond during our Troubles and also condemn the actions of the military and those who served in the regiment.

We cannot forget the words of the judge. To paraphrase, he said that members of the Parachute Regiment had totally lost all sense of military discipline, that they shot unarmed civilians fleeing and that those responsible should hang their heads in shame. We should also not forget the Saville inquiry and the apology of the then Prime Minister. We cannot forget the reason why earlier investigations were flawed. We have to remember the humanity when it comes to dealing with our dark past. It is really important that, in order to move forward and become an inclusive society, we move forward with victims, we have justice and we have reconciliation. I pay tribute to the families of all those who were killed on Bloody Sunday. It has not been an easy time for anyone, but it is really important that, as we gather here today, we remember that, if we continue to fail in dealing with our past, we are doomed to repeat these conversations and these condemnations over and over.

Doug Beattie (UUP, Upper Bann)

When we stand to talk about such things, I am always mindful of the fact that we should do so with compassion and empathy. I am a military veteran of 44 years. Today, as I stand here, my heart goes out to those who lost loved ones or who were injured. It is important to acknowledge that.

One of the worst things about all this is that we always knew what the outcome of the trial was going to be, because there was not the evidence that was needed to secure a conviction. At times, the families were let down when people made them feel as though there would be enough to get a conviction. Clearly, there was not, and everybody knew that. It was not the army that was on trial, nor was it the Parachute Regiment. Those who tried to extrapolate the trial of Soldier F to cover all those are the people who created the feeling of a show trial, but that is not what happened. It was a trial against a lance corporal — a single lance corporal who was in charge of four soldiers out of thousands who were deployed on that day. He was found not guilty. Regardless of whether we like it — I know the families do not like it, but it is the reality of where we are — the individual was found not guilty. The families can now do as they wish to bring further charges of perjury — it is their absolute right to do so — but I am concerned that we are leading them down another road where we will raise their hopes and then dash them.

We had the Saville inquiry and spent £200 million. I am not complaining about that — it is a lot of money, but I am certainly not complaining about it, and I am not complaining about the £4·3 million that was spent defending Soldier F — but look at the Birmingham bombings. Twenty-one people were murdered and over 200 were injured, but victims and families have been told that they are not getting an inquiry. In many ways, we have to reflect on the issue in the round. I am happy enough to say that Bloody Sunday was wrong and that what happened on that day was poor — I am more than happy to say that: it was certainly nothing to be proud of — but carrying on down the road that we are going down now, and trying to tell families that they are going to get something that, clearly, they are not going to get, does not help anybody.

I started by saying that our thoughts should be with those who were killed, those who were injured and their families, but, in truth, they have had more than anybody else in Northern Ireland has had regarding investigations, inquiries and bringing somebody to trial. There are so many more people out there who have not had that. We need to reflect and remember compassion and empathy.

Sinéad McLaughlin (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

Last week's social media posts by the DUP leader and others that included the insignia of the Parachute Regiment following the acquittal of Soldier F caused deep hurt, particularly in Derry and especially among the families of those who were murdered on Bloody Sunday. For those families who have spent over 50 years seeking truth and justice through lawful and peaceful means, it was not only another political controversy but a painful reminder of the disregard that has been too often shown to their grief.

Let us be clear: the Parachute Regiment was responsible for shooting dead 13 unarmed civilians on the streets of my city, with a fourteenth dying later of his injuries. Lord Saville's inquiry report could not have been clearer: those killings were unjustified and unjustifiable. Judge Patrick Lynch reminded us of that truth. He said that the soldiers who entered Glenfada Park North had:

"totally lost all sense of military discipline";

had shot:

"unarmed civilians fleeing from them";

and:

"Those responsible should hang their heads in shame."

In that context, the DUP leader's decision to post the Parachute Regiment insignia suggests that he finds those actions acceptable, or rejects the judge's conclusions. Either way, it is indefensible and deeply hurtful for the Bloody Sunday families.

Those families have carried themselves with extraordinary dignity and restraint. They have always sought justice through the rule of law — never revenge. They have upheld the very best of Derry: compassion, persistence and faith in democratic institutions, even when those institutions failed them. That is why the DUP leader's post was profoundly wrong. Political leadership carries responsibility; it requires empathy and understanding, especially when dealing with wounds that run so very deep. When anyone in public life causes hurt, the right thing for them to do is acknowledge it and apologise. That is strength not weakness, and it builds trust and helps us to move forward. As MLAs, we owe it to the Bloody Sunday families and every victim of our troubled past to act with decency, respect and moral courage. Their struggle was for truth, and it is one of the most powerful examples of peaceful perseverance in modern times. They remind us that justice is not a slogan or a weapon in culture wars, but a principle that must apply equally to all.

I pay tribute —

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Your time is up.

Sinéad McLaughlin (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

— to their unwavering dignity, and to the people of Derry —

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

The Member's time is up. I call Paul Frew.

Sinéad McLaughlin (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

— who continue to show the world that —

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

The Member's time is up.

Sinéad McLaughlin (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

— even in the face of profound injustice, peace and —

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Will the Member take her seat?

Sinéad McLaughlin (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

— perseverance can pull through.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

I call Paul Frew.

Paul Frew (DUP, North Antrim)

Thank you, Mr Speaker. I rise with a heart full of sensitivity and compassion for all the innocent victims of the Troubles, who never came home and left an empty chair in their households. It is with that compassion and sensitivity that I will speak today.

You could ask whether the soldiers were even supposed to be there on the day. That was a decision that was made by the Government of the day and the command of the army on the day. We are talking about putting an individual on trial, not a regiment or the British Army. We are talking about an individual, who, at a very young age and at the rank of lance corporal, was in charge of four soldiers who were part of a section of eight. He would have been trained for wartime conflict, not the restoration of civil peace.

On the streets of Northern Ireland at that time, fires were burning, and no one knew what the future held. The British Army served in that context in Northern Ireland, and we should not forget or shy away from that. The soldiers who served in Northern Ireland came from all over the British Isles and included those from the Royal Irish Rangers and the Ulster Defence Regiment, later the Royal Irish Regiment, who lived here and served their communities with distinction. Each one of them went out every day to protect all of us from terrorist fire, and all we hear is hypocrisy from the parties opposite, which have, no doubt, used the families of Bloody Sunday over the decades to suit their political goals and objectives and to try to rewrite history. We do not hear the facts about the innocent victims of the Teebane, Enniskillen, Omagh, Bloody Friday, Kingsmills and Regent's Park attacks and the Birmingham bombings. Why are the parties opposite not campaigning for justice for those families?

Daniel McCrossan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, West Tyrone)

How dare you?

[Inaudible.]

That is a disgraceful comment.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Order.

Daniel McCrossan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, West Tyrone)

Absolutely disgraceful.

Paul Frew (DUP, North Antrim)

Why do they not hand over the information that they know? Martin McGuinness had an opportunity to do so, but because of the IRA's code of silence, he refused to give innocent victims the truth about the tragedies and the murder of their loved ones. That is hypocritical nonsense from the parties opposite, and we should call it out when it happens.

Jon Burrows (UUP, North Antrim)

Bloody Sunday was an awful day for the people of Londonderry, and it was not a proud day for the British Army. Two things can, however, be wrong at the same time. Bloody Sunday was wrong — it was a catastrophic error by the British Army — but it was also wrong to prosecute Soldier F. That reflects the imbalance that is at the heart of how we deal with legacy in Northern Ireland. There is an imbalance in the prosecutions taken, the media reporting, the money spent and the condemnation expressed.

I was proud to stand in Guildhall Square on 15 June 2010 — there were only about three police officers there — when the Bloody Sunday families got to read the report. On the screen live was David Cameron, our Prime Minister at the time, and he said that Bloody Sunday was "unjustified and unjustifiable". That is the difference between the British state and republicans, who still say that what they did was necessary and noble and who still celebrate their patriot dead. That is the cancer that is at the heart of our politics and that creates so much divisiveness and polarisation. They should reflect today on the fact that, while our Prime Minister was able to say that Bloody Sunday was unjustified and unjustifiable, their leaders continue to stand and give orations about those who murdered people in cold blood, not in the heat of the battle but in actions that were planned; they sneaked under people's cars and planted bombs. One of their former leaders, Martina Anderson, planted bombs all across England and then went to Scotland and lay in a flat while she knew that they were ticking down. When she was interviewed and told, "It is not too late. Can you tell us where they are?", she did not, knowing that the bombs were planted in hotels in London.

As someone whose family served at Sword Beach and the Somme and whose father served for the entire Troubles, I can say that Bloody Sunday was wrong. The British Army acted wrongly, but the prosecution of Soldier F was wrong. There was no evidence. That is the invisible hand of the PPS, which takes the path of least resistance. Turning a blind eye to anything that would rock the boat is a culture that emanated from the peace process. That is why there are people who are not prosecuted when there is evidence, and people who are prosecuted when there is no evidence. We still live under the shadow of a guillotine, which is the threat of Sinn Féin.

I stand in solidarity with the families of Bloody Sunday. It was an awful day. I also stand with the thousands of victims of loyalist and republican terrorists who do not get the same voice. We, in this party, speak for all victims — innocent victims, even if the Alliance Party struggles with that terminology.

Mark Durkan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

It had not been my intention to speak, but I feel compelled to, given the tone and content of some contributions from across the Chamber. Mr Buckley spoke of the years of "turmoil" visited upon poor Soldier F. That does not compare to the years of turmoil suffered by the Bloody Sunday families — and not just the Bloody Sunday families but so many families across Northern Ireland, from every community, who lost victims. To make that comparison does an injustice to all of them.

We are told that the trial is something that the republican movement wanted; no, it is something that the families of victims wanted. Mr Buckley spoke of the recasting of the roles of heroes and villains. There is no confusion as to who the villains of Bloody Sunday were, and there is no confusion as to who the victims of Bloody Sunday were and who the victims still are. The people of Derry always knew, and the UK Government finally accepted, finally admitted and finally apologised for that. Those murders were unjustified and unjustifiable, and the SDLP has always said that all the murders were unjustified and unjustifiable. The only rewriting of that particularly awful chapter in the horror story of our collective past is being done by the DUP, the TUV and others.

All victims deserve truth, and all victims deserve justice. You cannot stand and accuse others of hypocrisy, as hypocritical as they might be, while you are engaging in hypocrisy and gloating over victims. That is what is being done. You put a Para flag — a Parachute Regiment insignia — on your social media in the light of the trial. Catch yourselves on. It is absolutely disgusting. This is not about whataboutery; this is about victims, truth and justice.

Daniel McCrossan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, West Tyrone)

I, too, had no intention of speaking, because I thought that Members in the House would have learned well from the journey that our people collectively have been on and the hurt and pain that people have suffered. Just to be very clear to Mr Frew: our party was built on peace and on bringing an end to the violence and cold-blooded murder on our streets. It did not matter which shade that was. Omagh was wrong. Enniskillen was wrong.

All of those events were wrong. Bloody Sunday was wrong. It is not a case of "Go compare". Innocent people were blown to bits, shot up and killed and did not return to their families. Anyone in the House who dares to justify or attempt to justify any of those actions, regardless of whether they were carried out by the IRA, the UVF, the British Government or anyone else, should be absolutely ashamed of themselves. Ashamed of themselves.

There needs to be a lesson learned here. Our people are suffering incredibly. These institutions were brought about to put an end to all of this nonsense, yet, even with issues such as this today, you find reasons to poke one another in the eye instead of acknowledging the pain and hurt that our people have gone through.

The SDLP was built on the foundations of peace and bringing an end to violence. Anyone in the House who dares to taint the memory of John Hume, Séamus Mallon or others who sacrificed themselves to a lifetime of brutal intimidation from all sides needs to think again carefully. We would not be here today but for the work and sacrifices of people who went long before us and created these institutions. I am absolutely insulted in the House not just for the people who work hard to bring about peace but for the families who, every day, have been seeking out peace, justice and simple answers to the questions that they have, should it be the families of the Disappeared, the families in Omagh or the Bloody Sunday families. There is no right or wrong answer to this.

It is clear that we have a responsibility in the House to show some leadership, and a new low has been struck today. This is not a game. This is about people's lives. Wake up and start realising that and, for God's sake, have some respect for the memories of everybody who is affected.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Gerry Carroll has been given leave to make a statement on the election of Catherine Connolly as president of Ireland that fulfils the criteria set out in Standing Order 24. All other Members will have up to three minutes to speak.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

Ba mhaith liom mo chomhghairdeas a dhéanamh lenár nUachtarán nua tofa, Catherine Connolly.

[Translation: I would like to congratulate our newly elected president, Catherine Connolly.]

The recent election of Catherine Connolly has given people hope, amidst the despair and rising sentiment of right-wing and racist ideas that are growing in Ireland and across the world, that things can be different. Catherine Connolly clearly stands on the right side for people here and across the world and lets us know that things can be different. In the middle of a housing crisis North and South it is important that we have a president who recognises where the blame should lie for that. We have problems with skyrocketing rents, landlordism and homes lying empty. Catherine Connolly has articulated a solution to the housing crisis that is positive and inclusive and that most people can get behind.

(Madam Principal Deputy Speaker in the Chair)

In the middle of a genocide and the killing of at least 20,000 children and hundreds of thousands of women and men slaughtered by Israel, Catherine Connolly has been an ardent critic of Israel's actions for years and a stalwart supporter of the right to Palestinian self-determination. Members would do well to listen to her on that matter. As Governments make excuses, wring their hands and, on occasion, fund Israel, it is important that we have a president who stands up on the right side for citizens on the island.

[Interruption.]

I sincerely hope that this is the last time that people in the North, including me, my family and my community, will not have a vote in a presidential election. It is a crying shame that people who live on this island, travel in it and contribute so much to it cannot play their part in voting for the figurehead of the state. Despite that, Catherine Connolly achieved a record vote. The Member to my right who shouted at me should listen to this: she received almost one million votes — the biggest vote in the history of voting for the Uachtarán, the president of Ireland.

It was fantastic to see the parties of the left come together to back Catherine as Uachtarán through the campaign. People are enthused and inspired by the realisation that we can have a different type of politics and that we can have a Government in the South without the civil war, right-wing, gombeen parties. People want a new hope, and, although her position is that of a figurehead, Catherine Connolly provides that hope in droves.

It was great to see Catherine Connolly at Cultúrlann McAdam Ó Fiaich in my constituency in the past week. I hosted her there a few months ago at the start of her campaign. It was great to see her back, meeting people, chatting to them and getting a bite to eat. It was fantastic to see her at the Oireachtas na Samhna this week, standing up as a Gaelgeoir for all Gaelgeoirí

[Translation: Irish speakers]

North and South.

The future is unwritten, but the cracks are starting to appear. Cracks of light are coming through, and Catherine will shine a torch brightly for everybody who wants to see a positive and different future. Comhghairdeas agus beir bua.

[Translation: Congratulations and good luck.]

Emma Sheerin (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I am happy to join Gerry in congratulating Catherine Connolly, our new president-elect, and I was delighted to take part in canvassing for her throughout the country. This discussion is a stark contrast to the previous one. The election was an example of positivity rising above negativity and of good conquering evil, and that should give all of us in the House heart.

People talk a lot about labels and politics being ideologically separate at the minute, but Catherine Connolly is the epitome of what it is to be on the left. She is a genuine worker on the ground, and she understands the issues that affect the Irish people North and South. That is why the people felt such a closeness to her and voted for her in their droves. She reflects what it is to be Irish. We are known across the world for our soundness, and that is what Catherine is: sound. She understands the issues that are affecting working people and how we can address them when we work together.

Catherine's election is an indicator of support for Irish unity; indeed, Irish unity was a key theme of her campaign. I was struck by the number of people across the Twenty-six Counties who expressed almost sympathy with me as an Irish woman from the North who did not have a vote for my president. However, I will be proud to call her "my president" when she is sworn in, and, hopefully, our next presidential election will see that franchise extended to us all.

Catherine Connolly stands with the underdog and the downtrodden. She reflects the will of the majority of Irish people in standing with the people of Gaza as they suffer genocide by an apartheid Israeli state. She shows us on the world stage to be a compassionate country whose people care about others and have genuine charity and kindness in our hearts. Catherine rose above the negative campaign that was fought against her and showed that being true to yourself and honest in your politics can conquer any hate-filled drivel that comes at you.

Ar scáth a chéile a mhaireas na daoine.

[Translation: People live in one another's shadow.]

We all stand in one another's shadow, and the workers united can never be defeated. That is a lesson for us all going forward.

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

The election of the Irish head of state is, of course, a matter for those people, but Members on these Benches and the vast majority of the unionist community will not miss Michael D Higgins as he leaves office. The former holder of the Irish presidential office brought that office into disrepute as he entered into unnecessary and unwanted political tirades. His antisemitism, which many in the House share, will be what he is remembered for.

This election will be remembered for these issues: how dare a Protestant run for the highest office in the land? How dare Heather Humphreys get above her station and try to be a Protestant woman who wanted to be the head of the Irish state? It was the same old story, and those in the House who continue to campaign to break up this United Kingdom may be sorry for what they have got. Unionists across Northern Ireland have seen that the so-called new Ireland means that Protestants should be neither seen nor heard and that the treatment of Heather Humphreys reflects how any unionist, Protestant or anyone in Northern Ireland who has any British way of life would be treated in a new Ireland.

Not that hypocrisy is something that anyone in the House would engage in, but, in 2018, the Irish president-elect visited Syria at the taxpayer's expense to see her friend Mr Assad. I am sure that People Before Profit's TDs in the Irish Republic will table a motion of no confidence in that office holder, but, given the fact that the people whom she visited were not Jewish, perhaps the views of People Before Profit will not stretch to doing so. We all know People Before Profit's views, because, when 1,200 people were murdered, the Member for West Belfast tweeted, "Victory to the Palestinian Resistance" —

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

[Inaudible]

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

Unlike you, Mr Carroll, I do not read from a prepared script. Just you sit there in the corner and be quiet. We heard enough from you over the weekend.

We wish the president-elect well, but she has a difficult task. I am sure that Members on all sides of the House will hold her accountable for her disgraceful support of a tyrannical regime.

David Honeyford (Alliance, Lagan Valley)

On behalf of the Alliance Party, I warmly congratulate Catherine Connolly on her election as president and wish her every success as she begins a new chapter in our shared history. President-elect Connolly has long been a voice for inclusion and compassion, which are qualities that will serve her well in her role of representing all the people on the island.

I will also mention Heather Humphreys. In defeat, her character was shown, even in her concession speech, which spoke to her integrity. She will always be welcome here.

I will take a minute to thank President Michael D Higgins, whose years of service have been defined by his generosity of spirit, leadership and unwavering belief in the power of empathy and understanding. I had the absolute pleasure of meeting him in Dublin earlier this year. I was struck by the warmth of his engagement with us in Northern Ireland. He reminded me of the strength of this island, which lies not in what divides us but in what we share. As we look ahead, the Alliance Party believes that there is a real opportunity and a responsibility to share this place across all communities, to deepen collaboration, to deliver better for everybody across our economy and our health service, to improve the lives that people live and to build a future that reflects the best of all of us.

We want to see an island that not just shares this space but replaces, with purpose and partnership, the politics of division, which we have heard this afternoon, and reconciles us to a lived space. There should be a shared now. It should not simply be spoken of as some sort of dream for the future but as something right now in which we live together and are reconciled.

As President-elect Connolly begins her term, the Alliance Party offers her our full support and best wishes. May her presidency help us continue on that journey towards building reconciliation and having a truly shared island that we can all call "home".

Steve Aiken (UUP, South Antrim)

The Ulster Unionist Party recognises that President-elect Catherine Connolly is the choice of the Irish people, given at the ballot box, and has been duly elected. As a party, we respect the choice of the Irish people and will treat her, as we do all democratically elected heads of state, with the due respect that that office holder has. Be it the head of state of Ireland, the United States, the Ukraine or wherever, we treat them all with that respect.

We note with some concern, however, the president-elect's approach to Europe, particularly to peace in Europe. First, there are her comments on being ashamed at being part of the European Union led by Ursula von der Leyen. There is then the fact that she voted against virtually every EU treaty that has come through.

This is quite a strange one. President-elect Connolly spoke in support of former MEPs Mick Wallace and Clare Daly when they refused to vote in favour of a tribunal to prosecute Vladimir Putin. She also refused to join in and clap Vlodymyr Zelenskyy in Dáil Éireann when he was there. That seems to be very partial. In her recent election campaign, she agreed with People Before Profit that NATO was warmongering and that Germany's move towards rearmament was equivalent to that in the 1930s, a clear reference to Germany's long-gone fascist past.

We also need to reflect on her remarks about defence spending in Ireland. We know that the Irish Republic is freeloading on its defence. Everybody from the United States and Europe — everywhere — has been saying the same thing. However, when Catherine Connolly says that Ireland does not need an army, navy or air force, just who, does she propose, will defend the Irish state?

A Member

[Inaudible.]

Steve Aiken (UUP, South Antrim)

Indeed.

Who will defend it from the drug smugglers, the narco-terrorists, the terrorists and just about everybody else? It is refreshing to see that some of her views are not necessarily followed by all the people who voted in her support, and there has been a degree of concern raised across the piece.

It is the Irish people's choice, and we recognise that. When she comes to Northern Ireland as the head of state, we will recognise that role and will bear it in mind that she is here in what is supposed to be a politically neutral position to represent the people of Ireland and is not here to be like President Higgins and interfere with the political process.

Colin McGrath (Social Democratic and Labour Party, South Down)

On behalf of the SDLP, I join in the congratulations to Catherine Connolly on her election as president. It marks a significant and hopeful moment in the story of our nation. Her election as president is a milestone for social justice, workers' rights and the inclusive, compassionate and new Ireland that so many of us strive to build. Catherine Connolly has long been a voice for fairness, equality and the dignity of every person. Her presidency will carry that same spirit, one rooted in courage, integrity and a deep commitment to the common good.

As we look forward, we in the SDLP want the Irish Government to look north, because this must be the last presidential election in which Irish citizens in the North are denied a vote for their head of state. The people of the island share one nation, one culture and one destiny, and our democracy should reflect that truth. As Catherine Connolly prepares to take up the mantle of the presidency, Ireland stands as a proud, progressive nation that is confident in who we are and hopeful about who we can yet become. She embodies a politics that will listen, that uplifts and that remembers that the measure of any republic is how it treats its people, especially the most vulnerable.

As we celebrate this new chapter, we pause to pay tribute to the outgoing president, Michael D Higgins. He was a poet and a thinker who was rooted in the shaping and forming of ideas, and he was a champion of human rights who inspired not only Ireland but the world. His time in office reminded us that leadership can be both principled and compassionate and that words, when used with care, can help to heal and unite.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

Catherine Connolly's recent election as president of the Irish Republic is no great leap forward for an all Ireland, as some may try to portray it; indeed, it is quite the opposite. Ms Connolly's election is, in fact, a disaster for anyone promoting an all Ireland. She will be a toxic and divisive figure. She represents the most militant and ideological strand of Southern nationalism, and she will be deeply unpopular amongst unionists, even more so than her predecessor, which is an achievement in itself.

Far from advancing their cause, the nature of the election has set back the so-called agreed Ireland project. The campaign descended into open sectarianism, particularly after Sinn Féin entered the fray in support of the ultimate winner. The mere suggestion that her husband had, in the past, been an Orangeman merited front-page news in the Republic. Red, white and blue posters went up in a panicked response to the idea that anyone with even the most distant connection to Protestantism might be associated with high office. The treatment of Fine Gael's Heather Humphreys, who was targeted and abused because of her Protestant background, exposed the ugly undercurrent of intolerance that stills runs through Southern politics. If that is what inclusivity looks like, it will repel rather than attract.

Catherine Connolly may well become an embarrassment for the Republic on the international stage. Her far-left instincts, her hostility to traditional Western allies and her eagerness to insert herself into political controversies could put her on a collision course with key Western Governments. The turnout for the election was a mere 45·8%. Of those who turned out, 13% spoiled their ballots. Over 200,000 ballots were deliberately rejected. That level of disagreement and protest strongly suggests that there is something fundamentally wrong with the system in the Irish Republic.

For unionists, the election changes nothing. If anything, it reinforces the conviction that our future lies securely within the United Kingdom, not a Republic that is increasingly defined by ideological extremes and cultural intolerance. Ms Connolly's election marks a moment of clarity. It reminds us why Northern Ireland's place within the Union must be defended with even greater determination.

Paul Frew (DUP, North Antrim)

First, I state categorically that the presidential election in the Republic of Ireland is for the people of the Republic of Ireland. As a democrat, I will always support using democratic means to support a head of state, no matter where that state may be in the world. We need to be champions of democracy in all its ilks and in all parts of the world.

Looking on during the election in the Republic of Ireland, I was struck by the fact that a number of things happened that had not happened in quite a while, one of which was the spoiled ballots, as has been mentioned. Thirteen per cent of ballots were spoiled. That must be a first in the history of the Republic of Ireland. That lends itself to a discontentment among the populace of the Irish Republic that politicians down there should look to and be mindful of.

The second thing that struck me was the negative campaigning. As a politician and a democrat, I am scared to think about the level of negative and untruthful campaigning that went on. The way in which that practice played out does not bode well for the future of democracy, especially Western democracies. You can always deny a fake news story or negative digital campaigning, but what you cannot deny about this election is the naked sectarianism that was on display against candidate Heather Humphreys. What that did for most unionists in Northern Ireland, I suggest, is reaffirm how the Irish Republic is no place to be comfortable in if you are a unionist or even a Protestant. It pains me to say that. It harks back to a time when the Republic of Ireland — look at its extradition policies — harboured terrorists. It even harks back to the movement of a massive number of Protestant people who left what became the Republic of Ireland and ended up needing to go to England and gain support from the Government through schemes, because they were left homeless after being burned out of their homes. It was not only Protestants, mind you, but service people of all ilks who had served in the First World War. It echoes and harks back —

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Time is up, Paul.

Paul Frew (DUP, North Antrim)

— to a time in the Republic of Ireland that we do not want to see again.

Daniel McCrossan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, West Tyrone)

On behalf of the SDLP and as an Irish citizen, I congratulate our newly elected president of Ireland, Catherine Connolly. I also offer my best wishes to Heather Humphreys and her family on a powerful campaign.

It was a challenging election, with two powerful and determined women at the fore. That is a sign of tremendous change and is emblematic of the vital role that women play in society as leaders of our community. That, in itself, spoke to a lot of people across the island. I am happy for Catherine, and I wish her and her family well. It is disappointing that elements of the campaign were negative and that the media often portrayed some of the more difficult challenges that affect our society and did not, ultimately, focus on the opportunities that are ahead of us as an island and as a people.

I want to thank President Michael D Higgins. Michael D Higgins will go down, in my strong opinion and that of others, as one of the greatest Irish presidents that we have ever seen or will ever see. He made people in this House, it seems, feel uncomfortable because he spoke truth to power. He spoke up for people, which, unfortunately, does not go down well with some in the House.

Mr Gaston talks of toxicity, division and embarrassment: it sounded very much as though he was discussing his own party, the TUV, because it seems as though its mantra is to be toxic, divisive and embarrassing. Nobody in the House — certainly not Members on some Benches — can criticise anybody for being divisive or toxic. The sludge of toxicity in the Chamber today has been enough to turn anyone's stomach. People would do well to see beyond their own toes and recognise that Ireland has changed in a positive way. It is an inclusive society that welcomes people from all walks of life. It has a bright future.

I wish Catherine well in the important role that she will play, and I hope that she follows in a similar vein to President Higgins. I have just received a letter from him — just at this moment, actually. I am grateful for that letter, and I wish him and his wife well in their well-deserved retirement.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Folks, before we move on to the next item of business, people seriously need to chill their jets.

Members' Statements

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

If Members wish to be called to make a statement, they should rise in their place. Members who are called will have up to three minutes to make their statement. I remind Members that interventions are not permitted. I will not take any points of order on this or any other matter until the item of business has finished.

Pat Sheehan (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

The term "scholasticide" refers to the systemic obliteration of education through the arrest, detention or killing of teachers, students and staff and the destruction of education infrastructure. Over 20,000 children and 500 teachers have been killed in Gaza over the past two years. Tens of thousands of others have been maimed and injured. If that is not scholasticide, I do not know what is.

Anyone with an ounce of honesty or integrity knows that what is happening in Gaza is genocide. There are any number of reports and organisations that support that view, including the UN international commission of inquiry, the International Association of Genocide Scholars, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, B'Tselem, Oxfam, Genocide Watch and Physicians for Human Rights. The Minister, however, prefers to parrot the propaganda of his Israeli paymasters; the genocidal regime, the leaders of which are wanted on international arrest warrants for war crimes and crimes against humanity.

This morning, I listened to a young student outside here as he talked about his routine for going to school each day. He said that he does not have to worry about bombs dropping from the sky. He passes the hospital but does not have to worry about whether it will be there tomorrow. Likewise, he knows that his school will be there when he reaches the gate. That is not the case for children in Palestine. The Minister is oblivious to that.

This morning, against my better judgement, I listened to the Minister for 40 minutes.

There was not one word of empathy for the tens of thousands of Palestinian children who have been killed, maimed and injured. There was not one ounce of humanity or compassion. The Minister is a disgrace. He should hang his head in shame. He has shown that he is not fit to be the Education Minister, and we have no confidence in him. He should pack his bags and go now.

Michelle McIlveen (DUP, Strangford)

Last week, the Ulster Farmers' Union, which is one of DAERA's largest stakeholders and a body that represents over 12,500 farmers and their families, took the extraordinary step of passing a motion of no confidence in DAERA. That extraordinary step was passed unanimously by the executive committee, which comprises around 150 people. It was not only an extraordinary step but an extraordinary vote, given the breadth of diverse views and interests in farming. The farming sector is worth £6 billion to the Northern Ireland economy and is recognised as providing 25% of the UK's food supply. This is no small matter. The vote was a damning indictment of the Department and the course that the Minister has set for it. The buck stops with Minister Muir on that.

The Alliance Party may blame everyone else for its woes and drop as many dead cat arguments as it can, but the vote cannot have come as a surprise to anyone. We have repeatedly warned the Minister. We raised those issues time and again in the Chamber. The Minister has been told that he has been placing too much of the blame for and burden of climate change on farming and that he needed to be proportionate and even-handed in his approach. He has been told that a wildlife intervention was needed to tackle bovine tuberculosis. He said that that was in hand, but there has since been nothing. He pressed ahead with the nutrients action programme (NAP) consultation, which did not engage the sectors and was based on scientific assumptions that had not even been peer-reviewed. He was told that he needed sincere partnership working when developing his NAP proposals. He has been told repeatedly about action being needed on ammonia controls and how they are stifling betterment proposals and planning, but nothing has happened. He was told about the issues with generational renewal during the debate on the Farm Sustainability (Transitional Provisions) Regulations (Northern Ireland) 2025. He and his Department were warned. The Minister has not been the critical friend that farmers have needed. He has set himself against the sector rather than working with it.

The Minister and the Department need to change course, whether that is on TB, NAP, ammonia controls, betterment proposals or climate change targets. His agenda of environmental purism is hugely damaging to our most important industry and threatens to undermine the very fabric of our rural economy and community. He has lost the trust of his biggest stakeholder. It is time that he listened.

Kate Nicholl (Alliance, Belfast South)

I was going to talk about Ballynafeigh School of Irish Dancing's success, but I will make my Member's statement on the House, because the past hour has been so deeply depressing. My six-month-old baby is in crèche at the moment. Just before I came back to work, I thought, "I am outsourcing the care of my kids because we are here to try to make this place better". That is how I justify it to myself: my six-month-old baby is being looked after by someone else — not me — because we have the privilege of trying to make this place better for everyone who lives here now and for future generations.

There has been so much politicking in the Chamber. I have noticed such a difference in this place in the six months from when I left to when I came back. We can make political points, and we can argue about things. We can disagree on things, and we will disagree on so many different levels, especially on huge moral questions. However, it has become so personal and nasty. Anytime that anyone stands up, there is a niggling behind them. Are we going to do that for the next 18 months? Are we honestly going to have to come here for the next 18 months and put up with that? Who is inspired by such discussions? Who is watching that and thinking, "Wow, those people really represent me. They will really make a difference". Who watches how we discuss things and feels hopeful right now? We disagree on so many things, but when we are in the corridors, it is human and personal. We are able to talk to each other, human to human. Please, can we do better?

I honestly do not know why I have come away from my children to be here if we are not actually going to make a difference to people's lives. We can disagree on things, but we can do so in a respectful way, not by constantly attacking one another's party in such a personal way. It is so personal. There is no humanity in politics across the world right now, but we have a duty to live up to this: people come to the Assembly every day because the Good Friday Agreement offers hope for how things can be better and how we can have huge differences but still sit in a room and think about how to make life better for people. They come here to learn from us, but what hope are they taking away right now? I just think that we can be better.

Sorry, Ballynafeigh: I will write you a letter instead.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

I remind Members that, when another Member is on their feet and speaking, it is really rude to talk over them. I ask you to be respectful, even for five minutes.

Steve Aiken (UUP, South Antrim)

Last week, along with several colleagues, I visited Israel. As a declaration of interest, the visit was paid for by the Israeli embassy in London. I thank all those whom we met: those of the Jewish, Muslim, Christian, Bahá'í and Druze faiths or of no faith; and those who consider themselves to be Israeli, Palestinian or Druze. The many people whom we talked to all mentioned the trauma and enormous suffering that happened on 7 October 2023 and the impact that that and the subsequent war are having on their lives. They all want a just and, hopefully, lasting peace.

The testimony that we heard directly from the innocent victims was in many, if not all, cases harrowing — so harrowing that, even as a military veteran, I find it hard to comprehend. The abuse, torture, sexual mutilation and violence and the pure brutality that occurred on 7 October are unfathomable. Far from being a victory to the Palestinian resistance, it was a horrific example of what I can only describe as pure, unadulterated evil. There was no attempt to hide what they did; in fact, they livestreamed it.

Some of the greatest horrors occurred at Kibbutz Nir Oz. That is, in the saddest way, ironic because it was known across Israel as the "peace kibbutz", where the residents went out of their way to help and support their Palestinian neighbours. That is where actual genocide was committed. Rita Lifschitz, a resident of the kibbutz, guided us around the burnt-out buildings. She walked us through the homes where the residents, many of whom were elderly or young, were murdered.

We then stopped outside what remained of the home of the Bibas family: husband, Yarden; wife, Shiri; Ariel, aged four; and Kfir, aged 10 months. The light was dropping as we gathered close to see where the shooting and grenades had left their mark. Outside, there was a washing machine and dryer with baby and children's clothes still in it. Beside it were children's toys, including a plastic house and swing. I have exactly the same toys in my garage for my children and grandkids. Yarden eventually came home, severely traumatised. Kfir, at the age of 10 months, was strangled in front of Shiri, and Ariel was murdered shortly thereafter. It is known from forensic evidence and Hamas's sick records that Shiri was alive to witness that. She was then murdered and mutilated, although it is uncertain whether all the mutilation was carried out pre- or post-mortem.

They were murdered that day, along with thousands of others, just because they were Jews. Everyone whom we met desired peace, but how do we make peace with people whose mentality is such that they sadistically strangle a child in front of their mother? The sad fact is that, on 7 October, the words "never again" became "now". Shalom.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

I rise this afternoon to follow up what we have heard about the response to last week's cross-party trip to Israel. Of all the places where lectures on human rights and terror can be delivered, this Chamber has zero credibility; it should be the last place where such comments are made. Of all the people who can pontificate in the Chamber about such matters, Sinn Féin Members are close to the bottom, with Pat Sheehan not even making the list. Of all the people to lead the nationalist and republican alliance by the nose on human rights in the Middle East, the Member for West Belfast, who is not in his place, should be very last. Why? It is because the Assembly is founded on the principle that you reward terror. You grant terrorists, such as Martin McGuinness and Conor Murphy, and apologists for terror, such as Michelle O'Neill, positions in Government so that they will not do it again.

Let us not pretend that this controversy is about human rights. It is about selective outrage and political theatre. I remind the House that the lead party for nationalism here proudly publicised its meetings with Hamas in 2006, 2009 and 2016 — an organisation that then, as now, is recognised by the United States as a terrorist organisation. I remind the House of what happened on 7 October: Israeli civilians were being murdered, Israeli women were being raped and Israeli children were being abducted from their homes. While that was happening, Mr Carroll was sitting at a safe distance away, tweeting, "Victory to the Palestinian Resistance". Yet, today, he clicks his fingers and Sinn Féin, the SDLP and, now, the Alliance Party fall into line behind him, not because of any great moral principle but because the Education Minister visited a school.

The hypocrisy is nauseating, but we should also pause to reflect on what the saga reveals about the dysfunction of this place. In no other Government in the world would so-called coalition partners declare no confidence in each other one day and then sit around the Executive table the next. For the record, Mr Givan, yes, indeed, you are partners with Sinn Féin in government. This is not normal politics.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

The Member's time is up.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

This place will never deliver normal politics.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

The Member's time is up. Take your seat.

Declan Kearney (Sinn Féin, South Antrim)

In the coming weeks, Sinn Féin will be conducting a house-to-house canvas throughout the North to discuss the 'good jobs' employment rights Bill, which will be brought before the Assembly in 2026. The Bill aims to introduce unprecedented improvements in all workplaces. Workers and employers will benefit, so it will be progressive and consequential legislation. Sinn Féin's grassroots political engagement will provide information about the proposed legislation and how it will advance economic productivity and shared prosperity.

As the all-island economy continues to grow, it is essential that everyone feels the benefits of prosperity, but that can only be achieved when workers are well paid and guaranteed secure employment. The proposals to expand trade union membership and strengthen collective bargaining rights are very important. The legislation will enhance the working environment for workers with parenting and caring responsibilities by guaranteeing rights to flexible working and parental leave. It contains family-friendly proposals, such as an introduction of additional leave and pay entitlements for working parents of babies in neonatal care, a statutory right to carer's leave, strengthened paternity leave rights and an extension of redundancy protections for pregnant women.

The 'good jobs' employment rights Bill will improve workers' conditions. It will guarantee that they keep their tips, strengthen the right to disconnect from the workplace and end precarious working conditions by introducing banded-hours contracts. The proposals in the legislation are expansive and transformative. Sinn Féin's constituency-based canvas will be aimed at maximising awareness of those important measures in the coming weeks.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

On many occasions, the House has debated the conflict in the Middle East, and not unlike many democratically elected Parliaments across the world, we have differing views. That is the essence of parliamentary debate. That is the essence of democracy. We should all be able to agree that there has been an untold loss of innocent human life, but today's debate is not about that.

It and the past week's attacks on the Education Minister are barefaced and brass-necked. Why? It is because he had the audacity to visit the state of Israel and to visit a school in Jerusalem — an integrated school where Arabs, Christians and Jews are all educated together.

We all know what today's discussion is really about. Comrade Gerry Carroll has Sinn Féin by the nose and is dragging it to the leftist extreme, as he often does in this place. It was once said that when the herd moves, it moves. My goodness, it has moved this morning, because right on cue, their useful lackeys in the Alliance Party and the SDLP are right behind them to support an extreme leftist cause. Who are they supporting? Gerry Carroll used to say that he stood up to fascists; today, he stands with them.

Let us not forget that most disgraceful tweet, which, by the way, no Sinn Féin Member has ever once condemned or criticised in the House. What did he say? He said, "Victory to the Palestinian Resistance", with a fist in the air, whilst 1,200 people had been executed by Hamas. That was the reality. What about the hurt that was caused? There was no comment. Then again, Sinn Féin is used to coming to the aid of international terrorism. It has been the lapdog and fanboy of terror gangs across the world. Mr Sheehan had the gall to talk about his position — he, a convicted terrorist and a man who went to visit Hamas.

We will take no lectures. This party will not be dictated to about who our Ministers shall be. They are put in place courtesy of the electorate that votes for us, and Minister Givan will continue to represent —

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Your time is up.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

— all the people in Northern Ireland.

Kellie Armstrong (Alliance, Strangford)

I will bring the House back to something that is relevant to Northern Ireland and that affects so many of our constituents. This morning, National Energy Action Northern Ireland revealed research that confirmed that 27% of households in Northern Ireland are living in fuel poverty. That is 27% of our neighbours, friends and family who are living in fuel poverty. Now, you would think that we would have a plan for that, but our fuel poverty strategy still sits in draft form in the Department for Communities and has not seen the light of day. What is worse about it, and all should pay attention to this, is the fact that over 50% of our pensioners and over 60% of our people with disabilities live in fuel poverty. It is November. It is getting colder. While others are worried about everything else, they are failing to deliver for people who live in cold homes in Northern Ireland today.

The research that was announced this morning confirmed that our Government, and the Minister for Communities in particular, are failing to deliver for the people who are living here by allowing them to continue to live in cold homes in the social housing and private rented sectors. The House has agreed legislation stating that energy efficiency standards will be introduced. Where are they? They have not seen the light of day. What is the hold-up with them? We have heard waffle after waffle about when the fuel poverty strategy might come forward. It is November. We still do not have a fuel poverty strategy, and we have 27% of households here living in cold homes. We have over 50% of our pensioners living in cold homes. What are we doing, folks? Are we just here for a game? Today in Northern Ireland, people will go without heat in their houses. Sadly, the research confirms that people are not turning on their heat. They are not eating in order to have enough money to pay for oil heating. Where is our strategy to get rid of oil heating? For goodness' sake, we are so far behind the rest of the Western World on our heating programmes here that it is unbelievable.

Rising energy costs are harming people here today. That is not mentioned in the Programme for Government, and it is time that it were. If we do not have a fuel poverty strategy in place to influence the future three-year Budget, it will be a shame on the House and a shame on the Minister for Communities. Too many people are getting into debt or are sitting cold in their home because this place is not delivering. It is time to get to action, folks. I do not want any pensioner to die in a cold home on our watch.

Diana Armstrong (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

I raise the issue of the significant data breach at the Agri-Food and Biosciences Institute (AFBI), in which farmers' personal details were inadvertently released through a freedom of information request. The incident raises serious concerns about data security in public bodies. Clearly, lessons were not learned from the PSNI's catastrophic data breach in 2023. At AFBI, proper safeguards and oversight measures were either inadequate or ignored. It was a careless and almost certainly avoidable failure that has placed hard-working farmers and their families at risk. The release of personal information has reportedly been exploited by activist groups to target and infiltrate farms under false pretences. Such behaviour amounts to vigilantism. Investigations into animal welfare must be conducted by the appropriate statutory authorities, not by politically motivated campaigners whose ultimate aim is the promotion of veganism and the destruction of Northern Ireland's agri-food sector.

Farmers who provide data to public agencies in good faith must be able to trust that it will be handled responsibly. Many now face sleepless nights knowing that their personal details are in the hands of extremists. I therefore call on the Minister of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs to outline urgently the full timeline of events, including when the breach occurred, when it was discovered and when affected individuals were informed. He should explain what steps have been taken to address the situation and to prevent a recurrence, confirm how many farmers have been impacted on and explain why it took nearly seven months for the information to come to light. I also ask him to detail what support or compensation will be made available to those affected. The incident has further damaged the confidence of the farming community in public authorities. Trust is at an all-time low, so it must be rebuilt through transparency, accountability and immediate action from the Department.

Recent reports citing investigations by those activist groups, based on illegally obtained information, have attempted to paint Northern Ireland's farming sector in an appalling light. It is deeply concerning that that narrative is being driven by clear ideological agendas rather than by objective, lawful and evidence-based oversight. Farmers deserve protection, not persecution. The Minister must make it clear that there is no threat to livestock or poultry production and that decisive measures are being taken to ensure the security of those who feed our nation.

Daniel McCrossan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, West Tyrone)

I will speak about something that affects every family across the region — mental health — and the shameful failure of the Executive parties to deliver on the commitment that they made to our people. In 2021, the Department of Health published a 10-year mental health strategy, which was ambitious, hopeful and long overdue. It promised a better system: one that would prevent crisis, deliver early intervention and finally give mental health the priority that it deserves. Almost four years later, however, that promise lies in tatters. The recent review of the strategy confirms that, as many of us feared, only £12 million has been invested in 14 actions out of 35. The original strategy required over £1·2 billion in order to deliver fully for the people most impacted on. That means that only a small fraction of what was pledged has been delivered.

Let me be clear that it is not a case of a funding gap but, rather, a failure of political will from the Executive parties. People across Northern Ireland are paying the price. Families are left waiting for months, and sometimes for years, for support. Some do not get any support at all. Young people in crisis turn up at overcrowded A&Es because there is nowhere else for them to go. The community and voluntary organisations that hold the system together are being left to survive from hand to mouth while the Executive hide behind excuses about budgets. Mental health services cannot continue to be the first thing cut and the last thing funded. They should be at the very heart of every decision that the Executive make. Indeed, it would serve the Executive parties well if they were to become as vexed about that issue as they are about some of the things that they use in the House to distract from their own failures.

Every week in my constituency of West Tyrone, I meet people who are crying out for help: parents whose children cannot get counselling, older people who are struggling with isolation and individuals who feel completely abandoned by the system. They are right to feel abandoned, because that is exactly what has happened. We cannot allow the cycle of strategy without delivery, promises without resources and words without meaning to continue. The Minister of Health and the Executive must fully fund and implement the mental health strategy as originally planned, not the watered-down version that we see lingering through today. They need to invest properly in crisis care, and they need to support the community and voluntary structures that are holding the whole system together.

Mental health is not a luxury or an optional extra: it is fundamental. Every life lost to suicide and every family broken is a failure of the Executive. The people of Northern Ireland deserve so much better. They deserve action, and it is high time that the Executive got their priorities in order and delivered in the interests of those who are suffering most.

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I associate myself with the remarks made by Dr Aiken and make a similar declaration of interest. Last week, I had the privilege of visiting Israel and hearing the stories of human tragedy in that community. Today, I put on record some of the voices that I heard. Just as others seek to silence them and cancel them, I will make sure that their voices are heard.

The visit started at Yad Vashem, the national Holocaust memorial for the six million Jews slaughtered during the Second World War and remembered at that centre in Israel, the only place and home where Jews can survive after centuries of persecution. I visited Malkia, a kibbutz in northern Israel that Hezbollah repeatedly targeted, year after year after year. I listened to Boaz, who recounted the horrors of many of the atrocities inflicted on his community. What was his message? "I just want peace, and I want the people of Lebanon to prosper". I visited Madjal Shams and the Druze community, an Arab sect of the Shiite variety, where 12 innocent children were killed by a rocket fired by Hezbollah. I visited Nir Oz, and Rita showed us around the site of one of the most appalling atrocities that took place on 7 October: 117 people from that very small village were either murdered or taken hostage, including an 84-year-old man, who was killed in captivity. I went to the Nova music festival site, where 378 young people were gunned down and 44 taken hostage. I listened to Yair recount how he managed to escape, but the trauma lives on. Those are just some of the voices, and that human story needs to be heard about what is happening in Israel.

That is why the vast majority of people in Northern Ireland and I are appalled by the manufactured outrage of the extreme left, led by Gerry Carroll, who, on 7 October, tweeted, "Victory to the Palestinian Resistance". He never once apologised, and, yet, he is now supported by the Alliance Party, the SDLP and Sinn Féin. Sinn Féin does not surprise me: terrorists supporting terrorists will never come as a surprise to me. However, I will continue to raise my voice for the innocents who were slaughtered in Israel on 7 October.

Some Members

Hear, hear.

Assembly Business

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

[Pause.]

I am just waiting for people to have a bit of manners.

Andy Allen (UUP, Belfast East)

I beg to move

That this Assembly, in accordance with Section 19(1) of the Assembly Members (Independent Financial Review and Standards) Act (Northern Ireland) 2011, appoints Stephen Wright as the Northern Ireland Assembly Commissioner for Standards.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

The Business Committee has agreed to allow up to 45 minutes for the debate. The proposer of the motion will have 10 minutes to propose and five minutes to make a winding-up speech. All other Members who wish to speak will have five minutes.

Andy Allen (UUP, Belfast East)

On behalf of the Assembly Commission, I ask the Assembly to support the appointment of a Commissioner for Standards to fill the current vacancy. On 8 September 2025, as the House is aware, the Assembly agreed the appointment of Mr Mark McEwan as Commissioner for Standards. The Speaker then wrote to Members on 16 September 2025 to inform them that Mr McEwan had submitted his resignation. The Assembly Commission would, of course, have preferred not to have returned to the Chamber on this matter so soon. However, it is recognised that the position of deputy chief constable of Surrey Police is a significant appointment for Mr McEwan, and the Assembly Commission wishes him every success with it.

The Assembly Members (Independent Financial Review and Standards) Act (Northern Ireland) 2011 requires that the person to be appointed as Commissioner for Standards be:

"identified by fair and open competition".

The Assembly Commission undertook that function on behalf of the Assembly, and the House is aware that the recruitment panel comprised the Speaker, on behalf of the Assembly Commission; the Chairperson of the Committee on Standards and Privileges, Cathy Mason; the Clerk/Chief Executive, Lesley Hogg; and the Parliamentary Commissioner for Standards at Westminster, Daniel Greenberg CB. The Assembly Commission previously thanked the Chairperson of the Committee on Standards and Privileges and Daniel Greenberg for giving of their time to sit on the panel.

Following the completion of the recruitment competition, the Assembly Commission was able to identify a number of strong suitable candidates for appointment and is therefore pleased to be able to make a further nomination today. The Assembly Commission is today asking the Assembly to support the appointment of Mr Stephen Wright as the new Commissioner for Standards.

Stephen Wright has 30 years' service in the PSNI. The majority of his roles in that time have been investigatory in the crime department, including as senior investigating officer (SIO) for serious organised crime and head of the anti-corruption unit. He has also held other posts in the PSNI, including head of training, a brief period as head of human resources and, most recently, head of professional standards.

The primary role of the commissioner is to carry out investigations into complaints relating to the Assembly's code of conduct and ministerial code of conduct and to report the outcome of those investigations to the Assembly. Therefore, the role of commissioner is an important part of the framework to ensure that high standards of conduct in public life are upheld at the Assembly. The Assembly Commission believes that Mr Stephen Wright has the relevant skills and experience to serve the Assembly well as Commissioner for Standards for the period of five years set out in the 2011 Act. Therefore, on behalf of the Assembly Commission, I commend to the House the nomination of Mr Stephen Wright as Commissioner for Standards.

Cathy Mason (Sinn Féin, South Down)

I speak to the motion having sat on the Assembly's recruitment panel for the appointment of a new Commissioner for Standards.

As Members are aware, the commissioner is an independent officer who is appointed by the Assembly to consider and investigate complaints of alleged breaches of the MLA code of conduct and the ministerial code of conduct. In fulfilling the role, the commissioner contributes to the overseeing and safeguarding of the ethical standards of MLAs and Ministers. The commissioner's independence is therefore essential to ensuring fairness, transparency, accountability and public trust in our standards regime.

The process for investigating complaints is designed so that allegations of breaches of the MLA or ministerial codes of conduct go directly to the commissioner for assessment of admissibility and, where applicable, for investigation. For complaints against MLAs, the Committee then considers the commissioner's investigation reports, determines whether a breach of the code has occurred and, where appropriate, recommends to the Assembly the sanction to be imposed. The commissioner, the Committee and the Assembly therefore exercise the complementary functions of investigation, adjudication and sanctioning respectively.

Each has a key part to play in ensuring that proper standards of conduct are upheld by Members. As such, it is important that the Assembly ensures that the office of the commissioner remains filled without undue interruption in order to safeguard the timely exercise of the commissioner's functions.

I expect that the other Committee members welcome the appointment of Stephen Wright, as I do, and look forward to engaging with the new commissioner in progressing the vital work of implementing the Assembly's ethical standards system. On behalf of the Committee, I support the motion.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

The role of the Commissioner for Standards is important, and the commissioner should be an independent person who makes sure that all MLAs and Ministers are held to the same standards, which should apply equally across the House. That is a unique role that should not be surrendered to anyone else. If Stephen Wright fulfils that role, he will have my full support. I trust that Mr Wright will be permitted to do his job, and I trust that he will treat all MLAs equally. Sadly, that was not the case with a predecessor who adopted the, frankly, bizarre view —

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Mr Gaston —.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

— that she should not investigate —.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Mr Gaston, I am not going to permit you to continue in that line of debate. You are well outside of the scope. If you want to return to the scope of the debate, which is the appointment of the new commissioner, you are welcome to continue.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

I was going to raise the issue that a previous commissioner would not investigate Committee Chairs. Previously, you took great offence when I talked about the McMonagle sex scandal that happened in the Building —

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Right, Mr Gaston —.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

— but I was going to try to keep my remarks to the debate today.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Mr Gaston, sit down. I am moving on. I call Brian Kingston.

Brian Kingston (DUP, Belfast North)

As a member of the Committee on Standards and Privileges, I welcome the appointment of a new commissioner. We trust that it will be a longer appointment than the one immediately previous to it, which, we understand, was short-lived due to another recruitment. As has been said by the Chairperson of the Committee, the commissioner has an important independent scrutiny role and reports to the Committee on Standards and Privileges with recommendations. Reports are considered by the Committee and, ultimately, brought to the Floor for debate on any sanction or consequence. I commend the work of the Committee. We look forward to working with the new commissioner in that independent role and ensuring that standards, the codes of conduct and the principles of conduct are upheld in the Assembly.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

I call Sinéad Ennis to make the winding-up speech on the motion. Sinéad, you have five minutes.

Sinéad Ennis (Sinn Féin, South Down)

I thank Members for their contributions — their sensible contributions — to the debate. At the beginning of the debate, my colleague Andy Allen set out the circumstances that bring the matter back to the House and reminded Members of the arrangements for the fair and open recruitment process that was undertaken by the Assembly Commission. The role of Commissioner for Standards is crucial to upholding standards in the Assembly. It is, therefore, important that the Assembly Commission has been able to come back to the House relatively quickly, with only a period to complete the normal pre-appointment checks that are required for such a post.

The involvement of the Committee on Standards and Privileges in the recruitment process is vital. I thank the Chairperson, Cathy Mason, for confirming her support for Stephen Wright's nomination and for participating on the panel. I know that the Committee and the new commissioner will want to quickly form a strong relationship as he gets down to his work. The role of commissioner is important in giving the public confidence that any breach of the Assembly or ministerial code of conduct will be investigated and dealt with, but also in giving Members confidence —.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

Will the Member give way?

Sinéad Ennis (Sinn Féin, South Down)

I will not give way. I could not listen to the Phríomh-Leas-Cheann Comhairle

[Translation: Madam Principal Deputy Speaker]

embarrass the Member again.

The role is also important in giving Members confidence that any complaints will be considered with due and proper process. Stephen Wright's experience means that he is entirely well suited to ensuring that any allegations of breaches of the codes of conduct are investigated rigorously and fairly. On behalf of the Assembly Commission, I commend to Members the nomination of Stephen Wright for appointment as the new Assembly Commissioner for Standards.

Question put and agreed to.

Resolved:

That this Assembly, in accordance with Section 19(1) of the Assembly Members (Independent Financial Review and Standards) Act (Northern Ireland) 2011, appoints Stephen Wright as the Northern Ireland Assembly Commissioner for Standards.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Members, take your ease while we change the top Table for the next item of business.

(Mr Deputy Speaker [Dr Aiken] in the Chair)

Private Members' Business

Nuala McAllister (Alliance, Belfast North)

I beg to move

That this Assembly expresses concern at the lack of transparency, delay and slow pace of the investigations and reviews into individual patients and the overall cervical screening scandal by the Department of Health and the Southern Health and Social Care Trust (SHSCT); recognises the steps taken by the Department of Health and the Southern Health and Social Care Trust regarding the recall of women for cervical screening; pays tribute to the Ladies with Letters campaigners who have fought hard for transparency in the issues that led to the underperformance of screeners and the recall of the slides of 17,500 women in the Southern Health and Social Care Trust area; acknowledges that, for some patients, the review was too late and lives were affected by the failure; and calls on the Minister of Health to establish a statutory public inquiry in order to uncover the full truth, establish accountability and ensure that such failures never arise again.

Steve Aiken (UUP, South Antrim)

The Business Committee has agreed to allow up to one hour and 30 minutes for the debate. The proposer of the motion will have 10 minutes to propose and 10 minutes to make a winding-up speech. As an amendment has been selected and is published on the Marshalled List, the Business Committee has agreed that 15 minutes will be added to the total time for the debate.

Miss McAllister, please open the debate on the motion.

Nuala McAllister (Alliance, Belfast North)

On a point of order, Mr Deputy Speaker, is there scope to wait for the Minister? It is important that he hears the points that will be made by the proposers of the motion and the amendment so that he can address them when winding up the debate. I am not sure if there is scope to do that.

Steve Aiken (UUP, South Antrim)

There is no scope to do that because you have started the debate, and the proposer of the amendment is here. We have messaged the Minister and encouraged him to get here as soon as possible.

Speaking of that person, he has just arrived. Your point of order has been noted, Miss McAllister. It is on the record, and the Minister has duly arrived. Miss McAllister, over to you.

Nuala McAllister (Alliance, Belfast North)

It is with great sorrow and frustration that we have brought the motion to the Chamber, which calls on the Minister to establish a statutory public inquiry into the cervical screening scandal in the Southern Health and Social Care Trust.

It is not a political issue; it has brought together all the parties in the Chamber to support the women, who are still suffering with their families. It would be remiss of me not to pay tribute to those women. First, I pay tribute to the Ladies with Letters group for representing the 17,500 women who have been impacted on by the scandal. They have stood strong and been determined in their fight for justice and transparency. Anyone who has met the women involved cannot help but be in awe of the courage that they continue to show in a fight that is the result of traumatic failures by the Southern Trust and possibly other trusts in Northern Ireland. I thank them for all the work that they have done and continue to do. While we, as MLAs, can highlight the stories and call for accountability and transparency, there is no better way to show the damage caused than by hearing from the women directly impacted.

I also pay tribute to the ladies who tragically lost their lives as a result of the failures: Lynsey Courtney, a mother of one from Portadown, was just 30 when she died in 2018; and Erin Harbinson, a mother of four from Tandragee, was 44 when she died in 2024, after three of her smear tests were misread. We will hold their families, friends and loved ones in our thoughts as we continue to fight for justice and accountability.

Last December saw the publication of the reports from the Southern Trust on the cervical screening review and audit. Over 17,000 women were included in the review: 11 women required further treatment, and eight women were diagnosed with cervical cancer after their smears were misread. Despite those reports, whistle-blowers have raised concerns that there are still quality assurance issues. That does great damage to the confidence of women across all trusts in Northern Ireland in ensuring that they come forward to receive their smear tests. Health Committee members have discussed the outworkings of the reports three times this year. We have continually raised concerns about the quality assurance issues that occurred from 2008 to 2021 and the failures of the Southern Trust and the Public Health Agency (PHA) after those issues were raised. It is deeply unfortunate that, on the majority of those occasions, we have not been able to ask questions of the people directly involved.

Concerns around screener performance were raised as early as 2009, yet the issue continued until 2021. The trust offered little training or support. Performance data was looked at year-on-year and siloed in each trust, rather than compared across trust areas and across the years. Those are among the major failings highlighted in the 2023 report from the Royal College of Pathologists. However, when a newly recruited consultant in the Southern Trust noticed the failures of two screeners immediately on taking up the role, he removed them from their duties in October 2021. I have been made aware that the issues were raised in a meeting with the PHA in February 2022. Despite that, the Southern Trust continues to maintain that the concerns did not reach their senior leadership team, through an assistant medical director, until July 2022. The Southern Trust reiterated that to the Health Committee. I again ask for evidence that that is the case. Surely there are minutes of that meeting in July 2022; indeed, surely there are notes from the meeting with the PHA in February 2022. I raise those issues because it is important for our confidence that, in moving forward, we can have true transparency and accountability. There was a six-month gap before the trust leadership took action and asked for a look-back exercise. Anyone who has had an unfortunate experience with cervical cancer or, indeed, any cancer will know the difference that six months can make.

At the same Health Committee meeting in July, officials from the Health Department noted that there were three outstanding pieces of work, including the peer review of external quality assurance arrangements by NHS England and the independent external review of the Southern Trust reports. At that meeting, they said that the publication of those reports would be imminent and that we were looking at it being in the short term rather than it being extended well into the autumn. Officials confirmed that the Health Minister had had sight of the peer review of external quality assurance since July, yet we stand here at the beginning of November with no indication of when the reports will be brought forward. We have heard musings that it will perhaps be some time this week. Meanwhile, women have continued to dutifully present for smear tests at their GP surgeries, often despite their nerves or fears.

For as long as the reports are unpublished, recommendations are unclear and action is not taken to ensure that our cervical screening arrangements are as robust and accurate as possible, we will continue to fail those women. I hope that the Minister can take the opportunity presented today to confirm to the House when the reports will finally be published. Perhaps more important, I hope that he will also make a commitment on the Floor of the Assembly that the ladies behind the campaign "Ladies with Letters" will receive proper briefings in advance. It is important to note that, because we are aware of many communication failings that have occurred throughout the process. Women who are the subject of serious adverse incidents (SAIs) are being informed of sensitive medical failings in impersonal meetings in front of a panel of 10 professionals. The Department of Health can show that lessons have been learned and that concerns have been listened to by simply paying attention to those women in a respectful way.

A number of weeks ago, alongside other Members, I had the opportunity to meet the Ladies with Letters group on the front steps of Parliament Buildings. We spoke to a number of women who have had their SAI reports and are deeply unsatisfied with the information or lack thereof given to them. That is why we tabled today's motion. Those women do not have confidence in the current system. They do not have confidence that the three reports that are to be published, including the individual SAI reports — of course, with data protected — will contain all of the answers and assurances that they need.

I thank the DUP members of the Health Committee for their amendment, which we will support. It is important that we have cross-party support. Given the scale of the damage to trust and confidence caused by the events in the Southern Trust, the Belfast Trust and the Department of Health, we must act quickly to resolve the issues, particularly in the Belfast labs, so that delays and distress can be limited.

I will finish with the words of Heather Thompson, a retired nurse from Tandragee and member of the Ladies with Letters group, who said it best:

"The Health Minister ... has publicly committed to a Women's Health Strategy. What better way to demonstrate that commitment than by establishing a statutory public inquiry into these failings?"

Steve Aiken (UUP, South Antrim)

The next item of business in the Order Paper is Question Time. The debate will resume after the questions for urgent oral answer, when the next Member to be called will be Diane Dodds to move the amendment. By leave of the Assembly, I suspend the sitting until 2.00 pm.

The debate stood suspended.

The sitting was suspended at 1.51 pm and resumed at 2.00 pm.

(Madam Principal Deputy Speaker in the Chair)

Oral Answers to Questions — Infrastructure

Cara Hunter (Social Democratic and Labour Party, East Londonderry)

1. Ms Hunter asked the Minister for Infrastructure to outline any discussions she has had in relation to traffic issues in Ballykelly. (AQO 2595/22-27)

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

The £2·6 million active travel improvement scheme along the A2 Clooney Road is part of my commitment to enhance and expand our active travel network across the North. On completion, the scheme will provide significantly enhanced cycling and pedestrian facilities between Ballykelly and Greysteel and is part of a long-term plan to improve active travel facilities in the north-west.

The scheme started on 4 January 2025 and is currently programmed to run for 52 weeks. By their nature, roadworks can be disruptive, and my officials have been continually working closely with the contractor to minimise disruption to road users, with the aim of striking a balance between efficiently progressing works and minimising disruption for the travelling public.

In response to concerns raised by motorists and the local community, temporary traffic management measures have been modified over the duration of the scheme. Lane closures are put in place only when required, works areas are kept as short as possible and traffic control has been changed from automated traffic signals to manually operated ones to aid traffic progression further. Moreover, on a number of occasions, works were suspended to accommodate major events in the area.

I fully appreciate that traffic delays are frustrating for motorists and that there have been additional delays in recent weeks as the works near completion. The temporary traffic management arrangements are essential for the safety of road workers and the travelling public. I continue to ask the public to allow extra time for their journeys and to comply with the measures in place.

Cara Hunter (Social Democratic and Labour Party, East Londonderry)

Understandably, constituents are angry at the continued delays on that road. We know with roadworks that delays sometimes cannot be helped, but people feel that they are not being listened to. Will the Minister commit some time in the next month to come to Ballykelly, meet me and other elected reps and speak with constituents about the ongoing delays? People are missing health appointments, school and so much more.

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

I have been in Ballykelly and met elected representatives in recent months. I do not underestimate people's frustrations. We have heard them right across the North when there are major roadworks. We are very cognisant of the impact that roadworks have, and officials have worked very closely with the contractor to ensure that any works that are happening are absolutely necessary and that we keep disruption to an absolute minimum.

I understand that, over the Halloween weekend, the volume of traffic was huge. It is brilliant to see so many people going to Derry specifically. I am aware, however, that various routes experience the same traffic congestion. It is a perfect storm on some occasions, but I assure the Member and the wider community in the area that we are doing our utmost to ensure that work progresses as quickly as possible and that we are doing as much as we can to keep people safe, particularly road workers and road users.

Alan Robinson (DUP, East Londonderry)

Given the number of times that Ballykelly traffic has been highlighted to her Department, how much weight is now being attached to progressing a bypass for Ballykelly village?

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

I have said how much weight is being attached to it. Traffic is a constant issue, so we are always looking at what can be done to minimise disruption. The Department, as the Member knows, is in the process of developing the new transport strategy, which will help shape the vision and strategic priorities for transport right through to 2035 across the whole of the North. Once that is published, it will help inform the transport plan for the regional strategic transport network, which includes the A2 at Ballykelly. A preferred route for the Ballykelly bypass was announced in 2010. Since then, however, no further development work has been undertaken on the project. If that scheme is prioritised in the transport plan, the route will then be reassessed as part of the plan for scheme delivery. I discussed that with elected representatives when I was on-site in Ballykelly, because I know that the wider community is keen to see a bypass be progressed.

Cathal Boylan (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

Will the Minister provide an update on the provision of a railway halt at Ballykelly?

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

The Belfast to Derry route enhancement programme is a collection of railway infrastructure works that are required to be delivered in order to maximise potential and efficiencies of service on that key rail corridor, which maintains connectivity between Belfast and Derry. The programme aims to examine opportunities for greater connectivity on the route, increase journey frequencies on the Belfast to Derry line and potentially the provision of new halts at Eglinton, City of Derry Airport, Ballykelly and Strathfoyle. It is envisaged that that may require construction of passing loops and line speed enhancements, and Translink plans to submit a revised strategic outline case to the Department by the end of this year. In addition to demand, the location of any new halt or halts will need to consider the implications for the wider operational network, such as how stopping and starting will increase journey times.

Sinéad McLaughlin (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

2. Ms McLaughlin asked the Minister for Infrastructure for an update on the Translink business case for service enhancements on the north-west rail corridor. (AQO 2596/22-27)

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

I fully recognise the need to address regional imbalance and to better connect our communities, including those in the north-west. As the Member will be aware, Translink submitted a revised business case in September this year for the provision of additional services on the north-west rail corridor to ensure that the predicted costs and revenue projections are up to date and accurate. My officials are considering that updated business case.

I am pleased that Translink has also delivered significant improvements to public transport in the north-west in recent years, including by creating over 46,000 additional seats by converting 232 rail services per week to six-car operations and by making improvements to Goldliner services. Since April 2024, when the A6 works were completed, Translink has introduced seven additional direct X212 services to and from Derry. The scheduled journey time on the X212 is one hour and 45 minutes, which represents a 15-minute improvement on the standard 212 journey time. Derry is the first city on this island to operate with a full zero emission bus fleet.

There has also been significant capital funding in public transport in the north-west, including a £27 million investment in the north-west transport hub; an investment of £59 million in zero emission buses, which I mentioned; and a £97·7 million investment in phase 3 of the Derry to Coleraine project. As I just mentioned, I have also, in my 2025-26 budget, included ring-fenced funding of £5·79 million to allow Translink to progress phase 3 of the Derry to Coleraine track renewal project. Work is continuing, including on the production of the detailed design of the required track improvements in preparation for the procurement phase of the project. It has also included the manufacture of railway sleepers in advance of the main works.

Sinéad McLaughlin (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

Minister, Translink first submitted a business case for rail improvements in the north-west over a year and a half ago, and, because of the Department's failure to act, it has had to submit an updated version more than a year and a half later. In the meantime, we just see chaos after chaos, particularly over the weekend, when people visiting Derry for Halloween were left stranded and were unable to get home because of the lack of rail services.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Is there a question, Sinéad?

Sinéad McLaughlin (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

How can you possibly justify the continued failure to deliver a vital upgrade to the north-west rail line when your inaction is already leaving passengers —

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

OK. Minister.

Sinéad McLaughlin (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

— stranded?

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

I do not agree with the Member that there has been a failure because, as I have said, we are considering the updated business case. I take this very seriously, and I recognise the importance of regional balance. I have set out very clearly that I am committed to that. There is no doubt that funding has been a huge challenge, and I am sure that the Member's former colleague will have found the same challenges when she was in post, as all previous and current Ministers in the Executive will have. However, I have met Into the West and other representatives from the area who are very keen to see this progress, and I really want to see that happening. We are looking at the updated business case, and I hope to be able to provide further information soon.

Gary Middleton (DUP, Foyle)

Minister, it is welcome that the north-west transport hub has been a game changer for my constituency. However, the frequency of trains is raised time and time again. Minister, are you actively seeking to address that issue? Will that be covered in some of the funding bids that you will bring forward to, hopefully, see this progress?

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

Yes. As I said in my initial answer, one of the things that is included is increasing the frequency of journeys on that Belfast to Derry line. I recognise how important that is, and we are considering that. It is part of a package of measures that the Department is looking at as part of the Belfast to Derry route enhancement programme. There is no doubt that that would go a long way to being a huge benefit for the whole region.

Ciara Ferguson (Sinn Féin, Foyle)

I very much welcome the close working relationship between Translink and the Department and the resubmission of an updated business case to progress service enhancements. Will the Minister provide an update on the proposed new rail link from Derry to Portadown?

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

The all-island strategic rail review sought to provide a strategic vision for rail right across Ireland, including how rail could contribute to the decarbonisation of transport; promote sustainability and connectivity into and between major cities; enhance regional accessibility; and support balanced regional development. I have ring-fenced £1 million in Translink's 2025-26 capital budget to continue momentum projects that were identified in the all-island strategic rail review, including the Portadown to Derry rail link. Translink has submitted a feasibility study on the Portadown to Derry rail link to my Department, and I expect to publish the outcomes later this year.

David Honeyford (Alliance, Lagan Valley)

On the all-island rail review, the feasibility study on the Knockmore line was due to be published, but it has not been. Can the Minister confirm when that will happen and state why it has been delayed?

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

I am not aware of there being any delay. As I said, I have proposed that the feasibility studies come forward very soon.

Michelle McIlveen (DUP, Strangford)

3. Miss McIlveen asked the Minister for Infrastructure to outline any further steps that can be taken to address the pollution of waterways by Northern Ireland Water. (AQO 2597/22-27)

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

NI Water invests in detailed modelling of catchments and collection systems, along with much more empirical data from advanced instrumentation, to better understand when storm overflows are operating and the impact on the receiving waterbody. Further investment in those areas will provide NI Water with a better understanding and potential control of its waste water networks to mitigate the number of discharges from its network into the water environment. NI Water is continuing with the roll-out of its event duration monitor programme. That will gather evidence and inform future investment plans in order to prioritise work to address poorly performing combined sewer overflows. NI Water also continues to invest and develop its pollution management strategy in order to improve its operational management and response to pollution incidents. In addition, NI Water reviews the cause of each reported pollution incident to assess the lessons learnt and establish the read-across to other assets.

My Department’s Water, Sustainable Drainage and Flood Management Bill contains enhanced powers for NI Water to deal with sewer and drain miscommunications in private infrastructure. Untreated discharges from miscommunications can pollute waterways and local rivers and potentially end up on beaches. These enhanced powers will provide NI Water with the capacity to repair drainage miscommunications and recover the costs associated with the work, if the property owner refuses to do the work.

My Department is also taking forward an urban drainage pilot project to retrofit a range of nature-based drainage solutions, such as leaky dams, attenuation ponds, rainwater gardens and swales to manage rainwater. We also need to integrate nature-based drainage solutions into future housing developments. On 22 September, I launched a consultation on sustainable drainage systems (SuDS) in new developments. Both projects demonstrate my commitment to delivering environmental improvements, reducing flood risk and improving water quality.

Michelle McIlveen (DUP, Strangford)

I thank the Minister for her answer. When the AERA Minister appeared before the Northern Ireland Affairs Committee recently, he was extremely critical of the Infrastructure Minister's inaction on the pollution of Northern Ireland's waterways by Northern Ireland Water, a company that is wholly owned by the Minister's Department. He said:

"the situation at the moment is not tenable."

and

"we need to have stronger regulation and enforcement around sewage pollution."

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Is there a question?

Michelle McIlveen (DUP, Strangford)

What direct engagement has the Minister had with Minister Muir on those points, and what action will be taken as a consequence of those discussions?

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

I have been working with Minister Muir. His comments were disappointing to say the least, given that I have shown a very clear commitment to working closely with him and his Department, for all the reasons outlined. I am keen to play my part in improving our water quality and addressing water pollution, which impacts on his role and affects Lough Neagh and other waterbodies. I have outlined some of the work that I have done with NI Water and what we are trying to do to address the ongoing issues that we are all well versed in. I met Minister Muir recently, and I will meet him again later this month to discuss his review of the statement of regulatory principles and intent with NI Water. I await his decision on the outcome of that review. My door is always open. I have been very keen to continue that work with him, and that will continue to be the case going forward.

Aoife Finnegan (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

Minister, will the legislation on sustainable urban drainage systems help to improve water quality in our waterways?

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

Absolutely. By integrating nature-based drainage solutions into future housing developments, we can lessen the demands on existing sewerage systems and, at the same time, lessen the impacts of climate change and potentially reduce pollution, thereby helping to protect water quality in our rivers and loughs. Earlier this year, as you mentioned, I introduced the Bill in the Assembly. It will provide enabling powers for my Department to regulate for SuDS in new developments.

In tandem with the progression of the Bill, on 22 September 2025, I launched the initial public consultation on nature-based SuDS in new housing developments. The consultation seeks views on the development and implementation of new policies and regulatory arrangements to ensure that nature-based SuDS such as grassed swales, rain gardens and detention ponds, which I have mentioned, are provided in new housing developments in the future. The widespread implementation of nature-based solutions will help to tackle the challenges of climate change and will help to manage flood risk, improve water quality and limit the impact of new developments on the existing drainage network. Recently, I had the opportunity to see that in action at Belmont Hall in County Antrim. I was hugely impressed by the work that has been done by the developer to take those measures on board, and I hope to see more of that.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

It is well known that waste water spills are a key factor driving water pollution. It is also known that our waste water infrastructure is at capacity and that SuDS alone in new developments cannot change the situation that already exists. How does the Minister propose to deliver the significant investment that is needed without undue delay?

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

Sometimes, I feel as though I am saying this for the first time in the House. I have outlined repeatedly the steps that I have been taking, as did my predecessor, John O'Dowd, to find solutions. That is where I am: I am solution-focused.

At present, the Executive cannot provide the investment that is needed. That is a well-known fact. However, I am not prepared to sit on my hands. I have talked at length about the three-pronged approach. We have the SuDS Bill, which the Member mentioned, but I am under no illusion that it is a silver bullet. It is not the only solution. I look continually at everything that is available to me to ensure that we can make progress. We have seen good progress. I have been working closely with NI Water, which has been able to deliver an innovative solution. The pilot has been delivered in Newry, enabling capacity to be unlocked for the next 10 years. That has been really positive. I hope to see more of that in the time ahead. There are lots of other things that we can do, working with Executive colleagues to ensure that we can secure additional investment to keep this thing moving and to keep making progress on our waste water infrastructure. As well as that, the Member will know about the consultation on developer contributions, which closed recently. Hopefully, those contributions will help to supplement the money that is needed.

I am under no illusions that it is not challenging, but I am absolutely committed to doing all that I can and to working with anyone who wants to work with me to deliver, because it is not just about waste water infrastructure but about environmental issues, progress, housebuilding and the economy of this place. I will continue to do that. I hope to hear other suggestions from Members as time goes on.

Maolíosa McHugh (Sinn Féin, West Tyrone)

4. Mr McHugh asked the Minister for Infrastructure whether her Department will install road traffic signs outside Gaelscoil Uí Dhochartaigh. (AQO 2598/22-27)

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

I thank the Member for his question. I can confirm that the developer responsible for the construction of the school is required to erect "safer routes to school" signage and appropriate road markings as part of the approved planning permission. I can also advise that an instruction to complete the required works was passed to the developer’s contractor in October. Officials will continue to work with the developer to ensure that the school signage is erected.

Maolíosa McHugh (Sinn Féin, West Tyrone)

Go raibh maith agat, a Aire

[Translation: Thank you, Minister]

for your response. Minister, is it possible to have a reduced speed limit in proximity to the school?

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

My officials will carry out a speed limit assessment on Strahans Road at the school, in line with the Department's policy, to determine whether the existing speed limit remains appropriate. I can ask officials to keep the Member informed of the outcome.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

The installation and maintenance of road signage is important to all road users. The Minister will be aware that a recent BBC report showed that dozens of "Londonderry" and "Welcome to Northern Ireland" signs have been damaged and vandalised. Does the Minister condemn that? Will she act urgently to ensure that they are repaired promptly?

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

I am not accepting that question. It is not related to the original question, so we will move on.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

[Inaudible.]

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

It is not. Do not challenge the Chair, Jonathan, OK? Thank you.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

[Inaudible.]

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

I am not going to call you.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

Are you not?

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

No, absolutely not. Sure, run into the Speaker's Office.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

On a point of order.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

There are no points of order during Question Time. Read your Standing Orders. I call Trevor Clarke.

Trevor Clarke (DUP, South Antrim)

5. Mr Clarke asked the Minister for Infrastructure to outline her Department’s role in the planning process for banners and billboards erected on or near public highways. (AQO 2599/22-27)

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

In 2015, the majority of planning functions, including the processing of local and major applications, transferred to local council planning authorities. The devolution of planning powers to local councils was intended to provide democratically accountable decision-making at a level where local knowledge and experience could be utilised. The display and control of advertisements are typically categorised as local applications and are subject to a consenting process by way of an application to the appropriate council under the Planning (Control of Advertisements) Regulations (NI) 2015. Any breaches of planning regulations are generally addressed under that legislation and, in most cases, fall within the jurisdiction of the relevant council.

My Department's Roads officials have a role as consultees on local council planning applications and will provide advice on advertisements if consulted, having specific responsibility for planning-related aspects of the roads network but not the overall application. As part of the consultation process, DFI Roads is consulted on planning applications for advertising hoardings when they are submitted that the Department assesses to ensure that no road safety issues will be caused by the proposal. A local council may have enforcement cases for signs or hoardings that do not have planning permission. As part of that process, it will consult DFI Roads for advice on road safety. The Department will assess and respond to the local council.

Trevor Clarke (DUP, South Antrim)

I thank the Minister for that answer. I am glad that she pointed out the Department's consultative role and the road safety issues. Minister, given all of that and the fact that there is a sign in your constituency that is adjacent to a bridge and is prejudicing road safety, when will you instruct your officials to remove it from your land?

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

The billboard to which the Member refers is mounted on five posts, some of which appear to be situated on my Department's land. The rest of them are on privately owned land, so the billboard is not fully on DFI land. The erection of advertising signs within the boundaries of a public road is an offence under article 87 of the Roads Order 1993. That article gives the Department the discretionary power to seek to have the advertisement removed or, if necessary, to remove it itself. The billboard in question is considered to pose a low risk to road safety, because it is set back from the road on an embankment, does not obstruct sight lines and is in a 30 mph speed limit area.

Daniel McCrossan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, West Tyrone)

Minister, are you aware of whether your party sought the necessary consent to erect such a sign on public or third-party land?

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

No, I am not, because I did not erect it.

Andrew McMurray (Alliance, South Down)

Minister, as you know, my colleague is working on a private Member's Bill that might deal with issues like that. Will you assure us that due process will be followed not only in that matter but in other matters that might arise across the board?

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

As I said, the legislation is clear, and I have outlined how it is applied. I am aware of your party colleague's private Member's Bill on those issues, particularly flags and other issues that have arisen. We all deal with such things regularly. I have had meetings with the PSNI about the nature of some signs and other things that have gone up, particularly those that have had a hate or intimidatory aspect. I continue to work with everyone to find a sustainable solution to all those issues.

Tom Buchanan (DUP, West Tyrone)

6. Mr T Buchanan asked the Minister for Infrastructure to outline any proposals to introduce road safety measures on the A5 to help save lives. (AQO 2600/22-27)

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

I reiterate that my ultimate aim is to ensure the delivery of the A5 flagship project. I remain committed to doing all that I can to see that it happens and that no more lives are lost on the road. The most important point made by the court was the need for a new and safer A5 dual carriageway so that no other family experiences the huge tragedy that we have seen on the A5 over many years. That is my focus.

In the last financial year, my Department undertook a series of targeted road safety enhancements along the existing A5 corridor aimed at improving visibility, driver awareness and surface performance. Those works included refreshing white lines, replacing signs and catseyes and completing localised resurfacing. My Department has programmed further resurfacing work this financial year. My officials have recently provided me with a report highlighting the potential for further safety improvements on the A5, and I am considering the additional measures that we can implement in this year.

Tom Buchanan (DUP, West Tyrone)

I thank the Minister for her response. I appreciate that some work has been done on the A5. While the new western transport corridor will be some way down the line, perhaps — we are not sure yet — has the Minister considered, for example, the installation of cameras on some of the most dangerous parts of the A5 for drivers coming on to and off it, which would help to slow the traffic at relatively low cost?

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

Safety risks are routinely considered across the entire road network, including the A5, through analysis of the accident statistics available to us to identify significant accident clusters. Additional analysis is carried out to highlight any contributory risk factors, such as vehicle speed, road condition or road configuration. Provision of street lighting in localised areas is being considered to help driver and pedestrian safety through increased visibility, and consideration will be given to locations that would benefit from parapet upgrades by the introduction of vehicle restraint barriers. The location of any such safety interventions across the network is primarily driven by the data on accidents and collisions; however, other considerations, including consultation with the PSNI, information received from elected representatives and the public and engineering judgement, are also taken into account. As I said, that forms part of the ongoing work, and, when we have more information, I will be happy to update the Member.

Diana Armstrong (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

Minister, you recently responded to a question for written answer from me in exactly the same vein, but do you consider speed restriction at accident hotspots to be an additional measure that can be implemented?

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

As I said in my answer to your colleague further along the Benches, all that is being looked at in considering what can be done in the interim; however, I must reiterate that the ultimate aim is to get the road built. That is not to take away from the fact that we will do what we can in the meantime to make the road safer, but what will enable us to truly have an impact is delivery of the A5.

Patsy McGlone (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Mid Ulster)

Minister, officials from your Department and DAERA met 13 times on proposals for the A5. My colleague's FOI request returned from DAERA with a series of major redactions that revealed little or nothing. In the interests of openness and transparency, do you support the placing in the public domain of the unredacted minutes of those 13 meetings so that people can see with their own eyes exactly what happened at them?

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

The Member will be aware that an appeal is live and ongoing and that, at this point, we have to respect that process. We see FOI requests all the time, and redactions are made for a reason under legislation and guidance. Whilst I appreciate the frustration of Members and others who cannot access all the information, all of this will be considered as part of the appeal. We need to go through that process and get to the other side of it as quickly as possible.

Paula Bradshaw (Alliance, Belfast South)

7. Ms Bradshaw asked the Minister for Infrastructure for an update on plans to introduce residents' parking schemes for built-up areas in South Belfast. (AQO 2601/22-27)

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

Following the introduction of the first residents' parking scheme in the North on Rugby Road and College Park Avenue in Belfast, my Department completed a review of the scheme and our wider approach to residents' parking. Whilst the review found that the scheme introduced on Rugby Road has been generally well received among the residents of the area, it highlighted how other such schemes have been difficult to implement. Challenges to progressing the schemes have included the resource-intensive nature of continuous redesigns of potential schemes and the inability to secure the appropriate level of consensus among local residents for a scheme to be implemented, which is a fundamental premise of the residents' parking policy.

Following the publication of the review, there has been a significant level of interest in the establishment of residents' parking zones across the North. Given the level of demand and ongoing budgetary and resource constraints, I have asked my officials to develop an application process for demand-led schemes and an assessment process for all potential residents' parking schemes to ensure that any requests can be appropriately considered. That process will take into account the findings and recommendations of the review and provide a streamlined approach for considering, assessing and prioritising requests. I am considering officials' recommendations on this, and I intend to make an announcement imminently on how future schemes will be assessed by my Department.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Paula, you have 30 seconds.

Paula Bradshaw (Alliance, Belfast South)

OK. Minister, you will have received a letter from Stranmillis Neighbourhood Association asking for a consultation on a scheme between Landseer Street and Ridgeway Street. When will you respond to that? When will that consultation open?

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

As I have said, I am due to make an announcement on that, which will hopefully detail what steps are to be taken next.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

We now move to topical questions.

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

T1. Mr McNulty asked the Minister for Infrastructure to clear up some confusion, given that, in response to a question for written answer, she said that, through adopting an innovative approach, she has freed up capacity for 400 units in Newry, which is wonderful and positive news, but to explain what she meant when she said in response to a Member today that NI Water has unlocked capacity for 10 years. (AQT 1711/22-27)

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

Those were NI Water's words. I am just reiterating what it said, and, as part of that announcement, it said that it would look at 400 properties.

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

So, the Minister is saying that 400 units will be built in Newry over the next 10 years. That is not very ambitious. I am getting a different message on the ground from developers who cannot access the waste water treatment network because there is insufficient capacity; they cannot build on sites. There is a stalling of economic development and no housing for people who desperately need it. Minister, what is the story? No drains, no cranes. You are holding back development and holding back the economy. Can you show some ambition, please?

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

The Member has made a statement and asked three questions. Minister, respond as you see fit.

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

To clarify, the 400 is for now, but it is unlocking capacity over the next 10 years. The original plan from NI Water was costed at £107 million. For £26 million, it has been able to unlock capacity for the next 10 years. That is what NI Water told me and what the announcement was based on. You can read the press statement that it delivered. However, I am not immune to the issues that the Member has raised. It is why I have been working with NI Water to find solutions, and I will continue to do so.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

T2. Mr Buckley asked the Minister for Infrastructure about the Dungannon to Portadown road in his constituency, which has become an accident black spot where, tragically, a number of young men have lost their life in accidents, and given the fact that there have been continual accidents along that stretch, whether she will commit to reviewing the criteria for setting speed limits on rural roads. (AQT 1712/22-27)

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

I am very sorry to hear about the experience of the Member in his constituency. Every life lost is one too many, particularly on our roads. I have been very vocal with my views on how we can collectively do more to ensure that our roads are safer, and that involves a whole range of things. However, since coming into post, as the Member will know from the recent tranche of 20 mph zones outside schools, which I know is not specific to what the Member is raising, my focus has been on rural roads because I recognise that most rural roads have 60 mph limits, which, in my view, are too high for some of the roads that people are navigating. As part of a wider review, I have already set out to look at the national speed limit roads right across the North for the reasons that the Member has outlined. It is something that we need to look at when considering how we can make our roads safer for everyone.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

Thank you. Driver behaviour and, in particular, speed is the biggest cause of deaths on our roads. Minister, the current legislation is restrictive with regard to speed reductions on busy rural roads, and that urgently needs to be addressed. I welcome what the Minister said, but will she, please, indicate when we will see progress on the issue to ensure that fewer lives are lost on our roads?

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

I completely agree with the Member about driver behaviour. It accounts for 95% of all road collisions. That is a fact, and I have been doing quite a lot of work and have had a lot of engagement with Road Safety NI and other organisations that are at the forefront of delivering that message. As well as looking at speed limits on our roads, I have been looking at road safety advertising, working with as many groups as possible and looking at vulnerable road users, who may be more at risk when out on the roads. The Member's colleague facilitated a meeting between me and the Motorcycle Action Group in recent months. That is another example of a vulnerable road user group that we need to be cognisant of. We are also looking at fitness to drive and other campaigns to try to ensure that we all, as citizens, are playing our part to ensure that everyone on the road can be kept as safe as possible. As I receive further information and updates on that review, I will be happy to keep the Member updated.

Doug Beattie (UUP, Upper Bann)

T3. Mr Beattie asked the Minister for Infrastructure what action her Department is taking to ensure that overhanging trees and overgrown hedges that obstruct footpaths and roads or visibility for drivers are being appropriately managed, particularly when there is confusion about who owns them, be it the property owner, the council or her Department. (AQT 1713/22-27)

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

I can give plenty of examples where that has been an issue. When such issues arise, people tend to contact us, as elected representatives, first. Routine inspections happen on a monthly, three-monthly and six-monthly basis depending on the road category. If there are specific locations where overgrown vegetation is a particular problem, I ask the Member to feed that information into the Department, if he has not done so already, and I will ask officials to look at it urgently, particularly if there is a potential risk to road users or pedestrians.

Doug Beattie (UUP, Upper Bann)

Thank you, Minister, for your answer. I will be honest and say that, if I were to send you an email about every road or footpath issue that I have, I would be spamming you for days on end. The problem is that the overgrown vegetation on private and public land sometimes causes a risk to people. I know that your Department puts out enforcement action, but people do not take it and the Department does not follow it up. Can you do anything to start following up on the enforcement action that the Department puts out?

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

I am happy to look at that. I know that it can be very frustrating, particularly where there is a risk. I will add the caveat that resources are limited. I feel that that goes through every response that we give, but it is a reality. Sometimes we have to prioritise things that are within our remit over things that, essentially, are not our responsibility. However, I take on board what you said, and I am happy to speak to officials to see whether we can do any more on the matter.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

T4. Mr Carroll asked the Minister for Infrastructure, in light of the Unite ballot of Translink workers that she knows will open on Thursday on the intention to take industrial action, what her message is to those workers ahead of the ballot and potential strike action in the weeks before Christmas. (AQT 1714/22-27)

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

As the Member will be aware, the pay award is Translink's responsibility. I have met union members in recent months on the issue. My message is that everyone is entitled to fair pay. It is crucial that Translink engages properly and proactively with the unions so that a fair and equitable pay award can be reached.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

I agree with that, Minister. Terms and conditions for workers that include fair pay are essential for services to be rolled out, including, of course, the night bus. Minister, have your officials looked at taking action to address the fact that drivers are stuck on buses, in some cases for up to five hours at a time, without any breaks? That is leading to a lot of anger, injuries and grumblings among workers in Translink in particular.

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

I have not been aware of that specific issue, but, if the Member wants to write to the Department with more detail, I am happy to follow up on it with officials and with Translink.

Kellie Armstrong (Alliance, Strangford)

T5. Ms K Armstrong asked the Minister for Infrastructure, after declaring an interest as someone who has lost a beloved family member to death on our roads, for an update on her review of speeding fines. (AQT 1715/22-27)

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

I convey my sympathies. Many of us in the House will have had that tragic experience, so I know how impactful it is on many people when someone loses their life, particularly in a road traffic collision.

As I outlined, road safety is an absolute priority for me as we work to reduce the number of road deaths. As I said in a previous answer, one death is one too many, and we have to do all that we can to reduce the number of such deaths. I also think about people who get serious injuries. Whilst they may not have been in a fatal collision, the impact of that event will have been life-changing, and we have to be mindful of that. As I outlined, the Department is working on a number of interventions to improve road safety behaviour, including that of people who choose to speed. Officials are considering options for a review of penalty fines for speeding. Once I receive that briefing and advice from officials, I will consider the next steps.

Kellie Armstrong (Alliance, Strangford)

Minister, I thank you for your answer. When I look to the South of Ireland, I see that people there can be fined up to €1,000 for speeding if they do not pay a fixed penalty within a certain time limit. That makes the fines here pale into insignificance. Our penalties for parking badly cost more than a speeding fine. Minister, will you commit to looking at the South of Ireland's speeding fine model to see whether it can be replicated here? The more that we can do to put people off and stop them speeding, the safer our roads will be.

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

As part of the ongoing work on the matter, we will look at all other jurisdictions to see what works well. Any approach that is taken must be evidence-based. We can see the benefits of some of the examples that we talked about, such as 20 mph zones, specifically in Wales. I am keen to see how we can use that evidence to ensure that we do more here. We are also looking at the penalties for drug-driving and for the use of mobile phones and such things. As the Member might know, a consultation recently opened on mobile phone use while driving. I appreciate the Member's comments. As I get more information, I will keep her updated.

Danny Donnelly (Alliance, East Antrim)

T6. Mr Donnelly asked the Minister for Infrastructure for an update on the long-overdue work to relieve congestion in the Larne west area. (AQT 1716/22-27)

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

Unfortunately, I do not have an update in front of me, Danny. If you write to me, I can give you a more detailed update. I will need to speak to officials to get the specifics.

Danny Donnelly (Alliance, East Antrim)

The issue has impacted on residents for many years. I invite the Minister to accompany me to the site so that she can see it for herself.

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

No problem. If you write to me to invite me, we can get that arranged.

Nuala McAllister (Alliance, Belfast North)

T7. Miss McAllister asked the Minister for Infrastructure to outline the criteria for safe pedestrian crossings where there are no other options for them, particularly at roundabouts. (AQT 1717/22-27)

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

I do not have the criteria in front of me. Members are asking very specific questions today. I would need to have the policy book in front of me in order to answer them. Every request or application for a pedestrian crossing is considered equally, however. There is a specific set of criteria to be met. Again, I am happy to respond to the Member in writing to outline the criteria more clearly. If there is a specific site that she is thinking of, we can look at it and give her more detail, including any previous responses. Alternatively, if it is something that needs to be looked at presently, I am happy to do so.

Nuala McAllister (Alliance, Belfast North)

I thank the Minister for her answer. I ask because, when it comes to the question of whether there is a pedestrian crossing, in responses from the Department and based on site visits, the decision that is made is often car-dependent rather than being about encouraging active travel. I want to see whether the Department can move away from that kind of car-dependent assessment and attitude and instead enable safe pedestrian access and active travel.

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

The Member will appreciate — I know this from raising issues in my constituency over the years — that everything is prioritised on the basis of where the safety risk is higher. If it is a route that has a high volume of traffic, where it is difficult for people to cross the road, that route is probably more likely to be prioritised over somewhere where there is a lower volume of traffic. I completely take the point that the Member makes, however, about how we balance that against promoting active travel. Again, I am happy to speak about the criteria in more detail, which may answer some of her question. Alternatively, she may wish to put forward suggestions that we can consider in the time ahead.

Stewart Dickson (Alliance, East Antrim)

T8. Mr Dickson asked the Minister for Infrastructure, given that she should be aware of the long-running public campaign to access the shore at Jointure Bay in Greenisland in East Antrim, to meet him and local residents to help them understand why Northern Ireland Water continues to block access to the beach there, despite saying that it wants all its public facilities to be as open as possible so that the public can enjoy them. (AQT 1718/22-27)

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

If the Member writes to me with the detail, I am happy to consider it. If it is something that is relevant to the Department, that is no problem.

Stewart Dickson (Alliance, East Antrim)

I thank the Minister. I will certainly write to her to encourage her to take up my invitation. The issue has been a long-running sore for people who live in the area. Unfortunately, Northern Ireland Water is supported by some members of Mid and East Antrim Borough Council, which asserted that there should be a right of way but does not seem to want to take any further action.

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

I am happy to consider that, Stewart. Thank you.

Diana Armstrong (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

T9. Ms D Armstrong asked the Minister for Infrastructure whether she has received the inspector's report on the A29 Cookstown bypass public inquiry, which was held last November. (AQT 1719/22-27)

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

Not at this stage, but we are looking at the issue. I think that the recent announcement about the next stage of the Cookstown bypass was about what will happen in the coming weeks. As I get more information, I am happy to keep the Member updated.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Diana, you have 10 seconds for a supplementary question.

Diana Armstrong (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

Do you intend to publish that report, Minister?

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

Once it comes to me, and I consider it, I will update Members accordingly.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Peter Martin, very quickly.

Peter Martin (DUP, North Down)

T10. Mr Martin asked the Minister for Infrastructure whether she will engage directly with the Westminster and Irish Governments to push for a review of the mutual recognition of driving disqualifications to ensure that there are no legal loopholes that could allow disqualified drivers from the Republic of Ireland to obtain a valid licence in Northern Ireland and vice versa. (AQT 1720/22-27)

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

You have 10 seconds, Minister.

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

The Member wrote to me recently about that. Perhaps he would like me to come back to him in writing, because I might not have time to fully answer his question. I feel as though I will be writing letters all week after today's sitting, but I appreciate that he has been raising that issue.