Northern Ireland Assembly, 14 October 2025

343 contributions from 52 members. The official report.

Members' Statements

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

As usual, if Members wish to be called to make a statement, they should rise continually in their place. Members who are called will have up to three minutes to make their statement. I remind Members that interventions are not permitted. I will not take any points of order on this or any other matter until the item of business has finished.

Ciara Ferguson (Sinn Féin, Foyle)

The beginning of 2025 was marked by the launch of 'The Prevalence and Impact of Adverse Childhood Experiences', groundbreaking research that found that almost one in five people in society here had experienced four or more adverse childhood experiences. Now, as we approach the end of the year, the Simon Community has followed that with another new study, which was launched here last week, considering the lived experience of people here who are homeless and living in temporary or hostel accommodation. Again, it showed, devastatingly, that a significant level of adversity and trauma had been experienced. We know from the May 2025 UNICEF report 'Child Well-Being in an Unpredictable World' that the overall trend is a reduction in children's life satisfaction. That reflects the findings in the 2024 young life and times and kids' life and times surveys, which found that the well-being of 11-year-olds has declined in recent years and that, furthermore, almost half of all 16-year-olds have probable mental ill health.

It is now more pressing than ever to have joined-up thinking, particularly across the Communities, Justice, Health and Education Departments, in delivering policy and legislation that will deliver an expansive vision of doing right by our children here. That should include a key focus on tackling adverse childhood experiences, which can impact on a person's physical, mental and behavioural health, quality of life and access to opportunities. We all have a duty to, once and for all, tackle child poverty, deliver housing security, improve educational attainment, provide family support services, enhance mental health and well-being services, strengthen rehabilitation and justice diversion services, and fund a mentally secure and stable future for all our young people. Every child is filled with tremendous promise and potential. We have a shared obligation to foster and protect that.

Harry Harvey (DUP, Strangford)

This week marks Baby Loss Awareness Week, a time to remember and honour the lives of babies who have died during pregnancy, at birth or shortly after. It is also a time to acknowledge the deep grief experienced by parents and families and to reaffirm our collective commitment to supporting those who have endured such unimaginable loss.

This year marks the twenty-third year that Baby Loss Awareness Week will run, between 9 October and 15 October. Every day in the UK, 13 babies die before, during or after birth, and that figure does not include miscarriage. Across the country, families will light candles, wear pink and blue ribbons and take part in remembrance events to break the silence that too often surrounds baby loss. Their courage in sharing their stories helps others to feel less alone and encouraged to open compassionate conversations about miscarriage, stillbirth and neonatal death. The week culminates in a global wave of light at 7.00 pm on 15 October, when everyone is invited to light a candle and leave it burning for at least an hour to remember all babies.

We must continue to advocate for high-quality bereavement care, better support for families and continued investment and research to reduce preventable deaths. To all parents who have lost a baby: your children are remembered, your grief is seen and your love endures.

I invite all Members to join me in recognising Baby Loss Awareness Week and in supporting the families and organisations that are working tirelessly to bring comfort, awareness and hope.

Stewart Dickson (Alliance, East Antrim)

This week marks National Hate Crime Awareness Week. I would like the Assembly to join organisations across the United Kingdom that are marking this important week, encouraging those who are victims or witnesses to hate crimes to report them to the authorities. Hate crimes are a scourge on our society. Many in the Chamber have been subject to hate crimes at home and at places of work. Depressingly, data released by the PSNI shows that, in the 12 months to June 2025, there were almost 2,300 hate crimes across Northern Ireland, with 1,329 of those being motivated by racial issues. That is the highest figure since records began in 2004. It is horrifying that hate crimes have become so commonplace in Northern Ireland.

Every person in Northern Ireland has the right to live without fear or intimidation during Hate Crime Awareness Week and, indeed, during every week. If you are a victim of a hate crime or an incident, it is good to speak to someone who can hear about your experience. Support services, such as the Hate Crime Advocacy Service, are available and can help to deal with the impact of crime. Those services offer a safe and confidential space to provide support to victims of hate and signal crimes across different protected characteristics.

In the summer just past, we witnessed shameful scenes of families being burnt out of their homes, something that we thought that we had left in our past. That toxic racist rhetoric has been amplified by the spread of misinformation and the lack of government action, which has been fuelled by social media platforms failing to monitor rampant tirades of hate. The individual targets in those crimes were attacked or terrorised solely because of the colour of their skin, their background or their community. Those are real people with real families.

At this time, I am calling on our Executive to do more to protect those who are targeted simply for the colour of their skin or their race. If we are to truly tackle hate crime, there needs to be a purposeful move in prioritising action against race hate at all levels, from Westminster getting a grip with social media platforms, to the Executive Office promoting and delivering on its range of strategies, which, thus far, have not extended beyond sound bites or press releases.

I pledge to support my constituents across East Antrim. I trust that all in the Chamber will agree that, one day, we should not need a hate crime awareness week. Until that day, I pledge to deliver my actions by working on delivering hope, not hate.

Aoife Finnegan (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

I want to take a moment to highlight the incredible work that is being done by Youth Club for All in south Armagh — a small, community-led group with a huge heart and an even greater impact. The group was born out of the determination of parents who simply refused to accept that their children with additional needs should be left without a place to belong. When formal inclusion for youth provision was stopped during COVID, those parents, supported by Sinn Féin, worked to reinstate it. Out of that was born Youth Club for All, which provides a safe, inclusive environment where young people with additional and complex needs can socialise, learn and thrive alongside their peers.

Over the past two years, Youth Club for All has transformed lives. For many families, it is their only outlet outside of school. For many young people, it is the only opportunity to develop friendships and confidence in a safe space outside of school. Parents have described it as a lifeline, which is exactly what it is. It should never have to rely solely on the goodwill of volunteers and the determination of parents. Those young people deserve consistent, statutory support, not a piecemeal provision that depends on who can fight the hardest. The reality is that the Education Authority has no statutory obligation to provide youth services for children and young people with additional needs. That gap leaves families fighting year after year to secure basic inclusion. It is not good enough.

We also have a serious deficit in post-19 services. Too often, when young people with additional needs reach adulthood, the support simply disappears, with no youth club; no meaningful day opportunities; and no funded pathways that recognise their abilities, interests and right to continue participating in community life. Sinn Féin has consistently called for the Government to stand up properly for post-19 youth provision, so that young people with additional needs are not simply left behind once they turn 19. I encourage the Minister of Education and the Department to complete the priorities for youth review as soon as possible.

Youth Club for All stands as proof that it works when inclusion is done right and when families, staff and the community work together to make sure that every child is valued and supported. It should not be the exception; it should be the standard. The families involved in Youth Club for All do not want charity. They want fairness, equality and a system that recognises their children as having the same rights as everybody else. It is time for the Education Authority and the Department of Education to step up and take responsibility to ensure that inclusion is not optional but guaranteed.

Paul Frew (DUP, North Antrim)

I place on record my appreciation for and gratitude to every individual and organisation who has spoken to and engaged with me on my private Member's Bill on individual duty of candour. I have met so many victims, so many healthcare staff members and so many organisational bodies that represent either healthcare staff or other people who have been victims of a lack of candour.

The e-consultation that I carried out, using Google Forms software, ran for 14 weeks. It was launched on 4 July and closed on at 5.00 pm on Friday 10 October. The e-consultation consisted of 25 questions: there was a mixture of multiple choice questions and various other questions that enabled people to respond freely with text. A total of 111 responses was recorded on the online consultation. Those were accompanied by a number of written responses that were received via post and email. The consultation process involved significant engagement with stakeholders, be it through in-person meetings, email or phone calls or in writing. Stakeholders have made a significant contribution to the development of the Bill.

The consultation responses were overwhelmingly supportive of the Bill proposal. Of the 111 online respondents, 104 — 94% — were in favour of an individual duty of candour. We also received positive responses from the Northern Ireland Public Services Ombudsman (NIPSO) and the New Script for Mental Health charity. The online consultation showed a vast amount of support for the Bill from victims and families of victims of malpractice or wrongdoing in the health service.

The consultation also focused on the current practices for whistle-blowing and current reporting mechanisms that exist across the health service. The online consultation sought to gain opinion on whether current whistle-blowing legislation protects the complainant adequately. Some 86 — 80% — of the 108 respondents believed that it did not and that further strengthening of the legislation was required. Furthermore, a follow-up question was asked to assess what people felt needed to change about the current legislation. Common themes to emerge in answers were accountability and protection for the complainant. That is what the Bill seeks to do.

Nick Mathison (Alliance, Strangford)

Over a year ago, I was contacted by a group of concerned special school principals regarding removals that had taken place and planned removals of nursing provision in their schools. That progressive chipping away of an essential service is happening at a time when we are hearing, more and more, about the increasing complexity of need, particularly medical needs, in our special schools.

Nursing provision in special schools is essential. The suggestion that classroom assistants can simply take over those duties — duties that were previously undertaken by a medical professional — as proposed by the Public Health Agency (PHA), is simply unfair. Principals have been clear about the incredible amount of stress that that places on all staff in special schools and about the fact that while classroom assistants provide fantastic support in the classroom, they are not medical professionals with the clinical expertise that is required to deliver that kind of specialised support. It also places them in an incredibly vulnerable position with their personal liability when care plans do not go to plan.

Following engagement between the Health and Education Ministers, the Health Minister gave an assurance that the issue would be considered as part of a wider PHA review of the population health needs of children attending special schools in Northern Ireland. A response to a question for written answer from the start of September assured me:

"An assessment of nursing provision in Special Schools forms a key element of the review."

While aspects of the report, which has been published, are encouraging, particularly on the need to listen to the lived experiences of children and young people and the need for better cross-departmental collaboration between Health and Education, the report gives no clarity on whether nursing provision will be restored in the settings in which it has been lost or protected in those that still have it. Parents and principals were left in limbo for almost a year waiting for the outcome of the review, and, following the report's being published, they are still no clearer on what the Minister will do.

It is also concerning that only six families from two of the five trust areas were interviewed on the issue to inform the evidence for the report. Given the seriousness of the issue, I would have hoped that more effort could have been made to ensure that there was broad and wide consultation with the families affected by the decisions, since it was about the care of their children.

Significant questions remain regarding the future of nursing provision in special schools. I urge the Health Minister to provide urgent clarity on how he will address those. It is a vital service, which, at times, can provide life-saving interventions. Its need must not be underestimated, and full nursing provision in special schools must be reinstated as soon as possible.

Colm Gildernew (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

I rise to raise the issue of mental health, particularly suicide. I am conscious of the fact that we are just coming out of September, a month in which there is a particular focus on suicide. However, throughout the month of September, there has been what I call a tragic wave of suicides across the south Tyrone area. It has impacted on a range of people — young and old; men and women; urban and rural — and has been devastating for each and every one of the families involved. I have been asked by some of the families to raise the issue, and we are being asked by families to do more on the issue in general.

It is disappointing to hear of a review being carried out to the mental health strategy, and an indication that that strategy is going to be pared back. We need to be spending more, not less, on mental health. We have to acknowledge the pain and suffering that the loss of each individual in these circumstances has on family, sets of friends, sporting clubs or whatever.

I also acknowledge the groups in the south Tyrone area that are working so hard to try to reach out to people and to provide a service, sometimes in the absence of statutory services and sometimes alongside them. Groups such as the Niamh Louise Foundation and MensReach are doing everything that they can in the community and voluntary sector. Many clubs, societies and organisations are also doing what they can to try to raise awareness of the issue and to try to help people at a time of need. I commend and acknowledge the work of each and every one of those groups. I have made a commitment that I will work with everyone in the south Tyrone area to try to improve the capacity, delivery of services and outreach to people who are struggling.

Finally, I say this directly to people: please reach out and speak to someone if you feel that you are at risk of harming yourself. Please speak to someone in your circle, someone in the groups that I have mentioned or someone in a sports club. The impact on people is just too great, and I urge all of us to do all that we can in the time ahead to address the issue of suicide.

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

It is with a deep sense of pride and huge gratitude that I rise to mark the historic occasion of Michael O'Neill's 100th game in charge of Northern Ireland. Despite the best attempts of the officials last night, what a performance it was by the football team to mark that occasion.

In football, numbers, goals, results and appearances tell part of the story, but this milestone represents something far greater. It marks a journey of leadership and belief and the restoration of national pride here in Northern Ireland. When Michael first took charge of Northern Ireland in 2012, he inherited a side facing massive challenges, but he saw potential in our players where others did not. Through hard work, discipline and vision, he reignited that spark of belief that Northern Ireland could once again stand shoulder to shoulder with Europe's elite. Our two weeks in France in 2016 will be forever etched into the national consciousness of this country. That campaign involved more than just football matches; they were nights when the whole country smiled together, when Windsor Park roared as one and when the world once again took notice of Northern Ireland. Under Michael's leadership, our team reminded us that success is not defined by size but by spirit. Through his organisation, determination and togetherness, he showed that we can bridge any gap, and he gave a generation of young fans, which I once was, heroes to believe in for the future.

When he returned to the job in 2022, he did so with the same passion and pride. His focus on raising standards, nurturing talent and bringing on the next generation of footballers has never wavered. As Michael said:

"I just want every young boy, wherever you are from in Northern Ireland ... to play for Northern Ireland."

For me, that statement encapsulates everything about his vision, which is built on pride, opportunity and a belief that, as a nation, we can stand together.

As Michael continues to lead Northern Ireland, we pay tribute to his commitment, his class and his contribution to our national story. He has earned his rightful place among the great figures of our sporting history. On behalf of the Assembly and every supporter who dared to dream, we say, "Thank you, Michael". You have given us moments that we will never forget, and, like you, we believe that the best is yet to come.

Madam Principal Deputy Speaker, 'We're not Brazil, we're Northern Ireland'.

Nuala McAllister (Alliance, Belfast North)

I rise to talk about the autism waiting list in Northern Ireland. Over 17,000 children in Northern Ireland are on a waiting list for an autism assessment. What does that look like? That looks like classrooms with multiple students who do not have the right support to get them through each day. That looks like teachers who are struggling to carry out their role because they want to do their jobs to the best of their ability. That looks like parents who are fighting behind closed doors to hold it all together. Most importantly, however, it looks like 17,000 children who are struggling with emotional distress, anxiety, school avoidance and challenges in their home environment.

There is help available out there from organisations. When the statutory bodies fall down, those organisations pick up the pieces. I thank and pay tribute to Autism NI, the National Autistic Society Northern Ireland and the many parents who have been in touch with me, and with many Members across the Chamber, to seek help. Parents are desperate. They are so desperate that they are turning to the private sector and, in many cases, paying over £1,000 for an autism assessment.

What does that mean afterwards? It means that parents can access support from many of those organisations in their home. In school, however, it does not mean a great deal, because children still need an assessment and a statement from the Department of Education and the Department of Health. We are putting children in danger and families at risk. Early intervention is key. We are talking about children who cry themselves to sleep because they do not want to go to school. We are talking about children locking themselves in their bedroom because they are afraid of struggling siblings' breakdowns or meltdowns. We are talking about parents who often remain silent because they do not believe that help is out there. We must do better for all 17,000 of those children.

I hope that the Minister of Education and the Minister of Health can work together on a plan to prioritise and implement the changes that need to be made so that it is not a postcode lottery, so that it not up to principals to select pupils and so that parents do not have to pay for private assessments. We need all those young pupils to be able to get the most help, and the best help, that they can.

Diane Forsythe (DUP, South Down)

Women and girls who participate in sport in Northern Ireland are entitled to equality, fairness and safety. That sounds like common sense, but, unfortunately, such things are not guaranteed. They are not happening in practice, which is why I have been working on a private Member's Bill to address those issues and the many associated ones. The consultation on the proposed Bill will be open until Friday 24 October. I have engaged with a number of organisations, groups, clubs, schools and individuals, and I thank all those who have engaged with me so far.

Some key issues have arisen across the three main themes in the Bill. First, on equality of access, there are many barriers in place for women and girls who want to participate in sport, such as access to funding, a lack of facilities, extra kit and complexities, periods and pregnancy, the perception of women and girls doing sport, and the additional cost involved. The Female Sports Forum recently issued a report that outlines a lot of the issues. Equality issues, such as equality of access, are important and need to be addressed.

The second theme is safety and safeguarding. There are significant safeguarding issues across sports here, particularly for our young girls. From speaking to organisations, it became worryingly apparent to me that AccessNI vetting checks need to be improved across the board. I would love to see that matter addressed. Women also feel unsafe when they are out alone for exercise and in the evenings. There is a widespread safeguarding issue because of the lack of single-sex spaces and changing and showering facilities. That is also an issue of key concern that needs to be addressed.

The third theme of my private Member's Bill is fairness. Women and girls should be afforded the opportunity to participate in fair competition so that they can excel and be rewarded for their success by competing against other biological females. Every woman and girl should have the opportunity to participate fairly in their sport and be rewarded when they are the best in their category.

In spite of the many barriers, women's sports and girls' sports are thriving. At the weekend, the Northern Ireland Football League Women's Football Awards recognised Valley Rangers Ladies and Girls FC and Moneyslane Ladies FC from my constituency, which was brilliant to see. I want to be able to do more, however. Women and girls in Northern Ireland deserve to have equality, fairness and safety when they are trying to access and to participate in sport. I encourage everyone to continue to engage, to reach out to me and, please, to take part in my consultation to feed into it. Together, we can bring change forward.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Thank you, Diane. Timothy, you have two minutes.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. Yesterday, I secured a Matter of the Day on the Trump deal, which seems to have brought an end to the conflict in the Middle East. I regret that, 24 hours later, I already need to note that Hamas has fallen short of its commitments. The terrorists were to return the bodies of all the dead hostages, as well as releasing the hostages who had survived. Yet, as I stand here today, only four of the 28 bodies have been returned. My thoughts and prayers are with the families whose agony has been prolonged by the evil terrorists of Hamas in that most cruel fashion.

In contemplating that, my mind turns to the families of Seamus Maguire, Joe Lynskey, Columba McVeigh and Captain Robert Nairac, all of whom were abducted, murdered and secretly buried by the IRA. Recently, Sinn Féin distanced itself from the comments of Michelle Gildernew, but it was far from clear what the party actually objected to in what its former MP and Minister said. Was it because she agreed with the use of the word "murder" when it came to the IRA? We recall how Gerry Adams notoriously said that the abduction and secret burial of mother-of-10 Jean McConville was wrong but was not a crime. Is the word "murder" the issue that Mrs O'Neill has with Ms Gildernew's remarks?

Whether it is in the sands of Gaza or the bogs of south Armagh, the deliberate taking and concealment of human life is not politics; it is barbarism. It is time that Hamas and Sinn Féin/IRA delivered closure to the families whom they ripped apart.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

That brings us to the end of Members' statements. I ask Members to take their ease for a moment while we change the personnel at the Table.

(Mr Deputy Speaker [Mr Blair] in the Chair)

Opposition Business

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

I beg to move

That this Assembly laments the failure to publish an investment strategy for Northern Ireland, promised in the Programme for Government and critical to the delivery of major infrastructure, economic development, long-term investment and job creation; expresses disappointment at the Executive’s failure to meaningfully advance pre-agreed flagship infrastructure projects, including the A5 western transport corridor and Casement Park; regrets the Executive’s failure to implement the recommendations set out in the all-island strategic rail review, or to deliver increased investment in waste water infrastructure; rejects the efforts by some to distract from the clear failure of Executive delivery with petty rows; and calls on the First Minister and deputy First Minister to publish an investment strategy for Northern Ireland without delay, with clear time-bound delivery plans.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

The Business Committee has agreed to allow up to one hour and 30 minutes for the debate. The proposer of the motion will have 10 minutes to propose and 10 minutes to make a winding-up speech. All other contributors will have five minutes. Mr O'Toole, please open the debate on the motion.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. When we became the Opposition in February 2024, we were clear that we would be a constructive Opposition. We meant it then, and we mean it now. Being constructive does not just mean never criticising the Executive: it means criticising the Executive for the right reasons. Being constructive also means building and delivering things for the people of Northern Ireland. That is what today's motion is all about: delivery, delivery, delivery — and building real things that will improve the lives of people whatever their background, constitutional perspective or class. A health system that works, with modern hospitals that can treat them. A functioning water system that can give them clean drinking water and allow homes to be built. Infrastructure that can allow them to get safely and sustainably from their houses to their place of work or leisure. Those are the basic things that any society should want to deliver for its people. The Executive, it must be said, are failing at that. They are failing at delivery and failing to build. They are failing to build for the people of the North. Our motion is clear about that, and we make no apology for being robust in our criticism of the Executive. That is what "constructive" means.

Paula Bradshaw (Alliance, Belfast South)

Will the Member give way?

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

I will in one second.

Yesterday, the deputy First Minister accused me of being — I think that this is the phrase that she used — "moaning Matthew". I am more than happy to take that moniker if it means standing up for the people of the North, who were promised better than this and who deserve better than this. We in the Opposition make absolutely no apology for being robust in demanding better for the people.

I give way.

Paula Bradshaw (Alliance, Belfast South)

Thank you, Matthew, for giving way. We will support the motion, but we take exception to the line in it that states:

"rejects the efforts by some to distract from the clear failure of Executive delivery with petty rows".

What do you think that adds to the motion? It distracts and just looks like petty politicking.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

I appreciate the commentary from the Chair of the Executive Office Committee. In many ways, her intervention was politicking, and that is fine, because she, like me, is a politician. She, I think, agrees that dragging to the Chamber debates such as the one on dual language signage, when there are people out there who are on a waiting list or who are waiting to find out whether social homes will be built in their community, is petty politicking. That is what I am talking about. Back to my remarks, however.

Why do we need an investment strategy? First of all, what is an investment strategy? All the major economic and business representative groups are clear that Northern Ireland needs an investment strategy. It is, in effect, a road map for how the Executive intend to deliver critical infrastructure, not just transport infrastructure — although road and rail is an important part of it — but in schools, hospitals, waste water investment and stadia such as Casement Park, which Gaels and the people of west Belfast have been waiting for now for pretty much a generation.

The most-recent finalised investment strategy was in 2011. That document set out clearly what the Executive intended to do and build. They certainly did not deliver everything that was in that programme, but some of it was delivered, and it had a critical role in showing people in the public, private and third sectors what the Executive intended to deliver so that the public could hold them to account. They will not be able to do that now. We are more than a year on from the publication of the draft Programme for Government, and 10 months on from publication of the final Programme for Government, which promised an "upcoming investment strategy" that was going to set out how we were going to see prioritisation of road, rail, water, stadia, schools and hospitals. There is still no sign of when it is going to come. I asked the deputy First Minister the other day when it was going to come. She would not give me an answer — she who calls me "moaning Matthew" for doing my job and holding the Executive to account. I make absolutely no apology for moaning about failure. I make no apology for moaning about the state of our health service or the abysmal state of our public transport infrastructure compared with other regions. I will give credit when progress is made, when we finally see phase 2 of the Glider delivered and — as I am sure that Mr Brett would agree — night buses in Belfast. I will give credit for the opening of the wonderful new Grand Central station, but I am not going to be shy about complaining and demanding better for the public of the North.

I come to the focus of our motion. Our motion is clear that the Executive have failed, not just to publish an investment strategy but to make progress on flagship projects. We name them in the motion. The A5 is a life-saving project that people, particularly west of the Bann and in County Tyrone — it is also hugely relevant to people in Donegal, Monaghan and Derry — have been promised for decades. Not only is it not making progress, it is stalled, in limbo and chaos, because of what appears to be unacceptable ineptitude from the Infrastructure Department and a Sinn Féin Minister.

Casement Park is a landmark stadium project in the heart of west Belfast, which is totally in limbo. There is no sign of progress. It is not even clear that it is being discussed properly at the Executive. The Finance Minister and the Communities Minister bat it back and forth between one another. Extra money has come from the Irish and British Governments, but there is no plan for delivery from the Executive.

The all-island strategic rail review is an opportunity to decarbonise our economy and connect this island after the destruction of large parts of our rail network post partition. How many people in the Infrastructure Department are working on the all-island strategic rail review? I found out when I asked a question for written answer: it is 0·3 of an official. One third of a person is delivering what is in many ways the most important decarbonisation and public transport project on this island. That is shameful, so I will not apologise for being robust in calling out the Executive.

I come to waste water infrastructure. When I ask the Finance Minister and the Infrastructure Minister about that, they dismiss me. They ask, "Ah, but what is your plan? What is your plan?". We are the Opposition. They will not say what their plan is. There was talk for months about a developer levy. I do not know where we are on that plan or where we are on long-term investment in our waste water network, but every large business organisation and outside investor is clear that failure to invest in the waste water network will cost us progress. It will not just cost us theoretical economic growth; it will stop homes being built. A report said that it could stop 6,000 homes being built annually. It is preventing people from living their lives and having homes. It is preventing job creation. It is pathetic.

Does it have to be like this? No, it does not. As the Opposition, our job is to call for and demand better. An investment strategy that sets out clear prioritisation of investment is absolutely critical. We all know that resources are finite and that the Executive have decisions to take and priorities to set: that is the point of an investment strategy. That investment strategy is urgent now, because we are going to have a multi-year Budget, we are told, by the end of this year. It will set out three-year plans for resource but, critically, four-year plans for capital. How can that four-year capital Budget be set if we do not have an investment strategy alongside it? Genuinely, I would love a Minister or some other member of an Executive party to tell me how.

Here is another thing. Those of us who want to build a new Ireland — who are serious about that — need to use every lever that exists in the North to illustrate the kind of new Ireland that we want to build. Sinn Féin holds the key strategic economic Departments: not just the First Minister post but the Economy Department, which is in charge of our all-island electricity market; the Infrastructure Department, which is in charge of delivering — or not delivering — the all-island strategic rail review and, indeed, the A5; and the Finance Department, which is supposed to be pursuing greater fiscal powers and more devolution and independence from London but is not doing any of those things. None of those Sinn Féin-led Departments is doing anything to deliver on that agenda. All of that could be part of the investment strategy, but we do not know because it has not been published.

I am not here to be negative, but I am also not here to do the power of positive thinking or to clap and cheerlead an Executive who are demonstrably failing to deliver for the people of the North. Our motion is about demanding better for the public in Northern Ireland. We are going to keep doing just that, because it does not have to be like this. Our job is to build something for the people who sent us here. I say to the Executive and all parties today: support our motion if you want to finally get down to building something.

Nicola Brogan (Sinn Féin, West Tyrone)

While we all wish that progress was faster, the fact is that most of the projects outlined in the motion are moving forward. It would be lovely if we could simply snap our fingers and produce major infrastructure developments out of thin air, but the reality is that projects of that scale and importance require careful planning, detailed scrutiny and significant funding. That is proper, responsible governance, and while it can, at times, be frustrating, the fact is that Sinn Féin Ministers are delivering on their promises.

Minister Kimmins and her predecessor, Minister O'Dowd, have fought tooth and nail for the progression of the A5 road upgrade. As a representative of West Tyrone and someone who uses the road daily, I appreciate the Minister's commitment to that vital project. The proposer of the motion knows that the reason for the delay to the A5 is continued legal challenges and objections by a minority. Quite frankly, political point-scoring on such an important issue is dangerous. We should all agree that no price can be placed on saving lives.

Minister Kimmins has engaged extensively with local communities and has addressed every reasonable concern that objectors have raised. The Minister has also lodged an appeal to the court judgement on the development of the A5. The appeal has been supported by the AERA Minister and is due to be heard this December.

I have said this before and will say it again: we need to continue to work together to ensure that the A5 is delivered. It is far too important for the families and communities that have lost loved ones on the road, and it is too important for all of us who use the road and understand the dangers of it, not to work together to see it upgraded.

The all-island rail review, by its very nature, requires agreement and planning, North and South, at every step, but it continues to meet milestones. The European Investment Bank has been working with Minister Kimmins and the Dublin Government on a prioritisation strategy, and the Minister has announced that a progress report will be published in the autumn.

Despite an extremely tight budget that continues to be stripped to the bone by consecutive British Governments, investment in waste water infrastructure is continuing. NI Water is getting 90% of the capital money that it could spend this year, which is an increase from last year. Meanwhile, as mentioned yesterday, the Water, Sustainable Drainage and Flood Management Bill continues to progress. It is an important aspect of the Minister's three-pronged approach to addressing issues around waste water infrastructure and how we will live with water in the future. It will integrate innovative and sustainable drainage solutions in housing developments and provide grants for measures to protect domestic buildings from flooding.

That is not to say that improvements cannot be made. Of course they can. Just yesterday, as mentioned, the House heard of over 20 pieces of legislation that the Executive intend to introduce and progress in the 2025-26 session. For projects that continue to face inexcusable delays, such as Casement Park and the investment strategy, it is for those Ministers and those parties to explain why they are being delayed. Sinn Féin Ministers have their heads down, doing the work and delivering for families and communities right across the North.

Paula Bradshaw (Alliance, Belfast South)

I support the motion because a case for an investment strategy for Northern Ireland is actually one of the most urgent and important issues before us. It is a test of our ability to plan for the future and not just react to the present. Like many across the Chamber, I share real disappointment at the continued failure to publish and implement it. As I said, we will support the motion, despite the inclusion of the words "petty rows".

The commitment to a new investment strategy was first made in 'New Decade, New Approach', with the aim of providing a clear framework for planning our hospitals, schools, transport links, housing and digital infrastructure. It was meant to give Northern Ireland a long-term road map for sustainable growth, looking as far ahead as 2050. When the draft investment strategy was put out for consultation in early 2022, people, rightly, expected that the Assembly would follow through to produce a clear, costed plan showing how public money would be prioritised and spent. Instead, the Assembly collapsed, and although Executive Office officials reviewed the consultation responses, the process stalled. The Executive, as we know, were restored in February 2024, and the Programme for Government was launched in February 2025; and there was, rightly, an expectation that the investment strategy would be produced and published to sit alongside it. Yet, almost five years after the original commitment, we still have no published strategy. That is a missed opportunity to think long-term about not just physical infrastructure but technological investment, digital connectivity and climate resilience.

The previous investment strategy covered the period up to 2021 and guided capital investment worth around £21 billion. Since then, in Northern Ireland, senior officials across the various Departments have been operating without a strategic framework and road map to enable them to plan effectively and deliver value for money, and the consequences of that failure are plain to see. Infrastructure pressures are worsening, projects are delayed and the costs continue to rise every month as the priorities drift. However, the cost of inaction is measured not only in money but in missed opportunities and loss of confidence. Between 2019 and 2023, the estimated cost of major capital projects rose by almost 40%. Waste water capacity has stalled thousands of new homes across all our constituencies, and I can certainly think of some examples in South Belfast. Key transport and regeneration projects, such as the Belfast Rapid Transit route through South Belfast, require investment and planning. We have faced repeated hold-ups and uncertainty, and the leader of the Opposition highlighted some of those examples in his speech, such as Casement Park.

Other parts of these islands are not standing still. The Republic of Ireland's national development plan commits over €160 billion to infrastructure investment. Scotland and Wales already have clear, long-term frameworks that set out their priorities, and they are delivering on them, yet Northern Ireland continues to fall behind, not because we lack ability or ambition but because we lack coordination and leadership. We are very much just as capable as those other parts of these islands when it comes to setting and delivering on the standards that are required by our constituents, but we must prove that through delivery.

Every week, we hear in the Chamber what happens when there is no investment strategy. Departments are moving out of sync, working at different speeds and competing for resources instead of collaborating. That is entirely counterproductive, and it undermines the efficiency of government here. The absence of a strategy is not just a failure of planning; it does a disservice to our taxpayers and ratepayers who fund our public services. In turn, without a clear framework, MLAs on our scrutiny Committees are unable to hold Ministers to account and scrutinise how billions of pounds of capital investment are spent. The Strategic Investment Board (SIB) has the statutory responsibility and expertise to lead on that work, but it cannot do so effectively without clear political leadership from the Executive. Publishing the strategy would give the authority and continuity that is required to allow the board to move forward with planning and delivery, even in times of uncertainty. As we know, we have political stalemate and ineffectiveness at certain times during our mandates.

We need to send a clear message that we are serious about delivery through an investment strategy. The draft investment strategy 2025 needs to be brought to the Executive and signed off. We need to get it published. I will leave my remarks there.

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

I will split my speech in two. One part will be on where I agree with the leader of the Opposition, and the other will be on where I disagree with him. The first part might be slightly shorter than the second. All Members in the House want to see an investment strategy, and no contributor will stand up and lament the leader of the Opposition's call for that. However, it is important to recognise the context in which the forthcoming publication of the investment strategy will happen.

First, in fairness to the leader of the Opposition, he articulated the fact that the comprehensive spending review has taken place, and the Finance Minister and Executive colleagues are now working on a multi-year Budget. It is right that we waited to have that before publishing our investment strategy, because, once again, in fairness to the leader of the Opposition, had we published an investment strategy in advance of knowing what our affordability envelope was, he would be the first to stand up in the Chamber and criticise the lack of ambition or our ability to deliver that strategy.

Secondly, we cannot get away from the judgement on the A5 development. The court ruled that the current climate change targets meant that that capital project and its investment strategy could not go ahead. I am happy to give way to the leader of the Opposition: if he really wants to start building things and get that investment moving, he can join me in tabling a motion today that calls for the Executive to revoke those targets so that we can ensure that projects are delivered.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

I appreciate the Member's giving way. We will not do that, because we think that meeting our climate targets is essential. However, in order to deliver on your climate targets in a way that is consistent with investment, you need an investment strategy, because that will, in part, help to convince a court that the Executive have a credible plan to meet those targets alongside infrastructure development. That probably would have helped in the A5 case.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

The Member has an extra minute.

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

The Member had the opportunity to join us to remove those targets in order for the A5 to proceed — he spent 90 seconds of his speech talking about how he wants to see the project delivered — but he did not take that opportunity.

I will move on to the motion and say why my party will oppose it. Ms Bradshaw articulated one of the reasons when she highlighted the inclusion of "petty rows" in the text of the motion. The one example that the leader of the Opposition gave for why those words were included was not an Executive motion but the Back-Bench motion that I moved yesterday, the debate on which took place after the motion before us was tabled. He therefore cannot even articulate a reason for why that wording was included.

On the cherry-picking of flagship projects, we, as a party, are very clear that all flagship projects that the Executive agreed must be delivered, not just ones that the leader of the Opposition wants to see delivered. There is no mention of the Northern Ireland Football Fund (NIFF), the Union connectivity review report or the York Street interchange in the leader of the Opposition's motion. I wonder why the York Street interchange, which is an Executive flagship project in my constituency, is not included in the motion? Is it perhaps because, when the party opposite held the Ministry in the Department for Infrastructure, it delayed that project? It failed to deliver that vital investment. It failed to build what the people of North Belfast and Northern Ireland want to see.

On waste water infrastructure, Members from the party opposite have held the position of Minister for Infrastructure for longer than anyone on these Benches. Where was the rationale for what was or was not delivered by previous Ministers? Members on these Benches will therefore take no lectures from the party opposite.

In the motion, there has been an attempt to single out the lack of an investment strategy as the reason that Casement Park has not been delivered. That myth continues to be pushed by Members on all sides of the House to try to blame this party for not moving the project forward. I did a bit of research before I came here this morning in order to find some Members' comments on Casement Park. Former SDLP MLA Alex Attwood, who, as Environment Minister, had the Casement Park project on his desk until he was replaced by his party colleague Mark Durkan, said of the court case that blocked Casement Park:

"I want first to applaud the residents of Mooreland, Owenvarragh and surrounding areas ... That is why the SDLP"

supported their objections. There is no mention of the fact that Casement Park has not been delivered because of the actions of those in the party opposite. Once again, the SDLP tries to blame the big, bad unionists. We see that for what it is, which is nonsense. We oppose the motion.

Robbie Butler (UUP, Lagan Valley)

Like the party of the Member to speak previously, the Ulster Unionist Party agrees with aspects of the motion, in particular the recognition of the fact that Northern Ireland needs a clear, updated investment strategy. There is no pushback from us on that whatsoever.

As I stated last night, we face stovepiped plenary time, stovepiped legislative time and stovepiped everything in Northern Ireland, because, for two consecutive mandates, we have had a collapsed Assembly, and we therefore find ourselves having compressed time frames in which to deliver. Let us look at what has happened in this mandate so far. A Programme for Government was agreed and achieved. Yesterday, we voted on the Executive's legislative programme for 2025-26. What will come next is the outworkings of the comprehensive spending review and then a conversation on multi-year Budgets, as Mr Brett mentioned. All those things, although we would have liked them to happen more quickly, and although they should have come forward earlier, will help inform a comprehensive and agreed investment strategy.

Strategic planning and capital investment are essential for everyone, as the leader of the Opposition picked up on. Be it hospitals, schools, infrastructure or social capital, all are there to strengthen our economy, improve connectivity and support job creation, thus driving proper prosperity for everyone in Northern Ireland. Although the sentiment is right, we will not fully support the motion. It reads less as a genuine call for progress and more as an exercise in assigning blame. Even Alliance picked up on that. When we are speaking about such high-level topics, that tone helps no one, least of all the public, who want to see delivery. Equally, one could be forgiven for thinking that the SDLP was not in previous iterations of the Executive. It recently held the Infrastructure portfolio. The truth is that the absence of an updated investment strategy is not the result of one failure — whether or not that is on the part of the Executive, as per the motion — but of a wider breakdown in long-term planning, fiscal realism and Executive coordination and, as I pointed out at the start of my contribution, as a result of there being no Executive at all.

Publishing a strategy document will not, in itself, deliver a single metre of road or rail; nor will it fix our underfunded waste water system. What matters is the political and financial will to deliver what is agreed. That is why I outlined the steps that I did at the start. The Ulster Unionist Party —.

Paula Bradshaw (Alliance, Belfast South)

Will the Member give way?

Robbie Butler (UUP, Lagan Valley)

Only briefly, if you do not mind.

Paula Bradshaw (Alliance, Belfast South)

Thank you. I am concerned that what the Member has picked up on are the immediate pressures on spend. An investment strategy would allow for longer-term thinking so that bigger projects could be delivered.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

The Member has an extra minute.

Robbie Butler (UUP, Lagan Valley)

I have no problem with that. As I outlined, we are not against having an investment strategy — we absolutely believe that one should come forward in haste — but we need the comprehensive spending review, the analysis of that review and the multi-year Budgets. We need to take the politics, which have been mentioned, out of the motion.

The Ulster Unionist Party believes in strategic prioritisation: investing where there is clear social, economic and environmental benefit and where delivery is actually achievable. Take the A5 western transport corridor and Casement Park, both of which are referenced in the motion. We support the principle of key infrastructure projects that benefit communities and sport, but we recognise that the schemes have been delayed not by the Executive but by complex planning, legal and budgetary challenges. To simply criticise the delays without acknowledging those realities risks misleading the public.

The Irish Government have offered €50 million towards Casement Park, the UK Government have offered £50 million, and the Executive are holding £65 million, but the words of the current chief executive of the GAA, when he took over the post, were, "Not a penny more". Everybody has a fist in the fight and needs to speak up equally if they want to see real delivery.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Will the Member give way?

Robbie Butler (UUP, Lagan Valley)

Absolutely.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

We mention specific flagship projects in the motion — I will come back to Mr Brett's comments in my winding-up speech — but that is not to exclude the loads of other flagship projects. Is it not the point that, whether it is Casement Park, the York Street interchange or whatever else, if there is no plan, there is no road map, no clarity and no certainty? Having a target and putting down a marker creates focus. That is the point whatever the project is and whatever specific issues relate to that project.

Robbie Butler (UUP, Lagan Valley)

I do not disagree with the Member at all. If he had stated those intentions in the motion, I think that he could have got total support for it, but he did not.

Simply criticising the delays without acknowledging the realities risks misleading the public. I will never stand here and mislead the public, and no one will ever accuse me of that. It is equally important to remember that, as I set out, the latter delay did not come about by virtue of the Executive. Similarly, the all-island strategic rail review deserves serious consideration. Work is under way on that, but Northern Ireland's participation to it should be based on evidence, affordability, value for money and, once again, deliverability.

I entirely agree that investment in waste water infrastructure is urgently needed. Without it, we cannot build new homes or attract major investment. The UUP has repeatedly raised that and suggested steps, such as mutualisation, that could be taken. Sadly, however, that has been dismissed outright. Therein lie some of the intra-Executive wrestles.

Where our view differs from the motion is in the approach that is taken, not in the sense of what needs to happen. We want to see collaboration, not confrontation, and we want to see genuine costed proposals, rather than statements or grandstanding. What we need now is for the Executive, collectively, to produce a credible, costed and time-bound investment strategy. I welcome robust analysis and scrutiny from the Opposition, and I know that we will get that. It is absolutely valuable, and it is needed. I offer the view, however, that the motion could well have sailed through had they not used it for politicking.

Kate Nicholl (Alliance, Belfast South)

When I came back from maternity leave, I decided that I would not rehash points that have already been made. There are a couple of reasons for that. The main one is that, having been in my glorious baby bubble, I now realise how little attention people pay to what we say in the Chamber. When we focus too much on politics rather than ambition, it turns people off.

My colleague Paula Bradshaw outlined, as always, perfectly the need for an investment strategy and the context behind it, but there are a couple of things that I wish to point out. When I was in my baby bubble, at the mum and tot groups, the conversations that I had and that I overheard were not about the culture wars of the day. They were these: "How will I afford to pay for childcare when I go back to work?", "How will I move into a new house? I can't afford it; there aren't enough houses", and, "How are we going to pay the bills?". Those are the conversations that people are having and that they want us to have, so I am grateful for the motion. It is forward-looking. Having a motion that looks to the future and at how we improve our infrastructure, not just now but for the future, is welcome.

As the Alliance Party, we obviously take issue with a few things, such as the language around "petty rows". We do not identify that with the work that Naomi Long and Andrew Muir are doing. We would have liked to see specific mention of net zero. The development of critical infrastructure must be balanced with our net zero commitments, and we would have liked that to be included in the motion. A point was made about that, but not tackling the climate crisis puts our infrastructure at risk. Any MLA in South Down and Upper Bann will be able to testify to that. It is counterproductive to pit the two against each other.

Robbie Butler (UUP, Lagan Valley)

I thank the Member for giving way on that point, which is really important. Should the Government and Departments not deliver on the legislation and the test that that has produced to lead the way on net zero and the climate contribution? In this instance, it certainly seems, particularly on the A5, that the Department for Infrastructure may be unable or unwilling to produce the evidence that would meet the climate targets that we legislated for.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

The Member has an extra minute.

Kate Nicholl (Alliance, Belfast South)

It is important to have a pathway and a strategy that go hand in hand. The investment strategy has to lay out how we are going to meet our climate obligations. It is so important to decarbonise our economy. That should have been mentioned in the motion.

The Member also mentioned the Assembly's being up and down. The constant collapse of this place is such a problem. We are like a broken record when we talk about it. We will not be able to solve all the problems right now — no one expects that we will be able to do that in a shortened mandate — but we have to lay the foundations for that, and we have the opportunity to do so. It needs to be about partnership. I loved working in Belfast City Council, because we worked so well with the universities and with business. We were able to be ambitious and work together. Given the size of Northern Ireland, we could do so much more of that. Casement Park, the A5, waste water and housing are not just good things to do in themselves; they are foundational for further economic development. Public infrastructure is a catalyst for further investment and gives innovators and business leaders confidence, but, too often, our lack of strategic investment in such projects has been a barrier. We have to turn that around. There was mention of the multi-year Budget, and that gives us a window of opportunity to plan and think ahead, but having an investment strategy really is urgent, and we need agreement and collaboration.

I welcome the motion, although we would change a few things in it. The one thing in particular that I would change is how we engage collectively on the issues. So often it is about, "You said this" and "You said that". Let us talk about the future. Let us talk about having an investment strategy that will work now and for future generations, because, I promise you, that is what people out there want to hear us talking about.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

There certainly have been abject failures of investment by the Executive, not least the £17 million that has been wasted to date on Casement Park, a project that was flawed from the beginning. However, there is much more to examine and make right when it comes to investment in Northern Ireland. The recent Invest Northern Ireland performance report for the past five years showed a huge imbalance in funding across Northern Ireland council areas, with Mid and East Antrim Borough Council, which is in my constituency, being one of the most underfunded. Areas such as Belfast City Council, Mid Ulster District Council, Armagh City, Banbridge and Craigavon Borough Council and Newry, Mourne and Down District Council, however, all secured high investment. That approach concentrates opportunities and stifles innovation in underfunded areas. Such areas face significant barriers, such as limited access to grants, weaker infrastructure support and fewer networking prospects. Part of the reason for an imbalance in Invest NI's funding is that there are fewer companies in areas such as Mid and East Antrim applying for funding. So much more needs to be done to highlight to companies and entrepreneurs the opportunities available to them. Much more needs to be done to encourage companies to look at expanding their exporting capabilities.

I recently asked the Economy Minister how the imbalance in Invest NI funding is to be addressed. She replied:

"Invest NI is implementing a new regional approach that is increasing its capacity and capability across all areas",

but how will that redress the current imbalance? I also asked the Minister for the Economy to detail what metrics Invest NI uses to actively seek out businesses and identify them for support. I received the following answer:

"Invest NI has set a target to support 450 ‘New to Invest NI’ businesses to implement productive investment projects, over the course of its 3-year business strategy period."

That does not answer the question, much less confirm that regional disparity will be addressed or what specifics Invest NI is looking for in businesses that will increase their chances of being funded.

We have much to celebrate in North Antrim. Our companies generate billions of pounds in sales and hundreds of millions in exports. Invest NI's Ambition to Grow programme, which supports micro-, small and medium-sized companies to create new jobs and look outside Northern Ireland for sales, has had some positive results. Ambition to Grow has originated 25 new investments, with the chance to create 71 new jobs and generate £7 million in the Mid and East Antrim Borough Council area, but the massive imbalance remains, and, without addressing that disparity, Northern Ireland's collective potential remains suppressed.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

Before I call junior Minister Joanne Bunting, I will personally, if I may, wish her well in her new role. From previous roles that we did alongside one another, I know something of the diligent approach that she will bring to the job. I am sure that all Members will join me in wishing her well.

I call the junior Minister. You have up to 15 minutes.

Joanne Bunting (DUP, Belfast East)

Thank you very much, Mr Deputy Speaker. I am very grateful to you for your good wishes.

I thank Members for their contributions on what is a very important topic: how we plan, invest and deliver for the future of all our people here. The debate has been predictable at times, but it has been a useful exercise for Members to showcase projects that they wish to see progress on and to highlight some of the real challenges that we face in rolling out our capital programme over the next number of decades.

The Executive are focused on delivery, on improving lives, on supporting economic growth and on ensuring that our infrastructure meets the needs of our people. It is simply not accurate to say that progress is not being made; progress absolutely is being made, and a revised investment strategy will be brought to the Executive soon.

It is important to emphasise three points. First, considerable effort has gone into developing a draft investment strategy and making sure not only that it reflects our focus on delivery but that it is focused and realistic. Secondly, work continues on the delivery of agreed capital projects, and Members will see much of that work roll out in their constituencies. Thirdly, work is already under way on a range of enabling actions to address key challenges that we face in delivering major infrastructure projects.

Consider for a moment how much has changed across society here and globally since the turn of the millennium. We need a positive, forward-looking vision for the next 25 years, backed by detailed and specific plans for investment and enabling actions over the next decade.

The final document needs to be robust, evidence-based and capable of delivering real and lasting outcomes for people here. That is what we are developing, and it is important that we get it right. An investment strategy must be more than an aspirational list of stand-alone projects. It must focus on the outcomes that will have the greatest impact, and it must have ambition. Strategic plans on such a scale have far-reaching impacts on budgets, public services, economic growth and local communities.

At the same time, a strategy must reflect our financial reality and address challenges as a result of climate targets and our delivery capacity. It must be joined up across sectors, maximising every pound that we invest.

Paula Bradshaw (Alliance, Belfast South)

I thank the Minister for giving way. About a year ago, in the Chamber, I asked for an update on the strategy, and I was told then that we would have it soon. Are you confident that the strategy will be forthcoming in this mandate?

Joanne Bunting (DUP, Belfast East)

I thank the Member for her question. Yes, I am confident that it will come forward in this mandate. We are very clear that that needs to be done, and we are working towards it. However, we are not going to produce something that is not fully and properly thought out. We need to make improvements where we know that there have been issues, and we need to respond to the feedback.

Members should know that drawing all that together is not straightforward, as I have outlined, and that it takes time, but they should understand that we must get it right to build confidence and ensure that there is buy-in right across society. When we bring forward an investment strategy, we want to be satisfied that it strikes the right balance and is supported by effective arrangements to ensure its successful delivery. An immense amount of work has already gone into shaping the draft investment strategy. It has been informed by over 400 engagements and responses through public consultation, equality and rural needs impact assessments and extensive engagement with Departments and wider stakeholders. A finalised strategy will require Executive approval, but, as we move towards that point, we are factoring in global uncertainties and continuing to press for a fair and equitable funding settlement that reflects need and the legacy of underinvestment here.

The draft investment strategy provides a framework for planning and prioritising infrastructure investment, defining the outcomes that we need and setting out how we deliver them efficiently and effectively. It encompasses all areas of public infrastructure: health, housing, education, justice, communities, transport, water, waste water and the environment. The quality and safety of that infrastructure affects most aspects of all our daily lives. The draft also reflects our commitment to ensuring that investment reaches into every community and includes projects right across Northern Ireland.

The draft strategy takes a three-strand approach. A long-term vision and strategic objectives provide a 25-year view of investment that promotes sustainability, resilience, productivity and well-being by 2050. The strategic framework identifies where we need to be and how we get there, all of which is aligned with our Programme for Government. We are working with the SIB to ensure that there is a clear governance structure in place that ensures a continued focus, accountability and the ability to adapt to changing priorities if needed. That is very important. Clear accountability mechanisms and provision for early intervention where issues arise are also essential. I am sure that Members concur. A 10-year investment plan will demonstrate how best to use available financial resources to deliver on previous commitments, address historical underinvestment and transform our infrastructure investment to meet our long-term goals.

Although the details remain subject to change, the draft reflects many, if not all, of the priorities that have been raised by Members today. For example, it affords priority to the need to maintain our existing infrastructure, such as water. Investment in our essential networks is vital for unlocking and enabling wider investment. The need to expand provision for special educational needs is also recognised. Housing features as a distinct sector, with a range of projects on social and private housing. Wider investment in our public infrastructure, such as water, will also help to unlock challenges for housing. We are all aware of that in each of our constituencies. Alongside that sits an enabling action plan that is already guiding improvements in how we plan, prioritise and deliver major projects. The plan draws on analysis of the root causes of delays and cost overruns carried out by the Strategic Investment Board and reflects the findings of the Northern Ireland Audit Office and the PAC. We recognise and share the frustrations about delays and cost overruns. Although those are not unique to this part of the world, we have been clear that we need to address them.

Although the enabling action plan forms part of the investment strategy package, many of the actions are matters of good practice, and work is under way. Those will be critical to successfully delivering the investment plan, and we are pleased to champion that work. Members will want to note that current work streams include improving the business case process, the planning system and procurement. The importance of social licence is also recognised, ensuring buy-in from communities and stakeholders for the delivery of the right projects in the right way.

The Executive are delivering on infrastructure projects. Preparatory work for the expansion of the Magee campus has started. We are also seeing encouraging progress across the city and growth deals, including construction starting on the DNA Museum at Ebrington, which I was very privileged to visit, which is supported by investment from the Executive Office and others. With an additional £150 million allocated, the completion of the Strule shared education campus is now firmly on track. Progress has been made on building social houses, and, as a result of investment in Grand Central station, bus and rail passenger journeys are up by more than 4 million. Indeed, Ministers in all Departments are delivering capital investment programmes to improve people's lives, communities and places.

Of course, there are projects that have not progressed as anticipated. A number of Members have mentioned the A5 and Casement as examples. However, the issues, which include the legal challenges, are well documented. The incredibly ambitious targets that were set by the House in the Climate Change Act (Northern Ireland) 2022 will have, and are having, an impact. The Infrastructure Minister is exploring that issue and how we can ensure that the A5 project and other major capital projects are not frustrated by climate obligations. It is easy to single out projects and criticise, but what we are doing is seeking to address the underlying causes and ensure that we militate against those arising in the future.

Our business sector, too, is forging ahead with confidence and ambition. Recently, the First Minister and deputy First Minister welcomed plans by Belfast City Airport to grow passenger numbers and create thousands of new jobs. Earlier this year, we joined the leaders of Belfast International Airport as they launched the first phase of a £100 million investment to improve facilities, enhance global connectivity and therefore boost our economy. Northern Ireland is open for business, and the Executive are committed to working with partners across society to meet the needs of today while planning for the infrastructure that we will need in the future.

There are still some key considerations to be worked through in finalising the strategy, including, as I have mentioned, the implications of the recent A5 judgement and the appeal that has been launched. The substantial work that has already been completed on the draft strategy, together with progress on the enabling action plan, sets a clear direction. We know what needs to be done, and we are committed to doing it. We are determined to get this right. The Executive are delivering major capital projects and infrastructure investment. We are supporting people, communities and places right now while planning for a stronger, more sustainable future.

We will soon bring forward a finalised investment strategy to enable all partners across society to work better together in planning and delivering the infrastructure, prosperity and well-being that we all agree that our people deserve. The investment strategy will be much more comprehensive than previous iterations, with the necessary governance and support structures alongside actions to improve delivery. By taking the time to get those in place, we will have the best possible chance of successfully delivering the strategy's aims. We will also lay a firm foundation for future planning cycles. The Executive will continue to invest in the infrastructure that we need, improving lives, creating jobs and opportunities and building a more sustainable, more connected future for everyone who calls this place home.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

I call Matthew O'Toole to make the winding-up speech on the debate on the motion. You have up to 10 minutes.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. I detected a slight note of ennui when you called me. Perhaps you have heard some of my arguments previously. I say that in the nicest possible way: I am not challenging the Chair.

The point that I have been making in my remarks is about delivery. I make no apology at all for being robust when talking about delivery. I was slightly intrigued to hear colleagues from the DUP and Sinn Féin accuse me of playing politics. Of course, no Sinn Féin or DUP politician ever does that. Look: mea culpa. I am happy to stand accused of petty politicking by Sinn Féin and the DUP.

I will respond to some remarks that were made. It was actually a really constructive debate, and there is a lot to which I want to respond. Nicola Brogan accused me of political point-scoring. I will just make one big point: we are the Opposition in the Chamber. There is an Opposition in Dublin. They are led by Uachtarán Shinn Féin, Mary Lou McDonald. Some people up here, including in Sinn Féin, seem to think that this place is not really entitled to have an Opposition or an accountability mechanism. That is nonsense: if opposition is good enough for Irish people in one part of the island, it is good enough for people in the North. I make no apology for that; none whatsoever. I am happy to give way, yes.

Nicola Brogan (Sinn Féin, West Tyrone)

I thank the Member for giving way. In the South, our Opposition actually bring solutions to the table, whereas I have not seen any from the SDLP in the North.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

With the greatest of respect, that is absolute nonsense. We have produced loads of papers. I have heard that repeatedly from you and your colleagues, but, just because you say that we have not suggested alternatives, it does not mean that that is the case. I see lots of videos on social media of extraordinarily effective and robust Opposition politicians, including Pearse Doherty and Mary Lou McDonald. If it is legitimate for them to be robust in critiquing the Irish Government —.

Emma Sheerin (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Will the Member give way?

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

I will give way in one second.

If it is legitimate for them to be robust in critiquing the Irish Government, it is also my job to critique this Executive, and I make no apology for doing that on behalf of Irish people and, indeed, British people who live here.

Emma Sheerin (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I thank the Member for giving way. Does he recognise that he has just stated that the Irish Government are a Government? Theirs is a sovereign Parliament, while this is a devolved institution in which we are working along with others. Your party was in that position at one time, so that reality has to be considered.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

I absolutely agree with you that that reality does have to be considered. The two are not exactly the same, but the Executive do have some power. Otherwise, Sinn Féin Ministers would not have taken the Pledge of Office and would not have their ministerial cars and take their salaries. There is power here, although not as much. You and I want a new Ireland. We want a republic for the whole thirty-two counties on this island. Let me be clear, however, that there are powers that exist in the here and now. Otherwise, why would Sinn Féin take up ministerial office? I am going to talk about some of that now.

Nicola Brogan made a really important point earlier, and I want to hear more about it. I was pleased to hear her mention the role of the European Investment Bank in the all-island strategic rail review. I will be pressing the Minister for Infrastructure to tell us more about that, because we have called for the EIB to play a wider role in infrastructure in the North. I would like to hear more from the Infrastructure Minister. I would also like to hear more from the Finance Minister about how he sees the EIB playing a role in helping us deliver on our priorities. I want to see ambition, so I make no apology for pressing Sinn Féin Ministers, who, like me, want to see a new Ireland and who, apparently, want to see more all-Ireland cooperation and delivery. Let us see it. Let us be as ambitious as possible, because it is true that, as Paula Bradshaw said, compared with what we have seen from the national development plan in Dublin, delivery up here has been paltry. It has been derisory. Before Members say that that plan has come from a sovereign Government who are running a massive surplus, I will say it: it has come from a sovereign Government who are running a massive surplus. That is one reason that lots of rational people are thinking about a new Ireland. It is also the case, however, that we have power up here. Yes, it is more limited, and, yes, we have more limited funding, but we do have power. To maximise the limited resource that we have, we need a strategy, and Paula acknowledged that. I am glad to hear that the Alliance Party is going to support our motion, notwithstanding the fact that it would not have worded it in precisely the way in which we have done.

Phillip Brett said multiple things about the motion. He at least acknowledged that it includes some things with which he agrees. He did not like the flagship projects that we selected for inclusion. As I said to him in an intervention, insert your own flagship projects. We have inserted ones, but we could have inserted others, such as the York Street interchange. I would like to know whether that is still is an Executive flagship project. He criticised Nichola Mallon's actions. There is a context to those actions. Let us hear whether the York Street interchange will be in the investment strategy. Let us hear whether it is going to be delivered. It is the same with lots of other priorities, but we do not know about them, and that is because we have not seen the investment strategy. I therefore have no idea about them. Do not criticise the Opposition for asking about them. I would love to hear more about the NI Football Fund. I am sure that the football club in the Member's constituency that is taking his ministerial colleague to court — Crusaders — would also like to hear more about it. I am happy to give way if he wants to intervene.

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

I have two points to make. First, you do know that the York Street interchange is an Executive flagship project, unless you have not read the Programme for Government that you came to the House to criticise. Perhaps you did not read it before criticising it. Secondly, when the Northern Ireland Football Fund was launched, your party colleague was the first one to jump up and down about it.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

I have certainly read the Programme for Government. I know that I am not supposed to use props, but I will discreetly display the Programme for Government document. In fact, I have both the draft Programme for Government and the final version with me. I did read them, and it did not take me that long to do so, because there is not much in them. I am happy to acknowledge that I did read the documents, however.

Robbie Butler talked about assigning blame. He is not in the Chamber at the minute, but that is fine. That we are assigning blame is a nonsense criticism, with the greatest respect to Robbie, who said some very interesting things in his contribution. Assigning blame is literally the job of the official Opposition. It is not about blame but about accountability. That should be clear in any democratic society. Fundamentally, we tabled our motion in order to get the Executive to publish their plans so that we can hold them to account. The investment strategy will not be comprehensive, and it will not be able to solve all the problems. As Kate Nicholl said, you first need a plan to guide you. A road map is needed, and that is all that we are asking for in our motion.

Kate also said that she would have liked net zero to be mentioned more in the motion. That is fair enough, but it is implied in, for example, our illustration of the need for more progress to be made on the all-Ireland strategic rail review. We could have included in the motion something about the need for more development of our energy infrastructure on an all-island basis and, indeed, on an east-west basis. If we are going to decarbonise, we need greater connections to Britain and to the Republic. Again, we want to hear more from the Economy Minister and the Infrastructure Minister about such delivery. Something else that we need to see in the investment strategy is information on how we are going to deliver on our climate targets. How are we going to meet electricity demand for the economy that we want to grow in order to create sustainable jobs? Those are all things that should be in the investment strategy, which we have not seen yet.

It was brilliant to hear Timothy Gaston talk with passion about economic development in his constituency. More of that please, Timothy. I agree. I would love to see measures to support North Antrim and all other constituencies in an investment strategy.

I welcome the junior Minister Joanne Bunting to ministerial office. She is certainly a person of substance, and I hope that she brings some of that to getting an investment strategy over the line. Given that I have given, as it were, to use a colloquial expression, a bit of a touch to the Sinn Féin Ministers, I should give a bit of a touch to the DUP Ministers, too, because she talked about getting it right and not, effectively, spinning to the public about what could be delivered.

Here is the thing: two successive DUP Education Ministers have promised big things on delivering schools. A few years ago, when she was Education Minister, Michelle McIlveen promised lots of schools a new school, including schools in my constituency, such as St Joseph's on the Ravenhill Road, and said that they would be added to the list, with no clarity on how that would be funded or when it would be built. They are still waiting, along with loads of other schools across the North. The current Education Minister came to the Assembly a few weeks ago and talked about a billion-pound investment in special educational needs. We would, of course, love to see that. He put that number and his plan for what he wanted to invest and create in SEN provision out there without any clarity on how that would be budgeted for or when it would be delivered. That is exactly the kind of thing that we need to see: a multi-year Budget and an investment strategy. I do not know how we will get there without a plan.

Trevor Clarke (DUP, South Antrim)

Will the Member give way?

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Very briefly, because I am coming to the end of my remarks.

Trevor Clarke (DUP, South Antrim)

Very briefly, I remind you that your Ministers held the Department for Infrastructure for a number of years. Your Member on the Back Bench and, indeed, the former Member for North Belfast both blocked an infrastructure project in North Belfast that would have prevented our shipping waste across the world. What is your view on that?

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

You are talking about a specific project. We do not hold those Ministries now. You have made your point.

[Interruption.]

You are in government.

[Interruption.]

I say to the Members and to the Executive parties here: we have established that we are in opposition and you are in government. We accept that reality. You should accept the reality that you have the power now to build something and to deliver something: deliver a proper waste water system that grows social homes; deliver new schools, including for special educational needs; deliver all-island strategic rail that can reconnect our island; deliver Casement Park; and deliver the life-saving A5. Build those things.

[Interruption.]

Build those things. Do not shout at the Opposition for holding you to account for them. You have the power. Yes, it is limited, but it is there.

You will have a multi-year Budget later this year. It will give you the opportunity. If the Sinn Féin Finance Minister does not think that we have enough resources — I agree with him — let us hear how he wants either to raise revenue or to look for new fiscal powers from London so that we are not just reliant on the block grant in order to build the future on this island that we want. Do not just blame others. Do not just blame others. Do not just project your anger on to the public or the Opposition. Get out there and build something. Build something. Build something. I commend the motion to the Assembly.

Question put.

The Assembly divided:

Ayes 15; Noes 25

AYES

Ms Bradshaw, Mr Dickson, Mr Donnelly, Mr Durkan, Ms Egan, Mrs Guy, Ms Hunter, Miss McAllister, Mr McCrossan, Mr McMurray, Mr Mathison, Ms Mulholland, Ms Nicholl, Mr O'Toole, Mr Tennyson

Tellers for the Ayes: Ms Hunter, Mr McCrossan

NOES

Mr Allen, Mr Beattie, Mr Brett, Mr Brooks, Ms Brownlee, Mr K Buchanan, Ms Bunting, Mr Burrows, Mr Butler, Mr Clarke, Mrs Dodds, Mr Dunne, Mrs Erskine, Ms Forsythe, Mr Frew, Mr Gaston, Mr Givan, Mr Harvey, Mr Irwin, Mr Kingston, Mrs Little-Pengelly, Mr Lyons, Mr Martin, Mr Middleton, Mr Stewart

Tellers for the Noes: Mr Brooks, Ms Brownlee

Mr Clarke acted as a proxy for Mrs Erskine.

Question accordingly negatived.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

Members, please take your ease for just a moment, before we move to the next item of business.

Mark Durkan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

I beg to move

That this Assembly expresses alarm at the rate of child poverty in Northern Ireland, with one in five children living in absolute poverty, as detailed in the 'Northern Ireland Poverty and Income Inequality Report, 2023-24'; expresses concern that the proposed anti-poverty strategy will have little impact on addressing that challenge, with no new policies, no timeline for delivery and no budget; and calls on the Executive to make the eradication of child poverty a cross-departmental priority and to develop a fit for purpose anti-poverty strategy, shaped by lived experience, including commitments on the creation of a new child payment, an enhanced childcare subsidy scheme and enhanced provision of free school meals.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

The Business Committee has agreed to allow up to one hour and 30 minutes for the debate. The proposer of the motion will have 10 minutes to propose and 10 minutes to make a winding-up speech. All other speakers will have five minutes. Please open the debate, Mr Durkan.

Mark Durkan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

Poverty: the word itself is stigmatised. We other it. It is an issue that affects other eras, other places and other families, but poverty means not being able to afford the basics: food, heating and housing. Child poverty is no longer distant or abstract; it is on our doorstep. It is a lived reality, which steals the innocence of childhood across the North. There was a time, not so long ago, when Christmas appeals were for children in far-off and war-torn countries. Now, those same appeals are for children who live in our communities.

They are the children of the nurse who tended our loved ones or the shopworker who stocks the shelves that we all depend on. They are the families now struggling to tell their children that Santa will not be coming this year, but, sure, the tooth fairy stopped coming long ago. The new shoes have not materialised, and some do not know when the next hot, nutritious meal will appear either.

One in three children grows up here in food insecurity; one in five children lives in relative poverty, and one in four lives in absolute poverty. Those statistics have been cited repeatedly in the Chamber, but have failed to provoke the level of shame, never mind the level of action, that they deserve.

I have persistently raised the plight of children who live in temporary or emergency accommodation. In 2025, children across the North are living without the basic dignity and security that every child deserves. The Assembly made a promise in the New Decade, New Approach agreement back in 2020, to produce an anti-poverty strategy and a child poverty strategy. We were told that one strategy could cover both areas, provided that child poverty was placed front and centre. Yet here we are, five years later, and what do we have? A draft anti-poverty strategy, backed by the Executive, that is toothless and targetless. It has no budget, no timeline and no new policies. It is not a road map; it is a press release.

Let us not forget that the strategy did not come out of leadership and certainly did not come out of compassion. It appeared because the courts forced the Executive's hand. The Executive were found to be in breach of their legal duty to produce an anti-poverty strategy.

Our constituents tell us the same thing: they feel the impact of poverty every single day. Families are stretched to breaking point. Parents are going without food so that their children can eat. Young people are unable to find a home because of sky-high rents and a lack of social housing. It is shameful that, in 2025, in this corner of the world, in the sixth-largest economy in the world, we have normalised the struggle to survive.

The Children's Commissioner has warned that the current draft strategy is not fit for purpose. It has abandoned a life-cycle approach and has lost focus on children altogether. The Audit Office was crystal clear in its report:

"An integrated, cross-departmental anti-poverty strategy is urgently needed"

with measurable targets, defined accountability and fully costed actions. None of those recommendations was taken on board. The PAC said that old strategies failed because they had no ring-fenced funding, no ownership and no deadlines. In other words, they failed because the leadership parties failed to prioritise them.

If data alone does not motivate us, let the human stories do so. One parent said simply:

"It all makes me very sad. I don't see any change for me and my situation".

That is a sentence that should haunt every one of us in the Chamber. This strategy will not deliver. It is a rehash of what has already been implemented: it is nothing new and nothing ambitious.

The largest driver of child poverty on these islands is the two-child limit. Let us call it what it is: a state-sanctioned punishment for larger families. It is a punishment that is felt hardest by single-parent households and especially by women. The impact of the two-child limit in the North is severe and disproportionate due to the prevalence of larger families here. One in every 10 children is affected, and nearly 50,000 children are growing up in families who have been denied support for at least one child because of that cruel cap. Research from the Trussell Trust tells us that abolishing the two-child limit could lift 18,500 people in Northern Ireland out of severe hardship by 2026. Not only that, but it could have a wider economic and fiscal benefit of £155 million every year. The Scottish Government have effectively abolished that callous policy by mitigating it. We were promised the same protections.

Last year, the SDLP Opposition tabled a motion to scrap the two-child limit. We did not just make noise: we provided a plan and costings, but Executive parties watered it down. They supported an amendment to introduce a larger-families payment instead, which had previously been recommended by the independent welfare advisory panel. We could live with that, but, 18 months later, that is yet another promise that has been quietly buried, out of sight and out of mind. In July 2025, when I asked the Minister for Communities about it, his response was, "I have no update". The only reference that we have seen to the two-child rule since is a single line in the draft anti-poverty strategy saying that research will be carried out. Again, I asked the Minister, "What research has your Department done?", and I received a one-line answer, which was basically that no research has been conducted. That is not just complacency; it is contempt. It is contempt for the evidence and the expert advice, and it is contempt for the families who are living that reality every day.

The Opposition are serious about abolishing child poverty, so we stand here today not just to criticise but to propose another solution. The Scottish child payment, which was introduced in 2021, now pays £27·15 a week per child to families on low incomes. An evaluation of the payment found that it lifted children out of poverty, reduced debt and lessened material deprivation. The child poverty rate would have been four percentage points higher had the child payment not been introduced. That is real progress and is the model that we should be looking at and following.

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I appreciate the Member's giving way, and I recognise the sincerity of his attitude to poverty, which I share. It is something that I am interested in hearing more about. If the Member were in my position, however, how would he pay for introducing a child payment here, and how much does he believe doing so would cost?

Mark Durkan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

I wonder whether the Minister's Department has done the research yet that could inform me to help inform him. Extensive research has been done by experts in the sector that has looked at the cost and at the benefit. We know the cost of not introducing a child payment, however, and people feel it very single day.

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Will the Member give way?

Mark Durkan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

I am sorry, but I have to get through my remarks, Minister. I will give way again if I have time at the end.

We accept that success will also depend on wider structural reform, and that means having a comprehensive childcare strategy. Childcare in Northern Ireland is among the most expensive on these islands, yet, for families on low incomes, support is riddled with complexity and examples of exclusion. Last year, 130,000 children were living in food-insecure households, which is 20,000 more than the year before. That is not just a statistic but the sound of alarm bells. Expanding access to free school meals is one of the simplest and most effective actions that we can take. Free school meals not just fill tummies but improve health, reduce stigma and boost educational outcomes, yet while the UK Government are expanding provision to all families on universal credit, children in Northern Ireland are being left behind.

This year, when the cost of food is higher that ever, there were 6,000 fewer successful applications for free school meals than there were in 2022-23, owing to a reduced income threshold that unfairly locks families out of receiving vital support. The Minister and his party may boast about a £300 increase in the income threshold for eligibility, but that increase came about only after it had been reduced by £1,000. It is therefore a token gesture that is woefully out of touch with reality.

On the ground, it is groups such as the Cliff Edge Coalition, the Anti-Poverty Network, St Vincent de Paul and, in my constituency, the Focus Project —

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

The Member's time is up.

Mark Durkan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

— that are picking up the pieces.

Cathy Mason (Sinn Féin, South Down)

Poverty is something that no one should have to endure. When families are hit hardest and find themselves living in poverty, it is the children who have least control over their circumstances and who suffer most from them. Growing up in poverty means that children miss out on opportunities in the short term and in the long term. According to the 2024 Audit Office report on child poverty in the North, children living in poverty are more likely to have poorer health, educational, well-being and economic outcomes than their peers who are more well off.

We live in a society in which two childhoods exist side by side. One is of comfort and opportunity, while the other is of quiet suffering. The difference between them often comes down to nothing more than the postcode in which they live or the family circumstances into which they were born. Poverty is a result of the failure of the system to protect every single child. Unfortunately, what we have seen from the Minister for Communities lacks ambition and substance. It does not address the real challenges that struggling families face. To put it bluntly, it is not fit for purpose.

There is a clear missed opportunity to use childcare as a key tool for helping address child poverty. Minister Lyons has a part to play in delivering high-quality and affordable childcare. He seems, however, to have deflected his responsibility to the Minister of Education and his yet-to-be-seen early learning and childcare strategy. The decision not to increase the limit of the adviser discretion fund represents a missed opportunity to support parents who are facing significant barriers to employment. That fund acts as a lifeline for those struggling to cover costs associated with returning to work, including meeting upfront childcare costs.

Childcare often represents one of the greatest financial obstacles to re-entering employment. Maintaining the fund at its current level, despite rising living costs, undermines its effectiveness and limits the support available to families who need it most. Furthermore, the Minister's decision not to reduce the 15% childcare attainment gap for families on universal credit is another failure to address a key barrier to employment and early education. Universal credit covers up to 85% of childcare costs, but the remaining 15% very often amounts to a substantial portion of some household budgets. For many, that gap makes childcare financially out of reach, disadvantages children's access to early learning and prevents parents from re-entering the workforce.

The ongoing high cost of childcare continues to make returning to work financially unviable and completely out of reach for many families, further entrenching inequality and constraining opportunities for those striving to improve their circumstances. We have seen that the Minister has instead placed all the anti-poverty strategy's childcare interventions into the hands of the Department of Education, and we have to blindly place full faith in a strategy that we have not yet seen.

Delivery of the childcare strategy is long overdue. The strategy must reduce bills for parents, support struggling providers and give our children the very best start in life. The introduction of the childcare subsidy scheme was a very positive first step towards making childcare more affordable for families; however, the persistent high cost of childcare continues to put pressure on many families. High-quality, affordable childcare supports families who are balancing the demands of work and home life and plays a vital role in a child's early learning and development. We must see the long-awaited childcare strategy, and there can be no further delays.

Yesterday, the affordable school uniforms legislation was yet another missed opportunity to tackle child poverty, to once and for all cut the cost of school uniforms and put money back into the pockets of workers and families.

I call on the Communities and Education Ministers to listen to families and take the necessary action to give every child the opportunity to reach their full potential.

David Brooks (DUP, Belfast East)

No one in the Chamber will be content with the statistics that we will hear from many Members in the debate. Some of the statistics that I was going to use have been mentioned already. Nevertheless, we must be mindful that behind each number that we hear is a person and a family. They are statistics that must challenge us all.

It is also clear that tackling child poverty cannot be achieved by one Department acting alone. The task is multifaceted, and, as such, it requires a cross-Executive, cross-society approach. Poverty is not simply about income; it is about housing, health, education, employment and opportunity. That is why the Executive's draft anti-poverty strategy is the right direction of travel. For too long, progress in that area has been hampered, fragmented and delayed. As noted already, the Public Accounts Committee report made it clear that previous child poverty strategies have been characterised by failure, with poor monitoring and accountability and a lack of effective delivery.

This party and this Minister are determined to do things differently. Since taking office, Minister Lyons and his Department have worked intensively to bring forward a realistic framework that seeks to address the symptoms and the root causes of poverty. It is about helping families now but also about creating the conditions where future generations do not fall into poverty in the first place. That means supporting parents into work, raising skill levels, improving childcare and reducing the barriers for disabled people. The Minister's disability and work strategy commitment to help 50,000 more disabled people into work by 2036 and reduce the disability pay gap is an example of targeted practical action that will make a difference to family incomes.

As has been mentioned, childcare is one of the biggest pressures on working families. The DUP Education Minister's childcare subsidy scheme has already begun to deliver on this party's commitments by reducing bills by 15%, and that support, we know, will extend further.

By the way, the Education Minister is on record as having said that he can do more, more quickly, but it will require investment. Those on the Benches opposite who challenge the Minister to do more are, I hope, battering down the door of the Finance Minister to ensure that the finances are put in place, because it is the same Members across the way who would have this Minister spending hundreds of millions of pounds on Casement Park. We have to make decisions — hard decisions — about where we want money to be spent.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Will the Member give way?

David Brooks (DUP, Belfast East)

Yes.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

On Casement Park, does the Member agree that we are talking about two different types of spending? One is capital spending, and the other is resource spending. There is a difference there; they are two different Budgets, set both by London and Stormont.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

The Member has an extra minute.

David Brooks (DUP, Belfast East)

The point remains that, where you have hundreds of millions of pounds and people are talking about how they want more — that is fine; we would all like more — we all know that it is not always about the slicing of the pie: it is that the pie is not big enough and the resources are not there. Difficult decisions need to be made around resourcing, and those who, for the cameras, ask for more and say that more should be done should also be honest enough to say that the resourcing has to come from Finance to make those things possible.

A Member

Will the Member give way?

David Brooks (DUP, Belfast East)

I will not; I need to make progress.

The Education Minister has also raised thresholds for free school meals and uniform grants, linking future increases to inflation and ensuring that support keeps pace with rising costs. The expansion of full-time preschool provision will give more children the best start in life. Those measures, taken together, represent the most significant enhancement of early years investment in Northern Ireland for decades, and they show what is possible when Departments work together around shared priorities.

We should also acknowledge the continuation of the welfare mitigations until 2028 — a decision made by Minister Lyons to give families much-needed stability and protection from the harshest impacts of UK-wide welfare reforms.

Some have criticised the draft strategy for not including targets at this stage, but the Minister has said that those targets will come in the action plan once the delivery mechanisms and budgets are properly aligned. That is a responsible and evidence-based approach. We have seen elsewhere that simply throwing money at the problem has not helped. The Scottish system has been mentioned: £471 million annual spend on a Scottish child payment that has done little to move the dial in poverty and has been inconsistent across different regions of Scotland.

I welcome the Minister's ambition and support his compassionate approach, but I also welcome the fact that his approach is practical and realistic, not promising that which is far beyond our means. Those pledging more must also consider how that can be paid for as a significant recurring cost. Again, tackling poverty and child poverty must be the responsibility of the entire Executive. It cannot be left to one Department or Minister. Our children deserve the same opportunities as those anywhere else in the UK: the chance to grow up healthy, educated and with a route to fulfil their potential future. That is what the anti-poverty strategy seeks to achieve and what the Minister seeks to achieve, and I will be behind him every step of the way.

Sian Mulholland (Alliance, North Antrim)

I thank the signatories to the motion genuinely. I welcome any and every opportunity to continue the conversation about child poverty and to keep it at the forefront of our minds.

I will not rehearse the catalogue of perceived shortcomings and the basic problems that we see in the draft anti-poverty strategy. The Northern Ireland Anti-Poverty Network, Children in Northern Ireland, the Northern Ireland Commissioner for Children and Young People, the Cliff Edge Coalition, the expert panel and the strategy group have all set them out with clarity, and I do not think that I would do them justice by just repeating them. The Northern Ireland Office and the Public Accounts Committee have also spelled out what they think was wrong with previous child poverty strategies and how to fix them. Their responses offer the evidence-based alternatives that we need. We need a rights-based, life cycle, intersectional strategy with time-bound, measurable actions, clear accountability and proper resourcing, grounded in lived experience.

My focus today is on what I see as a weakness — the legality. As the Ulster University submission by Dr Mark Simpson, Prof Gráinne McKeever and Dr Ciara Fitzpatrick made clear, the draft, as we see it, fails to meet the Executive's duty to adopt a strategy based on objective need. By the Honourable Lord Justice Treacy's test, a lawful strategy must have a start, a middle and an end, with measurable outcomes. The draft has a start — we can see that — but there are no measurable endpoints or timelines, and the outcomes are vague means, not ends. It also ducks the objective need element, offering no single consistent test of who actually needs the help most. Taken together, it is not yet a lawful plan of action, and I think that it leaves the Executive exposed to challenge again. I ask this: what are we doing, if we are knowingly putting forward a strategy that, so far, is not measurable or target driven and is not clearly anchored in objective need? Without those clear targets and budgets, I do not believe that it can be effective, meaning that the children whom it claims to help will continue to suffer.

We support the call for a Northern Ireland child payment, as we have previously. Whilst there are issues with the Scottish scheme, it shows the way. It sets statutory targets that are bolstered by that payment. Analysis has shown that that payment reduced relative child poverty by around four to five percentage points. That has lifted thousands of children out of poverty. Whilst analysis has also shown that, yes, Scotland has not met every interim target, the point is much greater than that. It is about the fact that Scotland has targets in situ. It measures progress and can adjust policy as and when it needs to and when it sees what is and is not working. We can learn something from that model.

I attended a Rising Together Against Poverty event at the start of September with lots of community and voluntary sector organisations. I heard very clearly that a cash-first approach was the most effective and impactful way to immediately help families. That approach worked in Scotland. The MLA for East Belfast David Brooks said that "throwing money at the problem" does not work. Respectfully, thousands of children in Scotland would disagree with that.

David Brooks (DUP, Belfast East)

Will the Member give way?

Sian Mulholland (Alliance, North Antrim)

No. I have a lot to get through, David. If I have time at the end, I will let you in.

Research from the Republic of Ireland also shows the impact of combining that cash and in-kind support. According to Economic and Social Research Institute (ESRI) in 2025, when you count the child payments and the in-work supports, alongside free preschool meals and free school meals, more than 150,000 children were lifted out of poverty. Closer to home, I turn to the 'Welfare Mitigations Review', which was led by Les Allamby. It found that offsetting the two-child limit and bolstering family incomes with those new payments is exactly the kind of targeted intervention that we should see in an anti-poverty strategy.

As I have said many times, poverty does not just happen in silos, and we have a society that cannot tackle it in silos. We already have a law to make Departments work together: the Children's Services Co-operation Act (Northern Ireland) 2015. Recommendation 9 in the Public Accounts Committee's report on child poverty said that it is clear that the Act is not being used to its full potential. It recommended that the Department of Finance work with all Departments to remove the barriers and bring forward an action plan. I hope that that Act can be used, whether it is around the scrutiny of the strategy or cross-departmental working. It is clear that we could be doing so much, but, right now, the draft anti-poverty strategy is not going to fulfil the objectives that the Minister has set out so far.

Robbie Butler (UUP, Lagan Valley)

The Assembly needs no reminder that child poverty in Northern Ireland needs to be tackled. We have had many debates on the issue. The 'Northern Ireland Poverty and Income Inequality Report, 2023/24' showed that one in five of our children are living in absolute poverty and one in four are living in relative poverty. Behind those numbers are children growing up in homes that are sometimes cold, parents skipping meals so that their children can eat and young people who see no realistic way to get ahead. That is the daily reality in too many households. When we look at some of the things that the Executive have tackled, poverty sits at their root cause. Take educational underachievement: we know that it is correlated with poverty. Take health inequalities: there is an inevitable correlation with poverty. Therefore, it is a cross-Executive matter.

However, under the New Decade, New Approach agreement, the Executive promised an anti-poverty strategy and a child poverty strategy. It was accepted at that stage that one document could serve both purposes but only if it had a clear, measurable focus on children and measurable outcomes for children. The current draft, sadly, does not. The Children's Commissioner, for instance, has said plainly that it is "not fit for purpose", and many others share that view.

It has been said by some in the sector that there are no new policies, no timelines and no ring-fenced budget. That part is unarguable. The Northern Ireland Audit Office called for a cross-departmental plan with clear, measurable targets, and the Public Accounts Committee warned that, without those targets, no strategy can deliver real change, yet no such targets appear in the draft. To the Minister's credit, the new disability and work strategy committed to supporting 50,000 disabled people into work by 2036, which is a welcome and specific target.

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Will the Member give way?

Robbie Butler (UUP, Lagan Valley)

Absolutely, yes.

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Does that not prove the authors of the motion wrong when they say that there are no new actions in the strategy and that there is no new budget for it? A number of strategies that flow from it have targets and have funding allocated to them, and more will come forward in the action plan as well. Therefore, it is demonstrably false to say that there are no timelines, no targets and no new actions.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

The Member has an extra minute.

Robbie Butler (UUP, Lagan Valley)

Thank you.

Given the history of the Executive, setting aside the Ministers who have those portfolios at the moment, the difficulty is that we set strategies and then fail to deliver on them. If we fail to put it on paper, we will never hit the targets. The Minister is right to say —

Andy Allen (UUP, Belfast East)

Will the Member give way?

Robbie Butler (UUP, Lagan Valley)

Yes.

Andy Allen (UUP, Belfast East)

Does the Member agree that the Minister should have followed the approach that he took with the disability and work strategy by including targets in the anti-poverty strategy at the outset?

Robbie Butler (UUP, Lagan Valley)

Yes. Thank you. I will not give way any more, because I want to get through this. I agree with the Member for East Belfast. That is the point that I am getting to. The Minister has already shown that the Department has the capacity to be specific. It goes back to the point that I made that, in bringing forward one document that was agreed in 'New Decade, New Approach', the fear was that certain specifics would be missed. Childhood poverty is one such specific that, we feel, is missing.

The NI Anti-Poverty Network, which is supported by more than 80 organisations, has called for the document to be rewritten. That is not a political move; it is the powerful testimony of 80 separate organisations that serve those people daily, whether it is at food banks or through the provision of advice and help. They said that it focuses on personal behaviour rather than on the structural causes of poverty and, in doing so, stigmatises the very people whom it should help.

We also have the voices of those living in poverty. During the consultation, the Women's Support Network, Save the Children NI, the NI Anti-Poverty Network and Dr Ciara Fitzpatrick engaged directly with 145 people living in poverty. The results speak for themselves: 78% said that the draft strategy would make no difference to their life; 15% said that they were unsure whether it would make a difference; and only 7% believed that it would help. Eighty-two per cent stated that it was poor. People were clear about what would make a real difference: providing free school meals for all pupils; reinstating the holiday hunger scheme; capping school uniform costs; and increasing grants. Those are all very hard to deliver, but they are certainly worthy of debate. I welcome the fact that the School Uniforms (Guidelines and Allowances) Bill passed its Final Stage yesterday. I look forward to it doing what the Education Minister outlined: genuinely reducing the cost of uniforms for families. Those people also called for raising the level of social security benefits to reflect the true cost of living; removing the two-child limit and the five-week universal credit wait; introducing a Northern Ireland child payment; and ensuring affordable childcare and housing. Those are not radical asks; they are practical measures and have worked elsewhere.

I also have to point out and recognise that poverty is not confined to our cities. In rural communities, families face higher living costs, poorer public transport, limited childcare and older, less efficient housing. Many spend more to heat their homes and to travel to work or school. Any credible anti-poverty strategy must reflect those realities and ensure that rural households are not left behind.

We must also be honest about welfare reform. The draft strategy mentions the existing mitigations for the bedroom tax and the benefit cap, but it commits to nothing beyond continuing them. I hope that that is the subject of high-level discussion in the Executive. The Cliff Edge Coalition has been clear: strengthen the mitigations; end the five-week wait; remove the two-child limit; and support private renters who have been hit by the frozen local housing allowance.

Poverty does not happen by accident. It is shaped by political policy decisions. If those are made on the basis of the right choices, we can move the dial on poverty in Northern Ireland. A real anti-poverty strategy must be measurable, time bound, targeted and properly funded. In that regard, Minister, you will have the willing ear of the Ulster Unionist Party in the Executive, because as my party leader, Mike Nesbitt, has pointed out many times, if we want to shift left in Health, we need to tackle the inequalities that are rooted in poverty, and we will improve people's outcomes as best we can.

Colm Gildernew (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

On behalf of the Committee for Communities, I will contribute to the debate on tackling child poverty. The motion is correct to express alarm at the scale of the challenge that we face in the North, where one in five of our children lives in absolute poverty. Behind every one of those numbers is a child whose potential is constrained by hunger, poor housing or the stress of insecurity. In 2025, no child in our society should endure those circumstances.

The issue has been a sustained priority for the Committee since the restoration of the Assembly. We have gathered evidence from those on the front line: Action for Children; the Trussell Trust; the NI Anti-Poverty Network; the Commissioner for Children and Young People; and many others. We have consistently pressed the Department and the Executive for a robust, cross-departmental, outcomes-driven anti-poverty strategy that meets not just the letter of the law, but the spirit of the law. Our message has been consistent: good intentions are not enough, and delivery mechanisms, measurable outcomes and accountability must be built in from the start.

The Committee has sought detailed information on what actions are being taken at local government level. The urgency of the debate is underscored by research that has just been published by the Simon Community. Its report, 'Childhood Adversity and Homelessness in NI: Breaking the Cycle', provides a stark, evidence-based picture of the long-term consequences of failing to support vulnerable children. It finds that childhood adversity is an almost universal experience for single adults living in homeless hostels, with 96% of hostel residents having experienced at least one adverse childhood experience, and two thirds having experienced four or more. That is a stark warning, telling us that childhood trauma and poverty are not isolated problems but are intergenerational. Unless we intervene early and effectively, disadvantage simply reproduces itself. The Simon Community research must serve as a wake-up call. It reinforces why a truly effective anti-poverty strategy is not just desirable, but essential.

The Committee welcomed the long-overdue publication of the draft anti-poverty strategy as a necessary step towards fulfilling a long-delayed legal obligation. After hearing extensive evidence, however, the Committee concluded that the draft strategy lacks the necessary precision and enforcement mechanisms to deliver real change. A framework alone will not transform lives. What matters is what sits beneath it: the statutory muscle, the financial commitment and the accountability that ensure that promises are kept. Those are essential if the strategy is to have a meaningful impact on the lives of the thousands of children who currently live in poverty. The Committee's formal response to the consultation on the draft strategy set out the architecture that is needed to address its critical gaps. Our conclusions are grounded in robust evidence and aligned with good practice recommendations from many bodies, including our own Public Accounts Committee, of which I am a member.

The message from the Committee for Communities is clear. If it is to be fit for purpose, the final anti-poverty strategy must include four key elements. The first is legally binding, time-bound and numeric targets. The draft strategy proposes monitoring high-level indicators, such as the percentage of children who are in relative poverty, but sets no firm targets for reduction. Without targets, there is no clear measure of success or driver for ambitious action. The second key element is a costed, multi-year delivery plan. A strategy without a budget is merely a statement of aspiration. The Committee has called for a plan that maps actions to Departments and clearly distinguishes between existing funding and new money. The third key element is robust governance and transparent monitoring. The Committee supports having a board that is chaired by the head of the Civil Service, but that must be coupled with quarterly public dashboards that show progress against targets, as well as an annual report to the Assembly. Accountability must be built into the very fabric of the strategy. The fourth key element is a commitment to independent evaluation. To ensure that the strategy remains on track and delivers value for money, it must be subject to independent scrutiny at key points in its life cycle, including a mid-term review.

The Committee believes that child poverty is not inevitable but is the result of policy choices. We have an opportunity to improve the draft anti-poverty strategy with the tools that it needs to succeed. The recommendations made by the Committee for Communities are proportionate, audit-ready and reflective of what the Committee has consistently heard from stakeholders and experts. We urge the Minister to listen and to incorporate our recommendations in full. By doing so, a well-intentioned framework can be turned into a powerful and practical —

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

Time is up.

Colm Gildernew (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

— plan of action.

Brian Kingston (DUP, Belfast North)

The core purpose of the Assembly is to provide for the citizens of Northern Ireland, to provide a prosperous economy, to grow our economy and to provide circumstances in which people, families and households can thrive. That is reflected in our Programme for Government priorities: the growth of our economy; the provision of childcare; cutting health waiting lists; the provision of more housing, particularly social housing; and support for vulnerable people. The DUP Minister for Communities, on behalf of the Executive, has brought forward an anti-poverty strategy that seeks to reduce the risk of people falling into poverty, to minimise the impacts of poverty and to help people exit poverty. It seeks to address the root causes of poverty and to support and enable people to provide for themselves and their family.

We welcome today's debate on the Opposition motion, which, again, proposes mitigations for the welfare system, funding for which would come out of the public purse for public services in Northern Ireland. The Minister has already committed to mitigations for the bedroom tax and the benefit cap and has extended them until March 2028. Introducing further mitigations would impact on the funding available for other, much-needed public services. Do the Opposition have proposals for from where they would make savings? Are they aware of the demands in the Department of Health —?

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Will the Member give way?

Brian Kingston (DUP, Belfast North)

Wait until I have got through my points, and I will then give way.

Are the Opposition aware of the long waiting lists in the Department of Health, of the high demand for special educational needs provision in the Department of Education, of the investment that the Department for Infrastructure needs to make in roads and to address the situation with potholes that people encounter every day, of the shortfall in police officer numbers in the Department of Justice and of the need for DAERA to clean up Lough Neagh? All those issues have been raised, and the Opposition will table other motions about them. To where would they make cuts?

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

I appreciate the Member's giving way. I will make two points, and I will be quick. We made three specific suggestions last year to address the two-child limit. One was to ring-fence the bulk of the regional rate rise for use. From memory, that would have raised about £30 million. The second was to reform rating of empty properties. The final one was to get rid of our ridiculous subsidising of air passenger duty (APD) on flights. You and the Minister may disagree with those suggestions, but they were our ideas. We costed them and put forward proposals. It is therefore not right to say that we did not do so.

To clarify, we also want to see more fiscal devolution and more revenue raising by the Executive.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

The Member has an extra minute.

Brian Kingston (DUP, Belfast North)

Perhaps the Opposition should have included those proposals in their motion. It is always convenient to produce proposals for more public funds to be spent on a need, but that money needs to come from somewhere. That is the reality of government and of being stewards of the public purse.

The DUP is committed to ensuring that each and every child has the best start in life.

Danny Baker (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

Will the Member give way?

Brian Kingston (DUP, Belfast North)

I will, briefly.

Danny Baker (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

If that is the case, will the DUP support my private Member's Bill, the aim of which is to end holiday hunger?

Brian Kingston (DUP, Belfast North)

If you put forward costed proposals, we will look at them, but, as I said, every expenditure has an impact on the public purse elsewhere.

Child poverty does not exist in a vacuum. Rather, it affects whole families. We cannot lift children out of poverty without first addressing the needs of their parents, grandparents, carers and the other people who support them throughout their lives. It is therefore essential that we acknowledge that tackling child poverty means addressing wider issues of disadvantage in our society. Children are vulnerable. They cannot get a job to provide for themselves, which means that it is their parents' or grandparents' duty to provide that support. In recent years, many have found doing that to be increasingly challenging. There is a heavy burden on many hard-working people who are struggling to make ends meet in a cost-of-living crisis, and, as we have heard, almost one in four children now lives in relative poverty. A severe challenge therefore lies ahead.

In the Assembly, we have discussed how unfair the two-child limit is and the real impact that it has on families. Although mitigations have been introduced, we look to Westminster to make funding available for further mitigations in order to provide for those families. Creating opportunity for children from disadvantaged backgrounds, be it through greater educational attainment, training, apprenticeships or employment, will be crucial to breaking the cycle of poverty for many. Tackling poverty is therefore an Executive-wide responsibility. Every Department has to take responsibility. It is important that we take the necessary action to provide people with the means to exit poverty and to introduce measures that will prevent people from falling into poverty.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

The Business Committee has arranged to meet at 1.00 pm today. I therefore propose, by leave of the Assembly, to suspend the sitting until 2.00 pm. The debate will continue after Question Time, when the next Member to be called will be Michelle Guy.

The debate stood suspended.

The sitting was suspended at 1.00 pm.

On resuming —

Oral Answers to Questions — Communities

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

Questions 5, 9 and 12 have been withdrawn.

Cathy Mason (Sinn Féin, South Down)

1. Mrs Mason asked the Minister for Communities to outline any plans that his Department has to support investment in grassroots sports facilities. (AQO 2535/22-27)

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

In September, I launched £1 million of capital investment through the Olympic legacy fund. I have also made a budget allocation of £3 million to continue supporting the Your School Your Club programme. In addition, I recently approved high-level policy proposals for the grassroots facilities strand of the Northern Ireland Football Fund. That is delivery for grassroots sport across Northern Ireland.

Cathy Mason (Sinn Féin, South Down)

Thanks for that answer, Minister. When I engage with clubs across South Down, they tell me that they see a huge growth in women and girls' participation in sport — GAA, soccer, rugby, coastal rowing and cricket — but that facilities for them lag far behind. How will you ensure that future investment prioritises equality so that female players have the same opportunities as their male equivalents?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

That is exactly what I have heard, which is why I introduced those programmes. A lot of our need for facilities and changing facilities is as a result of the increased participation of women in sport. I have been consistent on this: we need to see those facilities upgraded. We need to make sure that we do not do anything that harms or limits the ambition of women and girls. All sports will have my full support in making sure that we make that a reality.

John Stewart (UUP, East Antrim)

Minister, out of those grassroots sports facilities and clubs come our future elite athletes. I am sure that you will join me in congratulating Josh McClune from our constituency on being the first cyclist from Northern Ireland to become a member of the British Cycling National Schools of Racing. Unfortunately, with high-level performance and participation in such courses comes great cost to the individual and their family. What more can be done to support our elite athletes in the pursuit of their dreams?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Absolutely. I congratulate Josh. I have been involved in working with him. I am delighted at his success and hope that that continues. The Member is absolutely right. We need to make sure that that support is in place. Through Sport NI, we have the elite programmes — they need to continue — but we need to make sure that, before people get to that stage, they are supported through their grassroots club. That is why, in addition to what Sport NI offers, I have put in place the Olympic legacy fund, which helps with that grassroots element.

Sian Mulholland (Alliance, North Antrim)

Minister, has there been any discussion of an allocation from the investment strategy to the Northern Ireland Football Fund? That might help with some of the things that we are talking about.

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

The Member will probably be aware from the debate earlier that the investment strategy is still being discussed. Commitments have been made that, I hope, will be followed through not just on the money that has already been pledged but on the additional money that will be required to ensure that need is met.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Minister, we all know where Casement Park is — it is very well connected; it is next to a motorway and a train line — but it appears that that stadium is stuck in the limbo of Executive dysfunction. Months ago, in June, the Treasury committed an extra £50 million to build it using financial transactions capital (FTC). We understand that you met the Finance Minister only a couple of weeks ago. What is the status of Casement Park? When will construction begin? Do you support the project's being delivered?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

The Member will be aware that there is still a shortfall in funding: that is the gap that needs to be bridged. That is why I met the Finance Minister, and those conversations are ongoing. We also need clarity on exactly what financial transactions capital means in the context of the project. That is not the only element that has not been funded, of course. We have seen how the Northern Ireland Football Fund has not been funded to its need either. I stand ready to meet anyone about the project. As I have said, I want to make sure that strategic need for sport in Northern Ireland is met.

Diane Forsythe (DUP, South Down)

The Minister knows that I am progressing a Member's Bill on women and girls in sports in Northern Ireland. One of the themes of the feedback on it is that, when young girls turn away from sport, they rarely come back. Does the Minister agree that investment in grassroots sports facilities to ensure that young girls have safe spaces for changing and showering is critical and needs to be supported?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I agree 100% with the Member. I was delighted to visit some local football clubs with her earlier this year, where I saw for myself the growth in the women and girls' game. They need those facilities. They need single-sex spaces as well, which is why the investment is so important. I am very supportive of her proposal.

Cara Hunter (Social Democratic and Labour Party, East Londonderry)

2. Ms Hunter asked the Minister for Communities to outline any assessment that he has made of the effectiveness of the Arts Council’s mechanisms to withhold or withdraw funding through the musical instruments scheme if an applicant organisation does not meet its equality of opportunity and good relations duty. (AQO 2536/22-27)

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

The Arts Council has mechanisms in place in relation to the governance and delivery of the musical instruments programme, including a process to withhold or withdraw funding.

Cara Hunter (Social Democratic and Labour Party, East Londonderry)

Minister, you said that the Arts Council can withhold funding. Are you are aware of any instances in which it has done so? Is it the case that those duties exist on paper only, with no real enforcement? What will your Department do to ensure that the Arts Council enforces its own standards?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

It is a requirement of the funding conditions that applicant organisations commit to equality of opportunity and a good relations duty. The Arts Council reports on those matters to the Equality Commission.

Nicola Brogan (Sinn Féin, West Tyrone)

The Minister will know that the all-Ireland fleadh is coming to Belfast next year. Will he outline what discussions he has had with the Arts Council about potential funding programmes for the bands that take part?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I was delighted to meet the fleadh organisers and pleased with their commitment to making sure that it is a full demonstration of what we can do, not just in Belfast but across Northern Ireland, when it comes to music. There will certainly be further conversations with the organisers and the Arts Council. It is in our interest to make sure that that is a success and that it demonstrates the full range of musical talent that we have in Northern Ireland. I was pleased that they wanted to display the work of bands, because that is a significant part of our musical and cultural tradition here in Northern Ireland, and one that we should be proud of.

Kate Nicholl (Alliance, Belfast South)

Has the Minister had any conversations with the Arts Council about any band or act's being involved in an activity that is perceived as being disrespectful to any tradition?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I have had various conversations with the chief executive. We can certainly get you the minutes of those meetings. I cannot remember any specific incidents in that regard, but, if it is important to the Member, I am happy to get that information to her.

Gary Middleton (DUP, Foyle)

Minister, can you confirm that the musical instrument programme is a cross-community programme and that it has had real positive benefit right across Northern Ireland?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Absolutely. One of the reasons why I am proud of my record is that we have been able to deliver more money for musical instruments across Northern Ireland. It has gone to all communities right across Northern Ireland. In the past year alone, 4,500 people have benefited, which is why we put the budget up to where it is at the minute. It helps not only bands but individual musicians and other groups, including many school groups. It has been a good investment that has touched so many people. We often talk about the need for regional balance. This programme ensures that we can help people right across Northern Ireland. I will continue to make sure that we fund it, because I want to make sure that our money goes as far as possible. This is a brilliant way of ensuring that there is support. I am proud to be able to support our bands and others who benefit from the musical instruments programme.

Mark Durkan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

3. Mr Durkan asked the Minister for Communities to outline any research that his Department has undertaken in relation to the impact of the two-child limit on poverty indicators. (AQO 2537/22-27)

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Mr Deputy Speaker, with your permission, I will answer question 3 and touch on question 5, which was withdrawn.

I have repeatedly made clear my views on the policy. I am strongly opposed to the two-child limit. I do not believe that the policy has met its stated aims, and there is no doubt that it contributes to child poverty. Although the UK Government have previously indicated that they are considering the future of the two-child limit, there has been no confirmation of their intended approach. I am supportive of any measures to alleviate the impact of the policy or to remove it completely. I hope that we will soon see firm proposals to that end emerging from the UK Government. My Department has not conducted any research on the impact of the two-child limit on poverty indicators, but there is other research that indicates the impact that it is having.

Mark Durkan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

Minister, you referred, as I did in the debate earlier, to the wealth of evidence from local and national academic studies that demonstrates the negative impact of the two-child limit. Since that was published, I have commissioned a research paper into its impact in the North. Despite the Executive's stated commitment to tackling poverty, your Department has carried out no research of its own. Why not?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

It is for the very simple reason that we have an evidence base that demonstrates the issues that exist. Now, I am happy to update that as time goes on, in particular to research what the consequences would be for us, as an Executive, if we were to take steps on that. The Member was unable to say, in the previous debate, how much the child payment would cost. I am happy to tell him how much it would cost to mitigate the two-child limit in Northern Ireland: £91·5 million by 2027-28. We can have the debate and talk about whether we should do that. However, my energies and efforts have been used to speak to the UK Government and tell them that that policy is wrong for the whole of the United Kingdom and that it should go for the whole United Kingdom. I hope that others will recognise that and help us to ensure that we get it changed, because it is having an impact on children across Northern Ireland.

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

Does the Minister agree that one of the strongest messages that we could send to ensure that we remove the two-child cap would be for the questioner to contact his sister party in the UK Parliament, with which his party leader sits?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Yes, absolutely. It would be helpful if the SDLP would put its focus, efforts and energy there. It was very keen that the Labour Government would get elected. It was very open about wanting to see a Labour Government in power at Westminster. I encourage the SDLP to lobby the Government on that issue. That is what I have been doing. I look forward to the Member's doing the same.

Linda Dillon (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

4. Mrs Dillon asked the Minister for Communities whether any progress has been made on plans to allow early access to pensions for those who have a terminal illness diagnosis. (AQO 2538/22-27)

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

It is compassionate and practical to allow early access to pensions for people who have a terminal illness diagnosis. That solution would offer dignity, financial stability and peace of mind to people in their final months. During the Assembly debate on 31 March 2025, I gave a commitment to advocate on behalf of the members of our society who have been diagnosed with a terminal illness. Subsequently, I wrote to the Minister for Pensions to call on the UK Government to act swiftly to deliver that change.

Linda Dillon (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I thank the Minister for his answer. I am aware from his response to the debate that he is very understanding of the issue. He said that he would like to do something to ensure that people who are diagnosed with a terminal illness get early access to their pensions. What response was there from the British Treasury? Has there been any movement? Is the Minister able to progress that in his Department?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Unfortunately, as of this week, I have not had any response from the Minister. I also raised it with Dr Suzy Morrissey, who has been appointed by the UK Government to complete an independent report to examine the issues that should be considered by the Government during the third review of the state pension age. The pension rules are exceptionally complex. There could be consequences for us financially in our block grant if we were to take that on. That is why the UK Government should do the right thing: give it proper consideration and ensure that it is explored.

Andy Allen (UUP, Belfast East)

The Minister may be aware that the Pension Schemes Bill is currently going through Parliament. We will receive a legislative consent motion (LCM) on it shortly. Can he look at whether that could be a vehicle by which to take forward the change?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I do not think that the Bill would be the appropriate way in which to take it forward, because of the fundamental changes that it would make to pension systems and the economic impact that that would have. I will, however, do everything that I can to continue to push the Government on the issue.

Gerry Kelly (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

6. Mr Kelly asked the Minister for Communities for an update on the Irish language strategy. (AQO 2540/22-27)

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I have no further info on that since the last time that I updated the House.

Gerry Kelly (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Gabhaim buíochas leis an Aire as ucht a fhreagra —

[Translation: I thank the Minister for his answer]

— I think.

The Minister has been in post for 18 months, and, as yet, we have no date for the language strategy for the North. I can tell you that Gaeilgeoirí across the North are getting very frustrated and concerned that it will not come at all. Can he give a firm commitment, or tell me when he will be able to do so, on when that strategy will be brought to the Executive?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Of course, a cross-departmental working group is looking at that issue right now, so it is outside of my control while the Departments look at it and come back with advice on what is possible and what is credible. However, I have to say that, on the issue of the Irish language, I will not be taking any advice or instruction form Sinn Féin because its reputation on it has been absolutely appalling. It has recklessly imposed it on street signage, disregarding the clear opposition of the vast majority of local residents in some instances. It wishes to force it on to front-line council staff against their will at Belfast City Council —.

Gerry Kelly (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

[Inaudible.]

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

It struggles to move away from the language of the past, which continues to haunt it to this very day. The Member is speaking from a sedentary position, but I cannot hear what he is saying. I do not really care either because I do not believe that he has anything to say that can add to this conversation. There is a process that is ongoing. That will continue, but I can assure him that —

Gerry Kelly (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

[Inaudible.]

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

— when it comes to language —

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

Mr Kelly.

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

— and when it comes to culture, I will support people, and I will uphold people's rights to engage in their own language and cultural traditions. What I will not do is impose language and culture on other people.

Keith Buchanan (DUP, Mid Ulster)

Minister, do you share my concern that the use of lawfare is further weaponising the Irish language?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I think that the key word there is "weaponising", and it is absolutely the case that Sinn Féin and others have been weaponising the Irish language. They want to use it against others, and I think that the way in which that has gone is really unfortunate. We should approach these issues on the basis of us collectively working together and of what works for everybody, rather than a majority imposing its will on a minority.

Andrew McMurray (Alliance, South Down)

The Minister referenced the departmental working group. Will he outline any meetings that have taken place of the departmental working group on the Irish language strategy?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Yes, the group has been meeting. The Executive met on 15 May and agreed that that work would take place. That work is ongoing. At this stage, it is mostly the Departments coming forward with their own proposals and looking at how much those would cost, what is credible, how they will be meaningful and how those strategies could make a difference. That work is going on in the Departments, and I do not have an update on where that sits right now.

Patsy McGlone (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Mid Ulster)

Minister, we have heard quite a bit about the working group. In fact, we have heard more about the working group than its actual workings. Can you provide us with some information, at least, on when the information from respective Departments will be collated and will manifest itself into something tangible by way of work, by way of protocols and by way of a meaningful strategy on the way forward?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

That is out of my hands right now because we have the co-design group that brought forward recommendations, and each of the Departments is looking at those recommendations in detail to consider what they might cost, what the impact might be, what is credible and what is doable. It will be up to those Departments to bring that back so that we can get an understanding of how we progress those recommendations from here on in.

Andy Allen (UUP, Belfast East)

7. Mr Allen asked the Minister for Communities for an update on the fuel poverty strategy. (AQO 2541/22-27)

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

The fuel poverty strategy public consultation closed on 6 March. Analysis of the responses to the consultation has been completed, and a summary of responses document will be published in the coming weeks. Informed by the consultation and the significant stakeholder engagement, my officials are working to finalise the strategy.

Andy Allen (UUP, Belfast East)

I thank the Minister for his answer and the work that has been undertaken on that important strategy to date. Will the Minister commit today to ensuring that the fuel poverty strategy includes clear, measurable and time-bound outcomes to lift households out of fuel poverty?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

He will be pleased to hear that we will have those targets and timelines in place. This is where a lot of the misunderstanding of the anti-poverty strategy comes from because many of those targets and timelines will be found in those other strategies, such as the fuel poverty strategy and in additional action plans that we will introduce.

Trevor Clarke (DUP, South Antrim)

Given the fuel poverty strategy and the importance of some elements of it, one of the things that has been really important to many of our constituents is the warm homes scheme. Can you give an update on whether that will continue to feature as part of the fuel poverty strategy or on what will happen with it in the future?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Yes, absolutely. It is important that we not only make sure that we have new-build homes in the condition that they need to be but that there is extensive retrofitting and other support that will need to be available for homes that are already built. We will receive Barnett consequentials from the UK Government. A sum of £13·2 billion was announced for their warm homes plan, but that funding is unhypothecated, which means that the Executive have discretion to determine how funding is allocated. I want, as I hope other Members around the House do, to make sure that that money comes through for our own warm healthy homes scheme so that we can make sure that that money goes to those who need it most and makes a real difference to energy costs.

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

Minister, the North remains the only part of the UK without a statutory target to reduce fuel poverty. Can you confirm whether you intend to bring forward such a provision within this mandate?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I absolutely will bring forward a fuel poverty strategy. I said that I will bring that to the Executive by the end of the year, and I am still committed to doing that.

Nick Mathison (Alliance, Strangford)

Can the Minister outline how much resource his Department will need to implement the fuel poverty strategy?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

That will be subject to Executive agreement and what actions are put in there. Of course, we are already spending hundreds of millions of pounds every year to tackle fuel poverty. New actions will be put in place, and I have a number of actions that I want to ensure will be in that plan. I want to make sure that anything that we put in is costed. I have no interest whatsoever in putting a plan together that is not realistic and that we cannot achieve or deliver. Some other people want me to do that, but I am not prepared to do it. However, I will certainly bid for the resources that I need, because it is one of the most important interventions that we can make that actually makes a difference to people's lives and will lead to recurrent savings for people.

I have seen in my constituency those who are dealing with the effects of poorly insulated homes. That is not just about people's comfort. It limits people's life chances and the educational attainment of children and is a huge contributing factor to poverty, so it is essential that we get this right and that we get the Barnett consequential delivered to the Department for Communities so that we can make a change in people's lives, which is what we are actually here to do.

Paul Frew (DUP, North Antrim)

8. Mr Frew asked the Minister for Communities whether any requirements are placed upon landlords or letting agencies to conduct a background check into renters' settlement status to ensure that a prospective tenant has the legal right to rent and live in the property. (AQO 2542/22-27)

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Currently, there is not a requirement on landlords or letting agencies to conduct a background check into renters' settlement status to ensure that a prospective tenant has the legal right to rent and live in the property. However, I have written to the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland and the Home Secretary to enquire about the extension of the right-to-rent scheme to Northern Ireland.

Paul Frew (DUP, North Antrim)

I thank the Minister for that clarification. Is the Minister aware of any legislation that would allow the right-to-rent scheme to extend to Northern Ireland?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Yes, the Immigration Act 2016 allows that to be extended to Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, but it is up to the UK Government to extend those provisions. That is why I have written to the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland and the Home Secretary to request that extension.

Gary Middleton (DUP, Foyle)

10. Mr Middleton asked the Minister for Communities to outline what his Department has delivered for the people of Foyle since he took office in February 2024. (AQO 2544/22-27)

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Since coming into office in February 2024, I have delivered the following for the people of Foyle: £10 million of financial transactions capital funding for the north-west regeneration fund; £1·2 million to the Inner City Trust to enable the purchase of the former Austins department store building; £5 million for construction work on the Inner Walled City public realm scheme; and £1 million for the Harbour Square public realm project. I have worked closely with the Executive to enable the Londonderry and Strabane city deal to reach financial deal status. I have delivered £4·4 million for community and voluntary organisations; £12 million for the People and Place neighbourhood renewal programme; over £500,000 for improvements at libraries in his constituency; over £568,000 on labour market partnerships; 12 jobs fairs; and £9 million through the Supporting People programme. We have helped 1,178 people in Foyle to access additional benefits worth £2·6 million through the Make the Call service. We have delivered 47 co-ownership property completions and 345 social housing units, and we have improved 6,679 Housing Executive houses. I have delivered £5·1 million through the de-rating grant; almost £1 million in the rates support grant; £600,000 in the transferred functions grant; £2·6 million through the annual funding programme to 24 organisations; £33,000 for a musical instruments scheme to three organisations; £44,000 for musical instruments schemes for individuals; and £32,000 for small capital grants. Finally, the Housing Executive has funded over £7 million for the affordable warmth scheme in the Londonderry and Strabane council area.

Some Members

Hear, hear.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

Order, Members. I call Gary Middleton to ask a supplementary question.

Gary Middleton (DUP, Foyle)

I thank the Minister for his delivery in the north-west. It flies in the face of what is said by those who continually criticise the DUP, and this Minister, who is delivering for that constituency. The Minister and his Department have made another welcome announcement, which is on the community wealth building pilot. Will he provide more detail on what that will mean for my constituency?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

On the Member's first point, it is not just that they criticise the DUP or DUP Ministers but that they talk down their constituency all the time, whereas I know that the Member is always keen to talk it up. I welcome that.

Yes, there is something else that we are doing for his constituency. We are taking forward the community wealth building pilot scheme. There will be one in the north-west and one in Larne, which I am sure that the Member will be pleased to hear. Those pilots will explore innovative, place-based approaches to economic development. They are about building local capacity, strengthening community assets and ensuring that the wealth that is generated can be retained in the community. The partnerships will announce further plans in due course.

Declan McAleer (Sinn Féin, West Tyrone)

11. Mr McAleer asked the Minister for Communities whether additional information sessions in other localities will be arranged for stage 2 of the Northern Ireland community infrastructure fund. (AQO 2545/22-27)

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

At stage 2, applicants who have been successful at stage 1 will receive invitations to attend online information sessions. Those sessions will cover issues specific to the stage 2 application, such as how to source quotations for proposed works.

Declan McAleer (Sinn Féin, West Tyrone)

Go raibh maith agat.

[Translation: Thank you.]

The Minister will be aware that my constituency of West Tyrone is very rural. Will he commit to hosting or having events in the constituency, bearing in mind his responsibilities under the Rural Needs Act 2016?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

That is exactly why we have had those consultation events throughout Northern Ireland. Indeed, I launched the scheme in his constituency, or in what I believe will shortly become part of his constituency. I am sorry that he was not able to make it.

Declan McAleer (Sinn Féin, West Tyrone)

It is in my constituency.

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

It is. Pomeroy is in his constituency, but he was not able to make it, unfortunately. Neither was Mr McCrossan, who is nodding his head. It would have been great if they could have come along, because they could have heard about the Northern Ireland community infrastructure fund, the investment that we are putting in and the change that we will make not just to West Tyrone but to Northern Ireland. Those online sessions will be available. If there is a need and a demand for further information, we will certainly look at providing it.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

There are no supplementary questions to that question.

Declan Kearney (Sinn Féin, South Antrim)

13. Mr Kearney asked the Minister for Communities when winter fuel payments will be issued to recipients. (AQO 2547/22-27)

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

They will be issued from mid-November through to early December.

Declan Kearney (Sinn Féin, South Antrim)

Last year, the Minister launched a public consultation on the draft fuel poverty strategy. Will he provide an update on the progress that has been made and on how the strategy will alleviate the pressures on families who are getting it so tight at this time?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

That is why I am taking forward the fuel poverty strategy, which will be with the Executive by the end of this year, as promised. As I have said before, I am doing that because it is one of the best uses that we can make of government funding, owing to the changes that it will make and the impact that those changes will have on people's lives. Some people are living in horrendous conditions. They are spending huge sums of money on barely heating their home. That is why it is so important that we put in place the measures that can improve homes and retain heat. The strategy is something that will concern constituents across Northern Ireland. That is why it is essential that we get it right.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

I call Trevor Clarke. You have one minute.

Trevor Clarke (DUP, South Antrim)

14. Mr Clarke asked the Minister for Communities to outline any action that his Department is taking to implement the armed forces covenant. (AQO 2548/22-27)

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

The armed forces covenant duty, which was introduced under the Armed Forces Act 2021, came into force on 22 November 2022. It is a legal obligation on certain bodies, including the Housing Executive, to "have due regard to" the principles of the covenant. It requires decisions on the development and delivery of certain services to be made with conscious consideration being given to the needs of the armed forces community. I am committed to ensuring that we keep to the covenant duty. Some of the things that we have seen in recent weeks, including the attitude of local authorities, have been shameful. I will make sure that our armed forces are treated properly and in accordance with the covenant.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

That ends the period for listed questions. We now move to 15 minutes of topical questions. Topical questions 2 and 8 have been withdrawn.

Mark Durkan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

T1. Mr Durkan asked the Minister for Communities, given that residents of the university area in his constituency have concerns about the use of unregulated HMOs and he knows from debate in the Chamber that they are not the only ones, whether he is content that his HMO unit is adequately resourced and sufficiently empowered to carry out investigation and enforcement. (AQT 1671/22-27)

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

Welcome to the

[Inaudible.]

[Interruption.]

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

My goodness, it sounds as though Mr Durkan has been listening to the legitimate concerns of some of his local residents. I am glad that, as Mr Brett said, he has now come on board. He recognises the issues that that is causing for local communities.

Mark Durkan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

What are you going to do about it?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I will tell you what I am going to do about it. I will make a statement to the House very soon. The Member's question betrays a misunderstanding of how the system operates. There is a responsibility on councils and how they handle issues around HMOs. Therefore, I will bring a statement to the House, and I will outline the requirements and responsibilities on councils. I look forward to him engaging with that.

Mark Durkan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

I will tell him, as the Minister responsible for HMO policy, that some houses across the North have essentially had their kitchens closed off to avoid them being defined as an HMO and so that they remain immune from enforcement. Some properties are being used as temporary accommodation by the Housing Executive, which is awful for tenants, and they are often overcrowded due to the definition of "family" in HMO legislation. The Minister told us that he is aware of those issues. How aware is he? Does he find those issues acceptable? How does he intend to address those issues?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I am aware of who is responsible. Councils have extensive powers in those areas, and there is a mismatch between what different councils are doing. I will clarify that when I bring that HMO statement to the House, and there will be an opportunity for us to discuss that further. However, first and foremost, we should make sure that we put the concerns of local residents first.

There are theatrics on the other side of the House. The Member is playing with his hands. However, it is very clear that there is a role and responsibility for councils, and we have to have due regard for the law.

Jemma Dolan (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

T3. Miss Dolan asked the Minister for Communities when he will update the Assembly on his consideration of the recommendations contained in the independent review of the liquor licensing system. (AQT 1673/22-27)