Northern Ireland Assembly, 6 October 2025

608 contributions from 68 members. The official report.

Matters of the Day

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Sinéad Ennis has been given leave to make a statement on an explosive device being left at the office of Sinn Féin representatives Liz Kimmins MLA and Dáire Hughes MP, which fulfils the criteria that are set out under Standing Order 24. If other Members wish to be called, they should rise in their place and continue to do so. All Members who are called will have up to three minutes to speak on the subject. I remind Members that interventions are not permitted, and I will not take any points of order on this or any other matter until the item of business has finished.

Sinéad Ennis (Sinn Féin, South Down)

I condemn utterly the disgraceful and cowardly overnight attack on the office of my Sinn Féin colleagues Liz Kimmins and the MP for Newry and Armagh, Dáire Hughes. As the Phríomh-Leas-Cheann Comhairle mentioned, and as the PSNI has confirmed, a viable explosive device was left at their shared office in the heart of Newry city. I send solidarity to Liz and Dáire and their families, and also to their hard-working staff who, no doubt, will have been left shaken by what occurred overnight.

This despicable and cowardly act is an attack not just on Sinn Féin and our representatives but on the wider community in Newry and Armagh. Liz and Dáire's office is a busy and much-relied-upon community resource and hub. They and their staff assist huge numbers of people, day in, day out. I say this to the person or people who were behind the attack: Sinn Féin will not be deterred from supporting our communities. We will not be deterred from delivering change. This attack will not derail us.

The attack was an attempt to threaten democracy and the democratic process. That cannot be allowed to happen.

Any attempts by criminal gangs or by anyone else to thwart the democratic process or interfere in democratic decisions must be called out and must be condemned roundly by everyone in the House. Sinn Féin will not be deterred, and we will not be intimidated from continuing our work to better the lives of the people in Newry and Armagh and across Ireland.

I urge anyone with information about the attack on my colleagues' constituency office last night to come forward and contact the PSNI.

Trevor Clarke (DUP, South Antrim)

I also condemn the attack. Of course, this is not the first attack that we have seen in Northern Ireland. We are all too aware of many attacks across Northern Ireland, going back a long time, 30 to 40 years, into its history. On every occasion, every attack was wrong then, as it is now with this attack. The Member who spoke previously is right: it is an attack on democracy. There has always been an alternative. There has been intimidation, bomb attacks, bullet attacks and murder and mayhem for many years, and, on every occasion, that has been wrong. We on the Benches on this side of the Chamber have always condemned outright all of those incidents as being wrong.

I put on record my thanks for the work that the army technical officers have done. We are very fortunate to have them here. Unfortunately, we require them here, but we are fortunate to have their services. They can come along and make those devices safe, and I hope and pray that intelligence is used from this to bring those responsible for this attack to justice. Like the previous Member who spoke, I call for those with any information to bring that to the PSNI to ensure that this is the last time that we see this on our streets.

Andrew McMurray (Alliance, South Down)

I, too, join in the condemnation of those who left an explosive device outside the offices of Ms Kimmins and Mr Hughes. Placing explosive devices in the streets was always wrong, is wrong and will continue to be wrong. That bears being said. We all have constituency staff, and we know of the pride that they take in their roles. I know that the staff involved run a good constituency office, and my thoughts are with them. My thoughts are also with the people of Newry more widely.

There is no justification for the attack, but it does point to the polarisation and the increasingly difficult discourse that the political sphere in which we operate is currently undergoing. That is relevant too. Thanks to the PSNI and the army technical officers who responded, and I echo the calls for any information that is forthcoming to be passed on to the PSNI.

Jon Burrows (UUP, North Antrim)

On behalf of the Ulster Unionist Party, I condemn unequivocally the terrible attack on Liz Kimmins and Dáire Hughes. It was a despicable attack, and I agree entirely that it is an attack not only on the entire community but, in fact, on our democratic system. I am a great believer that an attack on any one of us here is an attack on all of us and on what we are trying to do to represent people across Northern Ireland. I give my full solidarity to Liz and Dáire, to their constituency workers and, indeed, to their families, who will be frightened.

I do hope that the Police Service of Northern Ireland, supported by our security services, particularly MI5, which supports the work that the PSNI does in dismantling those who commit terrorism, is successful in bringing the people who did this to justice. I salute the police and the ammunition technical officers, and I hope that there are forensic opportunities from the device. We as a party, of course, know very well the price that terrorism brings to innocent people. Edgar Graham and Robert Bradford were wickedly murdered by terrorists, and, thankfully, we see far fewer of those kinds of despicable attacks. Those attacks were wrong then, they are wrong today, and they will be wrong in the future. Unequivocally, I stand with Ms Kimmins and Dáire Hughes, as does the entire Ulster Unionist Party.

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

I am shocked and appalled at the news that a bomb was left at Sinn Féin's office in Newry. The bomb threat, on one of Newry's busiest streets, posed a serious danger to the public and is a total disgrace. My thoughts are with Sinn Féin's office staff, who were put in harm's way at their place of work. That is completely unacceptable.

I offer my support to Sinn Féin's local representatives: Dáire, Liz and all the councillors who use the office regularly. They were democratically elected to represent their community yet have been targeted with violence and intimidation. There never has been, and there never will be, any place for that type of violence, thuggery and intimidation in our society. I condemn that atrocious act. Those behind it should be ashamed of themselves. I urge anyone with information that can assist in identifying those responsible to come forward to the police.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

I join other Members in condemning the pipe bomb attack in Newry. Such activity has no place, and it never had a place, in any democratic society. Today, although we rightly think about what could have happened but for the prompt action of the security forces, and of the British Army bomb squad in particular, my mind turns back to the events on this very day half a century ago, 6 October 1975. On that date, a 45-year-old RUC detective constable, David Smyth Love, responded to reports of a robbery at a bar on the Dungiven Road, 3 miles outside Limavady. The criminals held staff and customers at gunpoint —

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Timothy.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

— and demanded the contents of the till.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Timothy, I appreciate that you are trying to expand your contribution because of the date on which another person lost his life, but I respectfully ask you to return to the content that is central to the Matter of the Day, please. Thank you.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. What I said will bring me on to where I was going with it.

As the men fled, they told the barman that they had left a 10-lb bomb that would go off in 10 minutes.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Timothy, if you do not —.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

With all due respect, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker, what I am saying is relevant to what we have, which is the hypocrisy of Sinn Féin. It is experiencing today what it inflicted on many people up and down this country through its years of terrorism.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Timothy, take your seat, please.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

With all due respect, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker, I would like you to let me finish what I was going to say.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

No. I think that you have exhausted your opportunity to speak, so take your seat.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

I strongly disagree. Sinn Féin is feeling today what it inflicted on many people during the years —

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Timothy, you are challenging the authority of the Chair. Please take your seat.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

— of terror in Northern Ireland.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Timothy, please. If you persist, there will be consequences, so thank you very much.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

I unequivocally condemn the actions of those who left a deadly device outside a Sinn Féin constituency office. It is the office of an MP and a Minister. It is an office, like my own and that of others, that no doubt offers constituency advice and support on a range of issues. My thoughts are also with the staff, who do a difficult and challenging job, as staff in all constituency offices do. I do not know how they are feeling today, but I send my thoughts to them.

I totally and utterly condemn that action. I do not know the motives of those who carried out the threat by leaving that device, but one can speculate. One wonders whether it is connected to the statement that the UDA and the UVF put out at the weekend to say that vans with bilingual signage on them would be torched.

[Interruption.]

That is completely unacceptable. It poses a dangerous threat, and all parties, instead of shouting out as one to my right is doing, should be speaking out clearly and saying that that type of violence and intimidation should not be happening. Instead of clamping down on peaceful protesters, the PSNI should be going after the people who are doing that —.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Gerry, take your seat.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

— so I condemn it.

Claire Sugden (Independent, East Londonderry)

I add my voice to the condemnation of the incident in Newry. No elected representative, no member of staff and no member of the public should ever face intimidation or threat because of political work that is being done. My thoughts are with Minister Kimmins, Dáire Hughes and the local community for having to endure what happened.

Whatever our political differences, we share a common duty to protect the safety of those who serve the public. There can be no place for violence in political life — not here, not anywhere.

Many people will feel unease that this is happening against a wider backdrop where hostility seems to be rising again, not just here but globally. In recent days, we have seen violence on the international stage, with attacks on places of worship. I wholly condemn the attack on the Manchester synagogue, and my thoughts are with the Jewish community and Manchester. With such acts of aggression against political figures, the tone of public life has become sharper, volatile and, at times, dangerously personal. That matters, because what happens elsewhere always has a way of seeping into Northern Ireland. The language that we use, the behaviour that we tolerate and the boundaries that we set determine the kind of politics that we have at home. It feels, at times, as though anger has become the default setting in many parts of the world, but anger solves nothing, and violence solves nothing. Politics, for all its frustrations, must always be the alternative to both. We should stand together against intimidation and for democracy, dialogue and decency. We should stand for the idea that change must be achieved through words, not weapons, argument or aggression. That is how we preserve the peace that we fought so hard to build in Northern Ireland.

Robbie Butler (UUP, Lagan Valley)

I add my support and solidarity to Minister Kimmins; the Member of Parliament Dáire Hughes; their families, in particular, because this extends way beyond the political sphere and the individual who has, potentially, been threatened; and, as has been picked out, the staff who work in the office.

I am sure that I do not need to remind Members of the fact that, over the past couple of years, sadly, we have been involved, through the good work of the Assembly Commission, in having to look at the security arrangements around all our offices and in reminding Members, including myself, that the platform that we have to speak on comes with significant responsibilities. This country suffers from PTSD because of the violence of the past. There are two plaques at the entrance to our Chambers, one at each Chamber. One plaque is for Senator Wilson, a nationalist who was murdered by loyalists, and one is for Edgar Graham, a unionist who was murdered by republicans. We need to own the words that we say, and we need to ensure that the words that we speak impact positively by, perhaps, bringing a little bit of peace and stability to a world that is struggling.

I pay my respects to the PSNI and the ammunition technical officers who respond, at times without political support, in the most dangerous of circumstances because they are apolitical. They provide safety for the public and for us. It is not so long ago that we were having debates about Jo Cox and David Amess, so it is not just in Northern Ireland that politicians face threat. There is global instability. It was really sad to wake up this morning to read that, once again, Northern Ireland was seeing the threat of violence. I condemn it unreservedly, and I ask Members to speak with one voice in opposing it.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Before I go to the next Matter of the Day, I remind Members that, if you stray off-topic, I will ask you to take your seat, rather than give you two, three or four opportunities. You can protest all you want, but it will not make any difference. The other announcement that I want to make is that, when I am in the Chair, I will chair. This morning has been like the video of the woman who cannot drive her car unless her husband is sitting beside her, telling her to turn left or right. I do not need that. I know what I am doing. If you have an issue with the way in which I am doing it, take it up afterwards.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Pat Sheehan has been given leave to make a statement on Israel's interception of the Global Sumud flotilla to Gaza, which fulfils the criteria set out in Standing Order 24. If other Members wish to be called, they should rise in their place and continue to do so. All Members who are called will have up to three minutes to speak. I remind Members that interventions are not permitted. I will not take any points of order on this or any other matter until the item of business has finished.

Pat Sheehan (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

The Global Samud flotilla is made up of 500 activists from 44 countries in 40 vessels. It was trying to break the illegal blockade of Gaza and the Israelis' use of starvation as a weapon of war. The flotilla was carrying baby formula and medicines for children who are being starved and whose mothers cannot feed them because they do not have milk in their breasts.

The activists on the flotilla are the best of us. They are the best of humanity. Given that the Israelis have attacked other flotillas, in particular, the Mavi Marmara ship, on which 10 activists were murdered by the Israelis in 2010, it was an act of great courage for those 500 activists to join the flotilla and try to break the illegal Israeli blockade of Gaza.

There are Irish activists on the flotilla, not least our comrade and colleague Senator Chris Andrews and Tadhg Hickey, who is a well-known activist from Cork. Reports have come out about the brutality and ill treatment that the 500 activists have received from the Israelis. Remember: the seizure of those vessels in international waters is a war crime. It breaches international law. Of course, the Israelis do not care about international law. They have consistently broken international law; they have used starvation as a weapon of war; and they are involved in the genocide of the Palestinian people.

Steve Aiken can sit and laugh all he wants — I have no doubt that he will get up and defend that genocidal regime — but, perhaps, some day, he will show one small bit of humanity. Contrary to what his colleague Doug Beattie said the last time that we talked about this, the attacks on the flotilla came from Israeli drones that dropped flash grenades on to some of the ships, not flares, as Doug Beattie tried to assert in the Assembly.

I send my best wishes to all who were involved in the flotilla and those who are still illegally imprisoned at the hands of the Israelis and are receiving ill treatment and brutality. It is time for the world to stand up against the Israelis to end the genocide now.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

As we have heard, on Wednesday evening, Israel intercepted ships belonging to the Global Sumud flotilla, and Israeli warmongers abducted over 400 peaceful activists on board 41 ships. The purpose of the trip was to deliver aid to Gaza, where Israel has imposed an illegal blockade since 2006. Since October 2023, Israel has tightened its blockade, which it declared publicly, and it cruelly denies Palestinians access to food, fuel and medical supplies.

Israel's aim is to destroy Palestinians in Gaza and bring about a humanitarian disaster; in other words, as declared by the UN Commission, it is continuing to try to commit genocide. The activists on the ships were attempting to break the blockade and to stop the genocide. Some have been deported, while others remain in a prison in the Negev desert that is notorious for its inhumane treatment of Palestinian prisoners.

Look at how the only democracy, so to speak, in the Middle East is treating Greta Thunberg, a brave 22-year-old-woman, who is a shining light in a dark and gloomy world. They have subjected her to oppressive, inhumane treatment, as well as bullying and harassment. As we have heard, there were 16 Irish citizens and 13 British citizens on board the flotilla. The message from Amnesty International is that the interception was a clear illegal act of aggression, and it called it "a calculated act of intimidation". The authorities began deportation proceedings without giving notice to the activists' lawyers and denied them access to legal advice. Israel's National Security Minister, Ben Gvir, disgracefully filmed himself taunting captured flotilla members, whom he labelled as "terrorists", while he was surrounded by an armed guard of Israel Defense Forces (IDF) soldiers. Make no mistake about it: Israel is definitely the terrorist state, and the world knows about it.

We have also seen 15,000 people marching through Barcelona in recent days in response to Israel's actions and 3,000 people outside the European Parliament buildings calling on the EU to break —

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Gerry, will you stick to the flotilla, please?

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

— the siege of Gaza. It is very important.

In response to the siege, we saw walkouts in Italy and two million workers participating in other places across the world. In Dublin, at the weekend, I joined tens of thousands of people protesting to mark two years of genocide and calling on the state to sanction Israel. After that march, activists rallied to shut down Dublin port, where they were pepper sprayed and subjected to disgraceful —

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Gerry, come back to the flotilla or take your seat.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

— police brutality. We need to cut all ties with Israel and isolate that brutal regime.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

What we have heard so far is an act of disinformation, to begin with. First, illegal kidnapping? Not just because the Member for West Belfast says that it is. The truth is that the interception was under maritime law. That is the first bit of disinformation that I would like to debunk. The second bit is that those participants were held in brutal conditions. That does not bear out when we look at some of the footage of those who intercepted the vessels. If we want to talk about brutal conditions, there is no mention of some of the hostages who have been kept in tunnels since 7 October. If we want to talk about brutal conditions, what about those who are still suffering the impact of the war in the Middle East? That is where the focus should be.

If the noble aspiration of the flotilla was to deliver aid — it is a very noble aspiration, by the way, to deliver aid to anybody in distress — another piece of disinformation is that there was no mention of the fact that, prior to being intercepted by Israeli forces, there was a call for people who wished to have aid distributed to go by the legal route, which was to the Israeli port where the aid would be looked at and be provided to the people of Gaza. Those are the facts. That was on a loudspeaker for all to hear. The participants knew before they even got aboard the flotilla that they would not be allowed to breach the blockade. They were told where they should go to ensure that their aid would have an impact. Those are the facts.

We can get into a debate about disinformation and what occurred, but if we are serious, and if the flotilla's point was to bring about an end to the conflict in the Middle East, why are we not talking today about the potential genesis of a global peace plan that could potentially end the conflict in the Middle East? It is a peace plan that has been endorsed by the Arab countries in the region and the participants in the conflict. That is where the focus should be.

As we listen to some of the rhetoric surrounding what was a stunt —.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Jonathan, get back to the subject of the Matter of the Day.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

Madam Principal Deputy Speaker, I say clearly that the flotilla was a stunt. If we talk about the stunt, it is in these terms: if you want to deliver aid, deliver it through legal routes that can have a genuine impact and help get the peace.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

I call Kate Nicholl. Cuirim fáilte romhat ar ais, Kate.

[Translation: I welcome you back, Kate.]

Kate Nicholl (Alliance, Belfast South)

Thank you. I think that it is good to be back. Thank you very much, Principal Deputy Speaker; it is. I am really delighted to speak on this subject. Pat Sheehan and I have done quite a lot of work with the Palestinian community, and that is what I want to bring the issue back to. This is not an orange or green issue. There is a genocide going on. It is a humanitarian issue, and it is something that we need to speak out about.

One of the Palestinians whom I have been working with in Belfast has lost so many family members, and I knew that the narrative would be that this was a stunt, so I asked him what the flotilla meant to Palestinians. He said that, for four generations, his people have been suffering. He said:

"For us, the recent flotilla represents a message of hope from many nations around the world. When our families and loved ones are dying every day, either on the streets or in tents in so-called safe zones — as a result of Israel’s daily bombardment of Palestinian homes...killing doctors, nurses, journalists, and ambulance crew — this act of solidarity matters deeply. The flotilla brings the message that the unjust siege on Gaza can be broken, especially at a time when our families are starving and basic necessities have vanished. When baby formula and essential food are unavailable, and families are forced to pay prices twenty times higher than normal — when the mothers and fathers have one meal or no meal a day without knowing if they will survive the night — the flotilla stands as a powerful symbol that the world has not forgotten us. It is a reminder that hope and humanity persist, even in the darkest times. We need our families brought to safety and protected because we can't live more loss of loved ones. Our families and loved ones deserve to live in dignity like any other human being".

Real people are suffering, and, to them, the flotilla represented the fact that people care. I am inundated with messages every day from people from across my constituency who are desperate for us to do something. Real people are dying; real people are being impacted. I stand with my constituents and the people on the flotilla who are taking action when so many people feel helpless.

Steve Aiken (UUP, South Antrim)

I make a declaration of interest as someone who has conducted maritime blockades in several places around the world.

The Gaza Mediterranean maritime blockade is recognised as a method of warfare that has developed in the context of international armed conflict legislation, which states:

"A blockade is a belligerent operation intended to prevent vessel traffic from all States from entering or leaving specified coastal areas that are under the sovereignty, occupation, or control of an enemy. Such areas may include ports and harbors, the entire coastline, or parts of it."

For the blockaded territory, crucially, enforcement focuses on vessels' destination, not their cargo. If a vessel breaches or attempts to breach a blockade, that is enough to make that vessel liable to capture. The law on blockade is generally considered to reflect customary international law. Its landmark text, the London declaration of 1909, contains several provisions that help define the law, which is mostly contained in maritime military manuals, maritime law and soft law instruments. It states that a maritime blockade is established lawfully if the following requirements are met:

"A blockade must be declared, and the international community must be duly notified. The declaration must include the date the blockade commences and its geographical limits."

It was. The declaration also states:

"The blockade must not bar access to neutral ports."

It does not.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Steve.

Steve Aiken (UUP, South Antrim)

Madam Principal Deputy Speaker, this is relevant to the Gaza debate.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Actually, it is not relevant. Maritime law is not one of the Matters of the Day; the debate is about the interception of the Global flotilla. If you could return to the subject, I would appreciate that.

Steve Aiken (UUP, South Antrim)

Maritime law is exactly what it is about, because that is what the Israeli Navy followed. I accept your judgement. I will sit down, because it cannot be appropriate to talk about the matter without talking about international maritime law. That does not make any sense.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Thank you. Had you mentioned the Global flotilla, I would have allowed you to continue, but you did not.

On that basis, I move on to Mark Durkan.

Mark Durkan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

Last month, I said that we stood at a moment that demanded moral clarity and political courage. Recent events have brought into sharp focus the suffering, the injustice and the obligation to act that we all share. The Global Sumud flotilla, which was carrying humanitarian aid bound for Gaza, was intercepted in international waters. Reports — no one can dispute or has disputed the reports — indicate loss of life, detainees being transported and confessions being demanded in foreign ports. Those actions cannot be dismissed as mere collateral damage; they raise fundamental questions of international law, human rights and collective responsibility.

Such a blockade, enforced with lethal force, amounts to the collective punishment of civilians, many of whom lack safe passage or recourse. We cannot pretend to be neutral when human beings suffer under a siege. We cannot remain silent in the face of force being used against vessels bearing aid for starving and suffering people in Gaza. The images that we have seen should stir our consciences; the stories that we have heard should move us all; and the calls that we receive from grieving families should break through any political reticence.

Any investigation into those events must be international, independent and fully transparent. All detainees must be released unconditionally. Diplomatic pressure must be brought to bear. Our Governments, North and South, and those in the UK and Europe must press for accountability, not complicity. Economic and political levers must be used to demand compliance with international law. Finally, we must recommit ourselves to the principle that human dignity is universal, not selective. It must reach those in need. Dialogue must replace dominance. Peace must be forged in justice, not imposed through force. Silence is not a neutral act — it is a choice — and denial is a despicable one. Let us choose justice and solidarity. Let us choose a future and a present in which no people are punished because of their borders or their plight. Let those who govern know that we will hold them to account in the name of human rights, compassion and the common good.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

I give the same warning that I gave at the start of the previous Matter of the Day: if Members do not stick to the content of the Matter of the Day, I will ask them to take their seat and will move on to the next Member.

Timothy Gaston has been given leave to make a statement on the attack on the Manchester synagogue and its implications for the Jewish community in Northern Ireland, which fulfils the criteria set out in Standing Order 24. If other Members wish to be called, they should rise in their place and continue to do so. All Members will have up to three minutes to speak on the subject. I remind Members again that interventions are not permitted and that I will not take any points of order on this or any other matter until the item of business has finished.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

The attack on the Manchester synagogue on Thursday was an outrageous assault on the Jewish community, occurring on the holiest day of the Jewish calendar. Yom Kippur, which is better known to Christians as the "Day of Atonement", is a time when sin is recalled and repented for. In the Old Testament, we remember the slaughter of a goat on that day and the sprinkling of its blood in the Holy of Holies. Last week, Jewish blood stained the streets of Manchester as two men were murdered and three others were seriously injured. I pay tribute to the courage of those who died protecting their family, friends and neighbours, but there is a need for more than words. The attacker was a Muslim who was out on bail for an alleged rape. Although he was a British citizen, he was of Syrian origin. The danger of Islamic extremism can no longer be ignored.

The climate in which the attack took place also needs to be acknowledged. For years, anti-Israeli protests have featured antisemitic slogans and placards perpetuating harmful Jewish stereotypes. Even after Thursday, that rhetoric did not stop. On Friday, I wrote to the Chief Constable after being advised that, at an illegal roadblock at York Street, there were chants of, "We got two". Shame. I regret that Members of the House, including a Member for South Belfast from the Alliance Party, sought to contextualise those illegal protests. Decency should have kept the protesters in the house on Thursday evening, of all nights. It is shameful that the Member for South Belfast could not even bring herself to say that.

Let us also recall that, just last week, a Member's statement was used by a Member for West Belfast to laud Kneecap, after the case against one —

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Timothy.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

— of its number collapsed.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Timothy.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

What were they accused —

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Timothy.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

— of, Principal Deputy Speaker?

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Timothy, take your seat.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

Displaying a Hezbollah —

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Take your seat.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

— flag.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Take your seat.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

It seems, Principal Deputy Speaker —

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Take your seat.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

— that you do not want to hear from —

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Take your seat.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

— people who have opposing views on the subject.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Take your seat.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

You cannot be neutral on this.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Take your seat.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

You have done this a number of times today, Principal Deputy Speaker.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Take your seat.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

You do not deserve to be in the Chair if you cannot be neutral.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

OK. That is your opinion.

Nuala McAllister (Alliance, Belfast North)

[Inaudible.]

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Order, everybody, please.

You brought this very important Matter of the Day to the House.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

Absolutely, and you will not even let me —.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Excuse me. Have a bit of manners, please, and let me finish my point. You are the one who disrespected the rules. I seriously advise you to think again. The Matter of the Day should be about the attack in Manchester rather than your using it to attack other Members. I am therefore going to move on.

Declan Kearney (Sinn Féin, South Antrim)

The attack in Manchester against the Jewish community was horrific. It was a despicable, murderous attack on innocents. That heinous event was made all the more vicious and appalling because it occurred on the holiest day of the Jewish calendar. It has, understandably, caused huge pain and torment for Jewish people everywhere. On behalf of Sinn Féin this afternoon, I extend our thoughts and solidarity to the Jewish community, not just in Belfast and in the rest of the North but everywhere.

It is at times such as this that we must speak with a united voice. There can be no room for hatred. We must oppose antisemitism, Islamophobia, racism and sectarianism from whatever source. Sadly, what happened in Manchester is a reminder that we must continue to campaign for a world in which everyone, regardless of religious belief or ethnicity, can live in dignity, with respect, equality and freedom.

Brian Kingston (DUP, Belfast North)

Last Thursday, the Hebrew congregation of Heaton Park in Manchester was targeted in a diabolical act of terrorism on Yom Kippur, the holiest day in the Jewish religious calendar. The attacker drove a vehicle into pedestrians, then launched a knife attack on worshippers, two of whom were killed, with others injured before the attacker himself was shot dead by the police. The victims have been named as Adrian Daulby, aged 53, and Melvin Cravitz, aged 66. Tragically, one of the victims was hit by police gunfire as worshippers held the synagogue door closed in order to save lives.

The 35-year-old attacker came to the UK from Syria as a child, along with his family. His father issued a statement condemning his son's terrorist attack last Thursday. It later emerged, however, that the father had previously posted on social media praising the terrorist actions of Hamas on 7 October 2023, saying:

"Men like these prove that they are Allah's men on earth".

In all debates about the situation in Israel and Gaza since October 2023, I and others have warned that strong words here will have little impact on the situation there but will have a major impact on community relations here, particularly for our vulnerable Jewish community.

Peter Martin (DUP, North Down)

Hear, hear.

Brian Kingston (DUP, Belfast North)

What happened in Manchester is a realisation of those worst fears of antisemitism: Jewish people killed purely because of their religion. In Northern Ireland, we have also witnessed terrorist attacks on places of worship. We think of the appalling murders at Darkley Pentecostal Church and the murders of Gerard Kiely and Kevin Ballentine outside St Brigid's Church in Belfast, and we remember Mary Travers.

Our Jewish community in Northern Ireland is small but vulnerable. Phillip Brett and I greatly value the synagogue in our North Belfast constituency, and we have been honoured to attend events there over the years. Since last Thursday, I have spoken to members of the Hebrew congregation to reiterate our support and to the PSNI commander for north Belfast about security arrangements for that community. Sadly, we have witnessed antisemitism in Belfast, with attacks on the headstones of Jewish graves in Belfast city cemetery and the removal by a community group of a blue plaque in Cliftonpark Avenue marking the birthplace of —.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Brian, please return to the events in Manchester. Thank you.

Brian Kingston (DUP, Belfast North)

This is relevant to that, in that words have impact here.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

No. I ask you to return to the events in Manchester.

Brian Kingston (DUP, Belfast North)

The blue plaque marked the birthplace of Chaim Herzog, who served two terms as president of Israel, an honoured position that is now held by his son Isaac.

Let us not be blind to the dangers of intolerance and antisemitism in society in Northern Ireland. Let us be mindful of the impact of words, and let us support the needs of our cherished Jewish community.

Kate Nicholl (Alliance, Belfast South)

What happened in Manchester at Heaton Park synagogue was horrific, and I have no hesitation in condemning the antisemitism and hatred. My heart goes out to the entire congregation, particularly to Melvin Cravitz and Adrian Daulby, and to the incredibly brave people who saved countless lives.

I believe in our common humanity, and I believe that everyone should be treated equally and live in safety and peace. It is shameful to use such an awful attack to score political points. You can care about people on one side of the world and care about people in Manchester just as much. It is not an either/or. I am in politics because I care deeply about people and about peace, equality and humanity. I want to set the record completely straight by saying that I and my party completely condemn the attack in Manchester. It was wrong, and it was awful. We stand against antisemitism and hatred, and we always will. Our hearts go out to that community and to every Jewish person in this society who is living in fear as a result of that attack.

Steve Aiken (UUP, South Antrim)

I will try to make sure that I stick strictly to the horrific attack in Manchester.

Yom Kippur is the holiest day in the Jewish calendar: the day of atonement, when members of the Jewish faith fast from sunset to sunset, pray, repent, reflect and seek closeness to God. Last Thursday, that holy day was desecrated by a vile antisemitic attack in Manchester. There is no context, hand-wringing, whataboutery or claim that "It is part of a justified resistance" or whatever to explain those antisemitic murders. The Heaton Park synagogue was attacked simply because it contained Jews at worship. Why did it occur? That is the question that we should all ask. Why is our much-valued Jewish community on the island of Ireland and elsewhere in our nation in so much fear? It is because of the oldest hatred, that most insidious example of racism: the evil of antisemitism. It is the oldest sectarian trope in the world, and it has been given agency by those who march shouting support for a global intifada, the literal translation of which means the murder of all Jews everywhere. What does "from the river to the sea" mean, if it does not mean the death of every Jew in Israel?

If you will not listen to my reason, listen to the words of the Chief Rabbi, Sir Ephraim Mirvis, about the Heaton Park synagogue attack:

"For so long we have witnessed an unrelenting wave of Jew hatred on our streets, on campuses, on social media and elsewhere — this is the tragic result. This is not only an assault on the Jewish community, but an attack on the very foundations of humanity and the values of compassion, dignity and respect which we all share. ... I pray that this tragedy strengthens our collective resolve to confront antisemitism, in all its guises, once and for all."

I hope for all our sakes that everybody takes heed, especially on this island, where the scourge of antisemitism is among the vilest anywhere. May we also never again have to hear the Jewish prayer of Kaddish, which is the prayer of the dead, said in our nation for the murder of our Jewish friends. However, until we recognise the disease of antisemitism that is endemic across these islands and take action to do something about it, I fear for the future, not just for the Jewish community but for all of us. Shalom.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Like others, I express my condolences to the families of Adrian Daulby and Melvin Cravitz, who were murdered at the Heaton Park Hebrew congregation in Manchester in the most grotesque and evil act of antisemitic hatred.

There are, as the Member who spoke previously said, no words of context that mitigate, contextualise or justify what was unmitigated antisemitic hatred turned into a murderous act. Those words have to be absolute, complete and definitive. That act of hatred and evil was made worse by the fact that it happened on a holy day — the holiest day for people of the Jewish faith, Yom Kippur.

In expressing condolences to the families of the immediate victims, let me also express my and my party's solidarity with the Jewish community in Manchester but also with the Jewish communities here in Northern Ireland, on the island of Ireland and across these islands. Let me say that we understand and acknowledge the real fear that they feel at the minute. It is real, and we will not minimise it. What we saw on Friday was utterly depraved. The evil of antisemitism is pernicious, timeless and has to be stood against, as all forms of hatred, racism, prejudice and Islamophobia must be stood against. It is important to say that there can be no context for the people who carried out that act. There is no cause that justifies or mitigates that appalling, depraved, evil act.

It is also true that people are entitled to make criticisms and observations about what is happening in the world. The appalling events in Manchester should in no way be conflated, as one or two have done today — I do not want to get into that debate because it is not appropriate — with people standing against horrific events in another part of the world, because there is no justification or context for those evil acts.

The Jewish community in Belfast is very small, and those people will, I am sure, feel vulnerable at this time, so let me say this clearly and personally to them: we hear you. You are part of our community. You are wanted, you are treasured and you are part of this city and this community. The acts on Friday were utterly repellent, and I am glad that we have had the opportunity to stand against them today.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

I want to say unequivocally that I totally and utterly condemn the disgraceful attack and the killing of two members of the Jewish community outside a synagogue in Manchester last week. Nobody should be killed in that manner but especially not as they are leaving a place of prayer and worship. People obviously feel frightened and under pressure, and I extend my solidarity to them.

I also strongly suggest — this comes not from me but from Jewish groups in Britain and elsewhere — that people should refrain from suggesting or trying to tie all Jewish people to Israel. That is historically inaccurate, because not all Jewish people have always supported the creation of Israel, but, today, we see large contingents of Jewish people on demonstrations in America, Britain and Ireland who are against Israel and support the freedom of Palestinians, so it is important that people do not conflate the two, which would be, by definition, antisemitic in and of itself.

We should also recognise where antisemitism comes from. Despite some of what we have heard today, antisemitism is a disgusting, poisonous, racist ideology that was created in Europe and was backed and funded by European believers in warped ideas about racism and racial hierarchies and stereotypes. People should not blame Muslims, people on the left or people standing against genocide for antisemitism. It is inaccurate, but it is also disgusting, frankly. I should also point out that is the far right and billionaire owners of the media —.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Gerry, can you return to the events in Manchester, please?

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

Yes.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Thank you.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

I will, Principal Deputy Speaker. I am not challenging you at all, but I am talking about antisemitism and where it comes from. We see modern elements of the right and far right —.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Gerry, I am asking you again, and, if you cannot do it, take your seat.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

I am talking about antisemitism, Principal Deputy Speaker.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

The Matter of the Day is about the events in Manchester and the impact on the Jewish community.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

[Inaudible.]

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

No, listen, do not be smart. If you cannot —.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

I am not being smart at all. I am talking about the issue —.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Take your seat.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

All right. OK.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Take your seat, OK?

Peter Martin (DUP, North Down)

First, I condemn the attack that resulted in such dreadful loss of life at the Manchester synagogue, which, as others have said, happened on Yom Kippur, the holiest day in the Jewish calendar.

I extend my thoughts and prayers to all the families who have lost loved ones. May their memory be a blessing. I have spoken to a couple of Jewish friends who live in Great Britain, and they are fearful but stoic about the situation that they face. They reflect that, given the marches over the last number of years and the increased hatred that they have faced, this is hardly surprising.

I was in the synagogue earlier in the year and, at that point, the fear among Jewish folk living in Northern Ireland was already tangible. However, when you speak more widely to Jewish people — this is in complete contrast to what was said by Mr Carroll — they tell you that the threat that they face in the UK now is exclusively from the far left and Islamist groups. That comes directly from Jewish people. One of those groups organised a protest less than 12 hours after the attack on Thursday on the Manchester synagogue. During that protest, demonstrators clashed with police near Downing Street, and the 'Telegraph' reports that one gave a report that said:

"I don’t give a f--- about the Jewish community".

I therefore call on the Prime Minister to do more to protect this marginalised community, who live in such fear of attack that they need security guards to protect their schools and synagogues. I repeat that: they need security guards to protect their schools and synagogues, the elderly and children. That is standard for Jewish people living in Great Britain. I make it clear to any Jewish people listening that this party will always stand up for you and will always oppose the rise of antisemitism in this country. We will never abandon you. Shalom.

Nuala McAllister (Alliance, Belfast North)

Let us be clear from the very start: we all should and must condemn the attack that took place last week on the synagogue in Manchester. I put my thoughts with the families of the victims who were killed: Adrian Daulby and Melvin Cravitz. First and foremost, our thoughts must be with those families. However, I also want to express my sympathies to the serving officers on the ground on that day. I do not doubt that it was a difficult and intense situation that will leave lasting trauma. The attack on the Manchester synagogue on Yom Kippur is just horrific. It is about targeting not just one religion but all religions. It is an assault on the freedom of religion and all our shared values. It is not just the climate around this conversation that needs to be addressed but rather the issue of violence. It is never the answer, and it is never an excuse for anyone.

My constituency, North Belfast, has the only remaining synagogue in Northern Ireland. The community is small, but it is mourning massively. Our thoughts are with those people today, as they also fear for their safety and future amid the toxic debate and culture when freedom of religion is attacked. I express again our solidarity not just with the Jewish people of Manchester but with all Jewish people who feel frightened in our society today. This could have been much worse. There could have been many more deaths. I pay tribute to all the emergency services that responded and thank them. It further highlights the importance of democracy and standing up for our shared values and beliefs. Hopefully we will not have this situation again.

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

Representing North Belfast has many honours, but one of the greatest, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker, is that we are the home of the Jewish community. As has been articulated by my colleague Mr Kingston, we have a proud record of supporting that small but important community.

Just two weeks ago, I attended a packed event at the synagogue as the community raised money for important local causes and charities. One of the most shocking things about attending the synagogue was that there had to be police protection outside. The location of the fundraiser could not be released for fear of attack. Weekly, when our small but important Jewish community goes to carry out their acts of worship, they have to do so under the protection of security. If that were any other religion anywhere else in Northern Ireland, it would be a national disgrace. Political parties of all traditions and none would stand up weekly and call it out. However, it seems that the Jewish community gets support only when attacks like this take place.

The local community has organised a vigil for 6.30 pm on Wednesday at the memorial on the Shore Road as an opportunity for everyone to come together to remember the victims of the attack but, more important, to show solidarity with that small but influential Jewish community. I am sure that the warm words in the Chamber today will be matched by action. I look forward to seeing all Members there on Wednesday evening.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

There is universal condemnation of what happened in Manchester. It was a horrific attack on a vulnerable community. We must set it in context: those people were murdered because of their religion. It is every community and every family's worst nightmare, and we are thankful that it did not result in further deaths. One of the most horrific aspects of what happened in Manchester is that, had it not been for the brave actions of one of the victims, who essentially barricaded the door, countless more deaths could have occurred.

It is relevant to Northern Ireland because, regardless of our community background, we all know the trauma caused by terrorism. Many of our families have been affected by it. We know that actions taken in a moment can haunt and traumatise a family for years to come. As has been mentioned, we know the scars that many of Northern Ireland's law enforcement personnel continue to bear because of the things that they witnessed as a result of terrorism in Northern Ireland.

We have a vulnerable Jewish community in Belfast. Anybody who takes the time to talk to them will understand their sense of vulnerability. They have been subject over many years to, in some cases, low-level antisemitic attacks and, in other cases, horrific forms of antisemitic behaviour. There have been headstones defiled, attacks on businesses and online antisemitic rhetoric directed at a small and vulnerable community. As has been mentioned, we stand in full solidarity with them not just today but in the days to come.

I remind Members across the Chamber that, just because somebody is Jewish, that does not necessarily mean that they agree with the actions of the Israeli Government. Just like people in Northern Ireland, they can have all types of opinions, which they are entitled to hold, but they should never become the focus. They should never be drawn into what is, in many cases, antisemitic behaviour that spills out from what may have been, at the beginning, well-intentioned protest.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Your time is up, Jonathan.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

I encourage Members to understand that and stick to that principle.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Much appreciated; thank you.

Members, please take your ease while we make a change at the top Table before Members' Statements.

Assembly Business

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

On a point of order, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. I seek clarity from the Speaker's Office. The Business Committee allocates up to 30 minutes for Members' Statements. If a Member rises during that 30-minute time slot and there is still time remaining, will that Member be called or not?

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Jonathan, it is usually the process that lasts 30 minutes. That is why, at times, as you will have noticed — you might even have been subject to this — a Member might have only one minute, one and a half minutes or two minutes. While Members have up to a certain number of minutes in which to speak, we ask people to not go over that but to go under that. We, at the Table, try to get as many people in as possible, but the whole process lasts 30 minutes. If Members feel that they have not been called within the time, they should let the Speaker's Office know, and we will examine the Hansard report.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

Further to that point of order, for clarity, if a Member rises to their feet, and there is still time left in the 30 minutes, they would be called, but it might be for a shorter time under the 30 minutes. Is that right?

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

That is what I have done in the past. If the Member is not content, he should go to the Speaker's Office with specifics, and we will look at the Hansard report.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

On a point of order, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. In fact, I have two, but I will try to get them in briefly, and you can shut me down if I —.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Sorry, Matthew. It is not two points of order. You either have a point of order, or you do not.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

OK, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. On Thursday, I received a response to a question for written answer that I submitted in February 2024. I asked when a Programme for Government would be published. A draft Programme for Government was published in September last year, and it was finalised in March this year. Standing Orders provide that a written answer should be given within 10 days. It has taken 20 months. Will the Speaker's Office advise whether that is acceptable?

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

I can advise. I will come back with advice.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

On a point of order, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Your first point was not a point of order, but you have put the issue on the record. Will you make sure that your second is —

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

It was under Standing Orders.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

— actually a point of order.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

With the greatest of respect, it is in Standing Orders, so I think that it was in order to ask that question.

My second point of order relates to the Executive legislation programme, which came out via email to Members of the Assembly on Friday. It is supposed to be the legislation programme for what is left of this year and next year. Given what the Speaker has said about statements being brought to the Assembly, it is highly unacceptable that it was emailed to us with no oral statement from the First Minister and deputy First Minister. Will the Speaker's Office advise on whether it is comfortable with such an important document being emailed to Members on a Friday as if it were correspondence about a lunch event?

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

First, I will go back to your first point of order. Just because something is in the Standing Orders does not give you the right to use whatever Standing Order it is to try to make a point. Your point is on the record.

Secondly, in relation to the statement, Ministers should come to the House. It is my understanding that the First Minister and deputy First Minister have tabled a motion, which was circulated to you last week. I assume that you missed that.

I ask Members to take their ease.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

On a point of order, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. Further to your response to Mr Buckley, I signalled a number of times to get in to speak on the Matter of the Day regarding Gaza. I believe that we were well within the 30 minutes. Will you clarify to the House that you chose not to call me to speak, even though time remained?

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

I will clarify to the House. I asked you on three occasions to take your seat, and I advised you that there would be consequences. I did not call you, and I was not going to do so until I got advice. It has happened with you and me before. You have shown continual disrespect, particularly to me. It is not about me; it is about the Chair and what it represents. I believe that you have disrespected the office of Speaker. On that basis, I did not call you, and I told you that there would be consequences. I am going back to get further advice, and when I get it, I will decide whether it is appropriate to share it with you.

Mr Gaston, today's Hansard report will show that I asked you on at least three occasions to desist, and you did not. I felt that you were very disrespectful. On that basis, I decided that you should not be called to speak on something. Thank you.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

On a point of order, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. I do not think that I have ever challenged your ruling or been disrespectful — passionate, probably, but disrespectful, I do not think so — but may I have some clarity? I was trying to connect the issue of the attack on the Jewish synagogue in Manchester to the issue of antisemitism. Like other Members, I believe that the two are connected, so I tried to give some explanation for that. Can you advise me, now or later, in order to keep me right, on how they are not connected?

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

I can advise you, Gerry. I knew that you were trying to talk about the ugliness of antisemitism. I felt that you had done that, but you kept on, and I asked you to return to the subject. I tried to give everybody the same latitude, but, when I felt that people were pushing it, I called them out. To be frank, I felt that you were pushing it. You were not being disrespectful, but, when I asked you to return to the subject, you did not, so I moved on. I said before each Matter of the Day that I would do that. I am not saying that you did this, Gerry, but it is very disappointing that, when such matters come to the House, particularly on the first sitting of the week after such horrendous times for people, some Members choose to score political points. That is regrettable.

I will move on. Members, take your ease.

(Mr Deputy Speaker [Mr Blair] in the Chair)

Members' Statements

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

If Members wish to be called to make a statement, they should indicate that by rising in their place. Those who are called will have up to three minutes in which to speak. I remind Members that interventions are not permitted, and I will not take points of order on this or any other matter until the item of business is finished.

Stewart Dickson (Alliance, East Antrim)

As Members will be aware, I chair the all-party group (APG) on cancer. Today, I bring the House's attention to a cancer that desperately needs our focus: brain cancer. I will tell you about Rachael, who is in the Public Gallery.

Rachael is just 23 years old and the mother of a two-year-old. Last year, she was diagnosed with an inoperable brain tumour. She has already outlived her initial prognosis yet continues to endure distressing and debilitating symptoms. Despite that, Rachael and her family have chosen not to remain silent but, rather, to campaign for change. On her behalf, I therefore ask Members to sign the United Kingdom Government and Parliament petition on brain cancer. I will send the link to all Members after I have made my statement.

Rachael's call is not only urgent but justified. Brain tumours are the biggest cancer killer of children and of adults under the age of 40 in the United Kingdom. They kill more men under 70 than prostate cancer, more women under 35 than breast cancer and more children than leukaemia. Every day, 33 people in the United Kingdom will be diagnosed with a brain tumour, and over 5,000 will die from one each year.

Brain cancer is indiscriminate, affecting anyone at any age. There is no preventative measure and little benefit from early detection. Without research, funding and innovation, brain tumours will remain a death sentence for many. Overall cancer death rates have fallen by 20% in recent decades, but that is not the case for brain cancer. The United Kingdom now ranks close to the bottom of the list of wealthy nations for five-year survival rates, while, interestingly, Ireland is in the top five. We must ask why that is, because the situation in the UK is simply unacceptable. Between 2018 and 2022, more than 800 people in Northern Ireland were diagnosed with brain tumours, which is an average of 160 a year. Survival rates have barely improved, however.

Our Health Minister has a duty to act. We need a cancer care strategy that treats brain tumours not as an afterthought but as a priority. We need to end the lottery for rehabilitation and psychological support, so that survival is not only about extending life but about ensuring quality of life. We need to support Brainwaves, Northern Ireland's only voluntary brain tumour research and support charity. What steps will the Minister take to prioritise brain cancer and tackle waiting times, which cost lives? How will he ensure that people can access cancer trials despite continual hold-ups to clinical trial sign-offs? What plan will he bring forward to overcome barriers that deny patients equal access to care and support?

This is about people such as Rachael, her two-year-old child and families across Northern Ireland. They deserve more than our sympathy; they deserve action. Brain tumours are among the most devastating forms of cancer, yet that area remains underfunded, under-researched and misunderstood. Without investment in research, brain tumours will continue to be a death sentence. It is time to end delays to funding, diagnosis and treatment. Research and prompt treatment paths offer the only real hope for transforming survival —

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

Time is up.

Stewart Dickson (Alliance, East Antrim)

— and quality of life.

Aisling Reilly (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

D’aontaigh Comhairle Cathrach Bhéal Feirste beartas nua Gaeilge an tseachtain seo caite. Is é is aidhm don bheartas cearta Gaeilgeoirí a neartú agus infheictheacht na teanga a mhéadú ar fud na cathrach.

Tá Ghaeilge agam ón chliabhán. D’fhreastail mé ar scoil lánGhaeilge. D’oibrigh mé in earnáil na Gaeilge, agus úsáidim Gaeilge gach uile lá. Is Gaeilgeoir fosta é mo nia. Tá sé ceithre bliana d’aois. Is mór idir an saol a bhí agamsa mar Ghael óg agus an saol a bheidh ag mo nia, agus a bhuíochas sin ar an obair a rinne Sinn Féin agus páirtithe eile, ar an obair a rinne grúpaí agus gníomhaithe teanga, orainne uile a tháinig amach ar na sráideanna — ar ghrúpaí a throid go dian, sa Teach seo, i gcomhairlí áitiúla, agus i ngrúpaí pobail — dá thairbhe sin, fásfaidh mo nia aníos i sochaí ina n-aithneofar agus ina mbeidh meas ar a theanga.

Ar an drochuair, i ndiaidh an chinneadh sin a ghlacadh, rinneadh bagairt ar áiseanna de chuid Chomhairle Cathrach Bhéal Feirste. Ba cheart na bagairtí a rinne grúpaí paraimíleata dílseoirí inné a cháineadh go soiléir neamhbhalbh. Ní mór do cheannairí polaitíochta seasamh le chéile i gcoinne na mbagairtí sin, go huile agus go hiomlán.

Ní bagairt í an Ghaeilge. Ní bagairt é an comhionannas.

Is cinneadh stairiúil é cinneadh na Comhairle, cinneadh dearfach. Thiocfadh le beartas Chomhairle Cathrach Bhéal Feirste a bheith ar cheann de na beartais teanga is forásaí ar an oileán seo. Is tiomantas é do chearta Gaeilgeoirí, d’fhorbairt ár bpobail, agus do theanga atá mar chuid den oidhreacht chomhchoiteann againn a chur chun cinn.

Is cúis dóchais é comhaontú na comhairle. Tá an beartas ina chéim chun tosaigh, céim i dtreo Béal Feirste a thugann daoine le chéile, cathair ina ndéantar an Ghaeilge a chaomhnú agus a cheiliúradh.

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

In Belfast, household and business rates continue to soar, our city centre looks like a bomb site, and our basic services cannot be delivered. Instead of addressing those issues, however, the parties opposite thought that it would be a good idea to commit at least £1·9 million of hard-pressed taxpayers', ratepayers' and businesses' money to enforcing a divisionary and discriminatory Irish language policy.

Not content with enforcing unwanted signage in residential streets across our city, the council's latest act has been to target council facilities and staff uniforms. Despite a survey of Belfast City Council staff members showing that the majority of staff oppose the introduction of bilingual signage to their place of work or branding on their uniform, the parties opposite united to vote down a DUP amendment at last week's council meeting.

Fear not for those staff, however, because, page 4 of the 19-page policy document that was agreed by those parties states:

"The Council will provide ... cultural awareness training"

to staff members. This, clearly, is not Northern Ireland; it is North Korea.

If a member of staff disagrees with the policy to wear Irish language-branded uniform, they will be sent on cultural awareness training. Do you think that householders across Belfast, who pay hundreds of pounds on rates each month, want to see their rates spent on that? Do businesses in the Tribeca area, which see the city centre collapsing around them, want to see the thousands of pounds that they spend monthly spent on that?

The political commentary around it is that unionists should not feel intimidated or aggrieved. Let me be very clear: Sinn Féin, the SDLP and the Alliance Party do not get to tell unionists and the people whom we represent how to feel. The policy is utter discrimination. That is why we, along with our colleagues in the Ulster Unionist Party and the TUV, have called it in. We will bring it to court. We will ensure that there is equality in Belfast. The unionist minority in Belfast will not sit down and be quiet in the corner as some of the parties here expect us to be.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

I call Kate Nicholl. Welcome back.

Kate Nicholl (Alliance, Belfast South)

Thank you very much, Mr Deputy Speaker. I feel as though I have been here for months now after this morning.

It is 2025, and I stand here as the first MLA to have taken proper maternity leave. New rules that allow proxy voting and maternity staff cover came in just before I went off. That support simply did not exist when I had my second child, Étaín. Back then, I had just finished my term as Lord Mayor of Belfast and had been elected to the Assembly, which was suspended. Even though we were not passing legislation or scrutinising in Committees, we were all still busy with casework in our constituency offices. There is a picture of me with Étaín, who is a week and a half old, and I am wearing her in a baby carrier. Back then, I wore that as a badge of honour because I had gone back to work so quickly, as though I were saying, "Look how dedicated I am to my job". It is only now that I see that, actually, I was undermining the importance of maternity leave. I feel so sad when I see that picture for Étaín, for me and for any mother whom I unwittingly put pressure on to feel that it was normal. Maternity leave matters. It matters for mums, babies and families, and it benefits society by promoting equality and helping women to stay in the workforce. Too many women face impossible choices between career and family. So much of that is due to the cost of childcare. That really has to change.

Six months ago, my husband, Fergal, and I welcomed our beautiful baby boy, Dara. It is his first day at day care today, and my first day back at work. I am a little sad about it, I have to say. Rather than wearing the badge of honour of going back to work really early, this time I wear the badge of honour of focusing on my child and on me. I thank my amazing team, particularly Curtis Irvine, who held everything together. I also thank colleagues in the Chamber. So many people reached out to me from across the political spectrum to check on us. It was greatly appreciated. It has reminded me that caring is not a distraction from leadership; it is part of what makes us better at it. I hope that any woman MLA feels empowered to take whatever time they need when the time comes. I hope that more women see that you can have a young family and a career in politics, because, when our institutions reflect real life, we make better decisions for real people.

I am back, Mr Deputy Speaker, and more motivated than ever to work on the issues that really impact on family life: childcare, the cost of living and opportunities for the next generation. Those are the issues that unite us and that we can work on together. While I miss Dara so much today and feel really sad about it —

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

Time is up.

Kate Nicholl (Alliance, Belfast South)

— I know that, if we are working for him, it is worth it.

Jon Burrows (UUP, North Antrim)

I acknowledge the passing last Thursday of Jim Dixon, who was the most seriously injured survivor of the Enniskillen bomb. Jim Dixon died aged 88. That bomb, which was detonated on 8 November 1987, murdered 11 people and injured over 60. I will read into the record what Jim Dixon said to the 'Belfast Telegraph' in 2009 when he described his injuries that day:

"I suffer horrendously every day, life is a living hell for me. My skull was fractured in a number of areas. My eyes were sitting down on my cheeks when the doctors found me. They had to put my eyes back into place. My mouth was blown out. My jaw was missing on the right hand said. I was split open nine inches from my chin to my ear. My face and tongue were paralysed. I had nine broken ribs. My pelvis, two hips and one leg were smashed. Three surgeons told me I wouldn’t live. It’s a miracle I survived. The time I spent in hospital was horrendous. I was in intensive care for a very long time."

Mr Dixon was an innocent victim, and the people who committed that terrible atrocity were victim makers and can never be described as victims. I do not want to politic about the pain and misery that people have lived in and the death and destruction that was inflicted on the people of Northern Ireland, but I take incredibly seriously my responsibility never to let history be rewritten, including by some people in the Chamber.

Those who went out to murder and maim, whether they were loyalists or republicans, were victim makers. The people who were blown up, bereaved, widowed and orphaned were the victims. We will never remove the word "innocent" from the front of the title "innocent victim", and we will never play into a narrative, no matter how persistently it is propagated. The people who committed those terrible atrocities were wrong. I was glad to condemn the terrible attack on Liz Kimmins's office. I find it difficult that, in a democracy today, having heard the words of Jim Dixon, there are people who sit in the Chamber, whose words matter to young people, who cannot simply say, "That was wrong. There was an alternative, and we are deeply shamed about what we did to the people of Northern Ireland".

Mark Durkan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

Tá meirg ar mo chuid Gaeilge, ach, mar a deirtear, is fearr Gaeilge bhriste ná Béarla cliste, agus déanfaidh mé mo dhícheall anois. Is le croí trom a labhraím inniu faoi bhás Mhancháin Magan, scríbhneoir, iriseoir agus fíorurlabhraí ar son na teanga agus ar son an dúlra. Ní hé amháin gur scríobh sé faoin Ghaeilge agus faoin dúlra, is amhlaidh a mhair sé iad. Bhí sé ina ghuth acu sin nach raibh guth acu agus ina sholas acu sin a tháinig roimhe agus a thiocfaidh ina dhiaidh.

Mar a dúirt sé féin:

“Níl muid scartha ón talamh ná ó chéile. Is leanúnachas beo sinn ar na daoine a tháinig romhainn agus beatha na ndaoine a thiocfas inár ndiaidh.”

Is focail iad sin ba chóir dúinn a choinneáil beo inár gcroí agus inár ngníomhartha. Tá Éire níos boichte inniu gan é ach níos saibhre mar gheall ar a rian. Go ndéana Dia trócaire ar a anam uasal.

[Translation: My Irish is rusty, but it is said that broken Irish is better than eloquent English, so I will now do my best. It is with a heavy heart that I speak today about the death of Manchán Magan, writer, journalist and advocate for the Irish language and for the environment. He did more than write about the language and the environment: he lived them. He was a voice for the voiceless and an inspiration for those who came before him and those who will come after him. As he said himself: “We are not separated from the land nor from one another. We are part of a living continuum of those who came before us and of those who will come after us.” Those are words that we should keep in our hearts and in our deeds. Ireland is the poorer without him but richer for his work. May God have mercy on his noble soul.]

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

Last week, we saw another stage in the ongoing process of the erosion of and, indeed, the attack on one identity in Northern Ireland for the promotion of another. I refer, of course, to the decision by Belfast City Council to impose a radical Irish language policy across our capital city. Once again, those who preach tolerance and equality have found themselves on the same side as Sinn Féin, giving no thought to those they refuse to tolerate and those they deliberately exclude. Having joined hands with republicans in 2012 to tear down the Union flag from City Hall, Sinn Féin's little helpers in the Alliance Party once again aligned themselves with republicans, this time to impose Irish citywide.

Just a week earlier, in the House, Alliance backed an amendment, which was tabled by a convicted IRA bomber, to strip the word "innocent" from a motion about victims. That amendment removed the distinction between the Shankill bomber, who took his own life, and the nine innocent people whom he murdered. A Justice Minister who cannot distinguish between a victim and a victim-maker is a Justice Minister who should be shown the door, yet the TUV's motion of no confidence in Minister Long sits in the Assembly's Business Office, signed only by me. I ask myself, "Why?". To rebuke Mr Clarke: Mr Clarke, it is no stunt; it does exactly what the DUP has failed to do; it puts an action to the DUP's empty rhetoric.

Then, there is the wider issue of the Irish language across Northern Ireland. Even as the issue plays out, the DUP and Sinn Féin are engaged in appointing an Irish Language Commissioner — a person who will enforce the language across the public sector in every corner of Northern Ireland. If reports are correct, Pól Deeds will be appointed. We know from the evidence that he presented to the Executive Office Committee in Stormont that he is a fanatic. He is already on record as saying that even the sweeping legislation does not go far enough.

There is no point in attacking Alliance on victims' issues while maintaining the Alliance leader in office. To the DUP —

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

Mr Gaston. Mr Gaston —

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

— you cannot criticise Belfast City Council —

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

Mr Gaston, a pattern is emerging —

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

— while recruiting an Irish language enforcer —

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

Mr Gaston, when the Speaker gets to their feet, you desist from speaking and you resume your seat. Any pattern-setting that has happened today — as I witnessed earlier when I was on the Back-Benches — will not be carried on into this setting. There is a standard and a guideline that Members' statements are on a topical matter — not matters, plural, Mr Gaston. There is an even clearer guideline that there will not be a direct attack on a Member or Members.

Philip McGuigan (Sinn Féin, North Antrim)

Last week, Cycling Ireland sent a team of 20 junior and under-23 riders to France for the European Road Cycling Championships. They all represented themselves and this nation exceptionally well. I put on record special congratulations to Conor Murphy, who won silver in the junior time-trial event; David Gaffney, who won bronze in the junior road-race event; and Edendork's Adam Rafferty, who won bronze in the under-23 time trial. All those results were achieved against the best cyclists in Europe.

The European Championships came a week after the Road World Championships in Rwanda, where the Irish team helped Ben Healy to win bronze — our first medal in cycling at that level since 1989. As a cycling fan, I am well aware of Tadej Pogacar and Remco Evenepoel — two of the greatest athletes, not just cyclists, of this generation — who came first and second respectively, so, for Ben Healy to come third is an exceptional achievement.

All of that has come after a wonderful season for professional Irish cyclists. Seven male and three female riders have excelled at world tour level, representing Ireland at races such as the Giro d'Italia, the Tour de France, the Tour de France Femmes and the Vuelta a España, as well as the many one-day cycling classics across Italy, France and Belgium. I pay special tribute to Mia Griffin, Fiona Mangan and Lara Gillespie, who, this year, became the first three Irish cyclists to take part in the Tour de France Femmes.

Irish cycling is in a great place. I am old enough to remember the golden generation of Sean Kelly and Stephen Roche, and that is where we are at once again. I not only put on record the achievements of all those Irish cyclists, which they have earned as a result of dedication and hard work — they are doing this nation proud — but acknowledge that those achievements provide a road map to allow others to dream of following suit by representing their nation and to aspire to emulate their heroes at that level one day.

Again, I congratulate all of those who have been representing this nation at World Tour and world professional cycle races across Europe this season.

Tom Buchanan (DUP, West Tyrone)

It was with sadness last Thursday that I learned of the passing of Mr Jim Dixon, a well-known, highly respected businessman from Enniskillen. At the outset, I tender my deepest sympathies to his wife, Anna, and daughters Suzanne, Sharon and Serena and their respective families. I trust that they will find the needed grace and strength from the God of all comfort in the days to come.

As most will know, Jim was seriously injured in an IRA bomb attack on 8 November 1987 while in attendance at the Poppy Day wreath-laying service at the cenotaph in Enniskillen. Unknown to Jim, he was only 10 feet away from the no-warning explosion that killed 11 people, injured more than 60 and left many others, including women and children, traumatised to this day. Let us not forget that that was an atrocity and that the First Minister stated that there was no alternative to that type of action. I ask the House to reflect on that statement.

Jim was the most seriously injured person to survive the bombing that day and was told by three surgeons that he would not survive due to the extent of his injuries. In 2009, recalling his injuries in the 'Belfast Telegraph', Jim said:

"My skull was fractured in a number of areas. My eyes were sitting down on my cheeks when the doctors found me. They had to put my eyes back into place. My mouth was blown out. My jaw was missing on the right hand side. I was split open nine inches from my chin to my ear. My face and tongue were paralysed. I had nine broken ribs. My pelvis, two hips and one leg were smashed."

I know that that was said earlier today, but it bore repetition. What horrendous injuries he suffered as an innocent victim of IRA terrorism. Those who carried out that atrocity are not victims, but victim makers. The House needs to be clear on that.

Amid all of his suffering, it was Jim Dixon's faith in the Lord Jesus Christ as his personal saviour that gave him strength, wisdom and compassion and bore testimony to great Christian values and fortitude throughout the next 38 years of his life, during which he never had a day without pain or suffering. For Jim, his suffering is over — he is now with his Saviour — but, one day, there will be no hiding place for those who carried out the atrocity. We are reminded in the word of God that:

"Vengeance is mine; I will repay, saith the Lord."

Claire Sugden (Independent, East Londonderry)

I rise to speak about the Ruby's law campaign. Ruby's law seeks to close a serious gap in our legal system, one that, too often, leaves victims of domestic abuse facing an impossible choice between their own safety and the safety of their pets.

At present, our law treats animals as property. In domestic abuse cases, that means that a pet can be used as a tool of control that can be threatened, harmed or withheld to intimidate a partner to stop them leaving. Those working in the area will tell you that it happens much more often than people realise. Some victims remain in dangerous situations because they fear what will happen to their animals if they leave. Ruby's law would change that. It would allow our courts to include pets in non-molestation and occupation orders, recognising them as part of the household and ensuring their protection when a person seeks safety. It would also create clearer routes for emergency fostering or temporary care when someone has to leave home urgently. It is not just about animal welfare; it is about human welfare and closing another avenue of coercive control. Where animals are at risk, people are often at risk too, and that link has been proven.

In England and Wales, the Ruby's law campaign has already prompted serious consideration of changes to the Family Law Act 1996 to allow courts to protect pets through non-molestation and occupation orders. Westminster has already passed the Pet Abduction Act 2024, which recognises animals as sentient beings, rather than mere property, under theft law. That is a significant step forward in how the law views the bond between people and their animals.

Across the UK, police guidance on coercive control already acknowledges threats or harm to pets as a recognised form of abuse. The Republic of Ireland has begun to examine that connection as well.

Research has shown that over half of women using refuge services reported harm or threats to their pets as part of domestic abuse. In my constituency, Causeway Coast Dog Rescue has been leading the conversation, not just locally but across the UK, by highlighting the realities and calling for legislative change. Its work has given a voice to victims who have stayed silent out of fear of what would happen to their animals if they left without them. Ruby's law is about recognising that link and saying clearly that abuse in whatever form it takes will not be tolerated and that the justice system will respond to the full reality of coercive control.

I urge the Executive, through the Minister of Justice, to bring forward the reform and to engage directly with those who have been campaigning for it. It is a practical and compassionate change that would make a real difference. Northern Ireland should protect the vulnerable in every sense of the word. If we bring in the law, our laws will reflect the realities behind closed doors.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

I call Nick Mathison. You have two minutes.

Nick Mathison (Alliance, Strangford)

Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. I will speak today about the problems that schools, pupils and parents faced as a result of the handling by the Education Authority (EA) of school closures arising from Storm Amy. Everyone here will agree that pupil and staff safety on school premises is key, but the timeline for arriving at the school closure announcements on Friday caused unnecessary pressure to come to bear on school leaders and parents. Despite an amber weather warning being in place from 1 October, schools began to receive contact about closures only on the day of the storm, at a point at which kids were already in school, parents were already at work and the school day had started. School leaders simply needed time to manage the closures. I understand that not every weather event affords them that time, but, in this case, we had ample notice, so it is hard to understand why a call was not made the previous day so that schools had time to plan and communicate clearly and effectively, also allowing parents to plan.

The breaking down of the closures by county created confusion. Parents were uncertain whether Belfast was included, and, despite the Met Office's weather warning map not covering all of County Antrim, the EA's closure had a blanket effect. That could have been avoided by earlier and clearer communications. To add to that, some communications on transport and meal provision did not land until the closure time of noon was imminent, with mixed messaging coming from different EA departments. There were further delays in information about transport and meal provision arriving on social media. Again, all of that could have been avoided had early decisions been taken on the previous day in order to allow our schools to prepare.

I could go through a timeline of the pressures that school leaders faced in trying to manage the situation. They were receiving contact on all fronts: from social media, from school apps, from phone calls to the office and from parents at the door. They also had to manage their staff's childcare needs on the day. In short, we have an efficient, timely weather warning system in place. The EA had time to utilise it and give proper notice.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

Mr Mathison, your time is up.

Nick Mathison (Alliance, Strangford)

I hope that lessons are learned for the next time.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

That concludes the time for Members' statements.

Committee Business

Ministerial Statement

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

The Speaker has received notice from the Minister for Communities that he wishes to make a statement. Before I call the Minister, I remind Members that they must be concise in asking their questions. This is not an opportunity for debate, and long introductions will not be allowed.

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I will make a statement to the Assembly on my plans to bring forward a new disability and work strategy for Northern Ireland.

Disability influences lives in many unique and personal ways, and the issues that disabled people face can be complex and intersectional. Given that one in four working-age people in Northern Ireland is disabled, few of us are untouched by disability, yet many disabled people and people with health conditions face multiple barriers that can lead to poverty, social exclusion, inequality and disadvantage, among a range of other challenges. Employment can offer a means to help address and overcome many of the challenges faced, yet, despite the representation of disability across society, only 41% of disabled people in Northern Ireland are in work.

That is the worst figure in the UK.

Furthermore, disabled people who are in employment tend to occupy lower-quality jobs, earn less and find it harder to progress in their careers. Put simply, Northern Ireland’s performance in disability employment has not been good enough. I want us to do better. I am, therefore, bringing forward a new disability and work strategy for Northern Ireland. Co-produced by a wide range of partners, including those with lived experience of disability, the strategy sets out a clear commitment to see an additional 50,000 disabled people in the workforce by 2036 and a disability employment rate of 50% and growing. That will ensure that more disabled people and people with health conditions have access to, can sustain, and can thrive in quality employment in an inclusive Northern Ireland labour market.

The work intersects with a range of strategic agendas, such as the Executive's anti-poverty strategy, the skills strategy, the autism and mental health strategies and the review of special educational needs provision. Of course, it also aligns with our forthcoming Executive disability strategy, which I plan to bring forward in the coming weeks.

In co-producing the strategy, we have placed people with lived experience of disability at the centre, involving them at every stage to ensure that we have identified and shaped the change needed to achieve better outcomes. We have a wealth of experience in our voluntary and community sector, which has delivered close support to disabled people for many years. The sector's insight and value cannot be overstated, alongside the contributions of all partners across the disability and work agenda.

We have worked with a diverse group of over 100 stakeholders, including disabled people, community and voluntary organisations, employers and their representative bodies, central and local government, academics and trade unions, each contributing their views, experiences and priorities to help inform and shape the strategy and its actions. That partnership working will continue as we move forward through detailed design, implementation and monitoring of interventions.

The strategy is constructed around four themes. Under a personalised support theme, the strategy recognises that each person has unique circumstances, needs and ambitions when it comes to work. So much good work is already being delivered by many dedicated and expert individuals across our disability and work ecosystem. The theme aims to build on those foundations to ensure that we meet the diverse needs of disabled people, whether through light-touch interventions or through more specialised, long-term and ongoing interventions such as the supported employment model. Our support must work for everyone. We will achieve that by having more and better engagement by our front-line teams; by identifying improvements and ensuring stability in our pre-employment and in-work supports; and by further integrating health and employability provision to create clear employment pathways for disabled people, working closely with the Department of Health.

Under a second theme of inclusive skills, careers and educational transitions, we will ensure that skills provision and careers advice is accessible and tailored, that support is available for those who wish to pursue self-employment and that young people with special educational needs are supported during key educational transition points as they begin their employment journeys. We will continue to work closely with the Department of Education, the Department for the Economy and wider partners in the space to ensure a joined-up approach that removes cliff edges and delivers continuous support.

The strategy's third theme focuses on supporting and enabling employers. While employers play a crucial role in the agenda, we need to recognise that they, too, need support to help them to shape our workplace cultures and employment practices and contribute to more disabled people finding, sustaining and flourishing in employment. We will advocate for the benefits of disability employment, help build employer awareness of best practice and make it easier to navigate and benefit from the support available. We want to see workplaces where disabilities and health conditions can be disclosed with confidence and where line managers are supported to respond to the needs of their staff effectively.

The fourth and final theme consists of a range of actions that are deemed to be strategic and structural enablers. The theme enhances partnership working, drives and informs our activity, sets out commitments related to the public sector leading by example and delivers clear reporting and monitoring of progress under the strategy.

For the first time in our history, we are proposing a disability and work council for Northern Ireland, which will have oversight of delivery against our commitments. It will be tasked with coordinating and supporting delivery, engaging with disabled people and employers and co-producing interventions. Its membership will comprise a wide representation of expert partners, and, alongside my Department, it will be jointly chaired by a disabled person. During the lifetime of the strategy, its delivery will be continuously monitored, with annual progress reports and a midpoint review to ensure that we are responsive to any wider influences and opportunities that may arise.

Today, I am launching a 12-week public consultation on the disability and work strategy. The wide-ranging conversation with society provides an opportunity for everyone to contribute their views and highlight any areas that can be strengthened further. As part of the process, we will host a series of roadshow events, and documents will be available in a range of accessible formats to make it as easy as possible for everyone to contribute to the consultation.

I will take a moment to stress the need for adequate resources to implement the strategy. Disability employment is not a challenge that my Department can solve in isolation. We have worked closely across the Departments to commit to actions under the strategy, and the Executive have given their endorsement, but, without additional resources to implement actions, we will not see the important changes that we all want to see or the wider positive impacts on economic inactivity, poverty, health and well-being, social inclusion and our economy.

Our forthcoming three-year Budget provides the opportunity to kick-start the momentum. I intend to include the resourcing requirements for the strategy in my departmental bid, and I encourage other action owners to do the same. It is essential that the resourcing bids are met in full, or we risk continuing to see many disabled people excluded from the labour market and deprived of the opportunity to fulfil their career ambitions. The support of my Executive colleagues and Members of the Assembly is essential to secure the necessary resources to deliver the strategy in full.

I sincerely thank everyone across the disability and work ecosystem who has contributed to the development of the strategy. Your insight, experience and commitment have shaped a vision that is ambitious, inclusive and achievable. To disabled people and those with health conditions across Northern Ireland, I say this: I see your talent, your drive and your aspirations. The strategy is about matching your ambitions with real opportunities and creating the conditions for you to thrive, not just survive, in the workplace. You deserve nothing less.

No single person or organisation owns disability or employment. Real change will come only when we work together as government, employers, the voluntary and community sector and society as a whole, sharing the responsibility and pushing each other to go further. In bringing forward the strategy, I am committing to action. We will build on what works, change what does not and ensure that every disabled person has a fair chance to access, sustain and progress in quality employment. It is not just a strategy; it is a promise: a promise of progress, partnership and possibility. Together, we will deliver change that is felt in workplaces, communities and lives. Let us get it done, and let us make a difference. I commend the statement to the House.

Mark Durkan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

The disability and work strategy is an extremely important piece of work. I hope that the co-design is meaningful and that disabled people and the representative organisations are listened to and heard, unlike many of those involved in the co-design process for the anti-poverty strategy.

Minister, you called this a "promise", but you said that it can be kept only with the support of your Executive colleagues and Members of the Assembly to secure the necessary resources to deliver the strategy in full. What are the necessary resources to deliver the strategy in full?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I do not want to jump ahead of the consultation process that will take place. It is the same as with the anti-poverty strategy, which he mentioned: we genuinely want to hear from people about what they want to prioritise and what, they think, should be put in that may not be in there yet.

I give this commitment: I will fund everything that I am able to fund. I have already set aside funding and made bids for some of the actions that I can take. That is why I believe that it will make a difference. Some of it will require investment, but we will get a return on some of that investment as well. Much of it is also about a culture change that we need to see. I will make sure that I put the funding in place, and I call on Executive colleagues to do the same not just because we will get that economic and financial return on it but because of the difference that it will make not just to the lives of disabled people across Northern Ireland but to wider society and to employers, who will have the opportunity to open themselves up to that incredible talent pool which, right now, is not being accessed.

Colm Gildernew (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

I thank the Minister for the statement on this very important work. I really welcome some of the elements of it, particularly the strong co-production and co-design that is woven through it and the Minister's commitment to extensive engagement through the consultation. I also thank the Minister's officials for briefing the Committee on this important work.

One of the things that I am most pleased about is the inclusion of targets. That would have improved the anti-poverty strategy. The target that I will ask about is that of 50,000 additional disabled people in work by 2036. How was that figure arrived at? What modelling or evidence underpins its feasibility?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

That was a topic of extensive debate during the co-production process with those involved. That figure was landed at because people believe that it is ambitious but achievable. It takes us up to where the rest of the UK is.

I want to remove the disability employment gap entirely and ensure that everybody has the opportunity to thrive in work, but we have to be realistic about what is achievable. It is an ambitious target: for context, an additional 50,000 people in work is the equivalent of everybody in the Civil Service and the entirety of those working in the Belfast Health and Social Care Trust. That shows how ambitious the target is. It is something that those involved in the process were very supportive of. I highlight to the Member that there will be annual reports and that midpoint review five years in. If that target needs to be changed, it is certainly something that we are happy to look at.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

Minister and Members, as you are aware, Question Time will begin at 2.00 pm. Questions on the statement will resume after the question for urgent oral answer this afternoon, and the next Member to be called will be David Brooks.

Members should take their ease while there is a change at the Table.

The business stood suspended.

(Madam Principal Deputy Speaker in the Chair)

Oral Answers to Questions — The Executive Office

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Question 13 has been withdrawn.

Connie Egan (Alliance, North Down)

1. Ms Egan asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister for an update on securing contributions from religious orders and institutions towards the financial redress scheme and specialist support services for victims and survivors of historical institutional abuse. (AQO 2461/22-27)

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

Victims and survivors of historical institutional abuse (HIA) have endured unimaginable pain and suffering over many years. We are committed to ensuring that they get the redress that they deserve. Payments have been received from the Good Shepherd Sisters, Barnardo’s, the De La Salle order and the Diocese of Down and Connor in respect of the De La Salle-run homes. Engagement with those institutions will continue in order to finalise their contributions. Constructive discussions are ongoing with the Irish Church Missions, the Sisters of Nazareth and the Sisters of St Louis. Details of the amounts received will be published once the process is complete.

Connie Egan (Alliance, North Down)

I thank the deputy First Minister for her answer. What learning is your Department taking from the process with regard to securing contributions for support services and redress for those impacted by mother-and-baby institutions, Magdalene laundries and workhouses?

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I thank the Member for her question. It is incredibly important that we learn everything that we can from this process and roll that forward. There have been some significant successes in the process across many areas. I would have liked the institutions to have stepped up to make contributions earlier, but we are where we are, and we continue to work with those institutions.

The Member is absolutely right: there is a lot of commonality in the issues of HIA and those of mother-and-baby homes. We are acutely aware not just of the importance of contributions from the institutions in light of their part in the harms that were caused but of the strong message that it sends about an acknowledgement of wrongdoing by those institutions. Such an investment is required to support people with redress and, as you rightly pointed out, for services to meet their needs today. As you will know, the junior Ministers are taking that work forward. They are, I understand, engaged in reaching out not just to the Irish Government to talk to them about their experiences of trying to get contributions but across the UK. We will take that learning and ensure that we maximise the opportunity to get contributions.

Nicola Brogan (Sinn Féin, West Tyrone)

Is the deputy First Minister able to provide an update on a memorial to victims and survivors?

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

Thank you. Yes. I am pleased to say that we are making positive progress on that important issue. We are trying to maximise consensus among victims and survivors. We acknowledge that victims and survivors do not speak with one voice; that is completely understandable. However, we want to move forward with the maximum consensus that we can achieve.

I have previously extended my thanks and do so again to the Speaker's Office for all of the help and support that has been given to us to identify a suitable location for the plaque. We are working with a range of individuals and organisations to ensure that they are content with the draft wording of the plaque. We are making significant progress on that, and we hope to be in a position to place the plaque very shortly.

Pam Cameron (DUP, South Antrim)

The deputy First Minister will, I know, agree that there is a moral responsibility and not just a legal responsibility on the institutions to step forward and provide contributions. Does she also agree that voluntary contributions by the institutions would be seen as a sign of good faith?

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I thank the Member for her question. I record my huge thanks to Pam for her work as a junior Minister. She was involved in a significant number of meetings and engagements and on the detail of these matters. You were key in pushing the process forward and getting it to where it is, and I thank you for that work.

You are absolutely right. Discussions are ongoing with the mother-and-baby homes about how we can legally require institutions to give contributions. I believe that they should. The Member will be aware that, internationally, there are no examples of other places being able to legally require institutions to make a contribution. The moral obligation, however, is at the heart of this. It should not take legislation to force the hands of the institutions. Those institutions should step forward and step up, acknowledge their role in the significant harms that were caused and come forward with those contributions as soon as possible to avoid us having to take action to force them to do so.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

This issue has been a real frustration for me and, indeed, the Committee. Victims are wondering whose side the person appointed by the Executive Office to carry out the negotiations is on. Are they on the side of protecting the institution, or are they there to get value for money for the state? If money is not forthcoming for redress, will the Executive consider going after assets so that victims get money out of the institutions that caused the problem?

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

Important issues are at play. At this stage, we have paid out just over £108 million in compensation to well over 5,000 applications received. The scheme is now closed, and only a small number of those applications are left. Those are being assessed, and it is anticipated that the panel will finish that work by November, when the assessment of those remaining applications will be completed. That is the aim.

Discussions with the institutions have been ongoing. There are legal challenges, there is no doubt about that. I assure the Member that we have pushed as hard as we can to make it clear that we believe that the institutions must contribute. We believe that there is an absolute moral responsibility as well as an acknowledgement of fault. There are real legal challenges, however, which is why, internationally, no other state has been able to legislate to compel institutions to make contributions. I asked specifically about assets and was advised that asset transfer can sometimes be a liability for the Government due to contamination or the state of premises. Therefore, we need to be careful, if we are to go down that route, that it provides value and additional resources for victims and survivors.

Of course, all that is underwritten by the state, and that is the challenge. That £108 million is rightly recognising what people went through. That is going out through the state at the moment with a small contribution from the institutions. We continue to pursue that, but it has been a challenging situation legally.

Colin McGrath (Social Democratic and Labour Party, South Down)

2. Mr McGrath asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister for an update on progress on the implementation of the strategic framework to end violence against women and girls. (AQO 2462/22-27)

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

With your permission, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker, I will ask junior Minister Bunting to answer the question as the very first in her new role as a junior Minister.

Joanne Bunting (DUP, Belfast East)

By way of context, the framework is based on four themes with six outcomes, eight guiding principles and 19 priority areas. It sits alongside an initial two-year delivery plan comprising 14 actions, all of which are progressing well.

We are determined to do everything that we can to stop the harm and abuse faced by women and girls, who, we know, are disproportionately affected by violence, abuse and harm. The Member will know that we are two years into a seven-year framework, and a crucial area of work at this stage is prevention. A key area of focus is challenging the harmful attitudes, cultures and behaviours that can escalate and lead to actual violence.

We allocated £3·2 million to the ending violence against women and girls (EVAWG) change fund. We were delighted to secure an additional £2·2 million that will further advance work in that area because some council work was oversubscribed. Councils are embedding action to end violence against women and girls in their service delivery and are developing signposting and resourcing for local communities. Each is running numerous projects for women and girls, but men and boys are included. In addition, eight community and voluntary sector expert organisations are delivering activity that will strengthen the impact and reach of ending violence against women and girls expertise and programmes to support schools, tertiary education, communities and workplaces.

By way of further information, the Power to Change campaign, jointly launched by TEO, the Department of Justice and the PSNI in January, targets harmful attitudes and behaviours of men and boys and uses the active bystander approach, whereby people are taught how to intervene safely if they see inappropriate or unwanted behaviours.

I presume that my time is up.

Colin McGrath (Social Democratic and Labour Party, South Down)

I thank the Minister for her first answer to the House. I appreciate that is on an issue of great importance and one that she will fully endorse and support.

Given that the framework states that the responsibility for the strategic framework's implementation "lies with everyone", and given that leadership starts at the top, will the junior Minister agree that it should be a standing item on the Executive's agenda so that every Minister can take responsibility for what they need to deliver in the area in order to ensure that the strategy will not be left on a shelf and that we will have more than just words for women who need to be protected by it?

Joanne Bunting (DUP, Belfast East)

I fully appreciate where the Member is coming from, but it is abundantly clear that the Executive take the issue seriously. Although the strategy sits with TEO, it has been agreed by the entire Executive, and there are indeed regular updates. There are also oversight bodies to which other Ministers contribute.

I highlight to the Member the fact that all of government and society working better together is one of the six outcomes of the strategic framework, and that is embedded in the Programme for Government (PFG). We are therefore working collectively with Executive colleagues in a number of key work areas in the delivery plan, which include sectoral groups on safer socialising, the workplace, tertiary education and the healthy relationships forum.

Successful delivery of the strategic framework is clearly reliant on close collaboration with a range of Departments, including Education, Health and Justice, and we remain committed to taking that approach with all Departments. The Department of Health and the Department of Justice jointly lead on the domestic and sexual abuse strategy, which was published in September 2024 and is aligned with the framework. Officials are represented at a senior level on the governance structures for the domestic and sexual abuse strategy, and DOJ and DOH are represented on the governance structures for the ending violence against women and girls strategic framework. That is to ensure alignment and augmentation and also to avoid duplication of effort. I hope that that answer helps the Member.

Emma Sheerin (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Minister, will you give us an update on the Power to Change public awareness campaign?

Joanne Bunting (DUP, Belfast East)

I thank the Member for asking that important question. The Power to Change campaign is really important, because it urges men and boys to play their part in effecting a cultural and societal shift. That cannot be done by women and girls alone. It challenges men and boys to check and change unwanted behaviours and attitudes towards women and girls, including those activities that demean and inhibit women. The campaign uses the active bystander approach, as I mentioned earlier, to challenge men and boys to step away from negative attitudes, to challenge their friends and to have the confidence to step in safely and put a stop to behaviour that may escalate or that may put their friends at risk of offending in the future.

The campaign had a wide reach right across Northern Ireland, with targeted messaging on social media, posters, billboards and buses and in pubs and restaurants, as well as on the radio. The campaign toolkit has been delivered to teachers for use in schools right across Northern Ireland, and that is starting a conversation that needs to be had right across society to encourage men and boys to be part of the solution. The next phase of the campaign will be developed with input from young men, and that will help us reach a younger audience in a way that will make sense to them and equip them to make better decisions when they witness challenging behaviour towards women and girls. I highlight the fact that, through the local change fund, a lot of councils are doing great work in that area. There are a lot of projects that engage not just women and girls but boys and men in the areas of understanding and prevention.

Stewart Dickson (Alliance, East Antrim)

I warmly welcome the new junior Minister to her role. Junior Minister, I am pleased to hear that Queen's University has been asked to carry out research to identify gaps in legislation, particularly on the attitudes of men and boys to violence against women and girls. Will that research include work with people who are currently held in prison?

Joanne Bunting (DUP, Belfast East)

I will outline some aspects. The research has been commissioned to identify evidence gaps, as the Member outlined, in understanding attitudes and behaviours of men and boys in the subject area. The research will focus on boys and young men aged 16 to 24. The research process is under way and includes engagement with stakeholders, interviews with organisations that work with young men and boys, focus groups and a survey. The research process will be advised by a young people's advisory group and an international expert advisory group.

On prisons, I am aware that work has been undertaken in Hydebank. I understand that it was conducted by White Ribbon NI. During a briefing, I heard that that work was incredibly successful, had a tremendous impact on those young men and made them reconsider their views and actions when it comes to how they behave towards women and girls.

John Stewart (UUP, East Antrim)

3. Mr Stewart asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister for their assessment of the threshold for matters to be cross-cutting, significant or controversial, therefore subject to Executive approval. (AQO 2463/22-27)

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

Under section 20 of the Northern Ireland Act, matters that are considered to be cross-cutting, significant or controversial should be referred to the Executive for discussion and agreement. Under the ministerial code, Ministers have a duty to refer to the Executive matters that are considered to be cross-cutting, significant or controversial. Whether a matter is cross-cutting, significant or controversial is, in the first instance, for Ministers to judge after due consideration and acting in good faith in the context of the matter in question.

John Stewart (UUP, East Antrim)

I thank the deputy First Minister for her answer. Does she agree that the Infrastructure Minister's decision to introduce bilingual signage in Grand Central station is not only costly but controversial and cross-cutting? In light of the judge's damning comments last month, have there been any attempts to resolve the matter at the Executive? What would the deputy First Minister like to see being introduced in future to prevent that type of incident from happening again?

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I thank the Member for his important question. It is absolutely clear to most people who look at the issue that the way in which the Irish language is displayed in public places, and this proposal in particular, is controversial. It has caused controversy. There are a number of strong views across the piece on the matter. The test that the Minister ought to apply her mind to is whether it is cross-cutting, significant or controversial. In this case, in my view, it is not only significant but particularly controversial and cross-cutting. Those are the two arguments that are currently before the court. The judge made clear his frustration that the matter had not been resolved by politics. I therefore believe strongly that the Minister ought to bring the matter to the Executive for discussion and decision.

Issues around the Irish language brought this place down. They were used as a reason to keep this place down for many years. That is a demonstration of the controversy. Some people have speculated that an Irish Language Commissioner would be supportive and that Irish language signage is therefore not controversial, but of course an Irish Language Commissioner would support Irish language signs everywhere. That is not the test. The test is whether it is controversial across the range of different views, and it clearly is.

We know that the Minister has no vires to take a decision that ought to have been brought to the Executive. In my view, the decision needs to be brought to the Executive, and the Minister should do so.

Sinéad Ennis (Sinn Féin, South Down)

Will the deputy First Minister outline why the ministerial code has not been amended following the passage of the Executive Committee (Functions) Act 2020?

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The matter was under consideration, as the Member may be aware, but it was not laid in time while these institutions were in operation. However, the courts have made it clear that the ministerial code is guidance. What matters is the primary legislation. The primary legislation endures, which means that the test remains the same: a Minister must bring for a decision to the Executive any matter that is significant, controversial or cross-cutting. Indeed, the judgements, legal cases and jurisprudence in all such matters also make clear that the Minister has no vires to make a decision that ought to come to the Executive on any of those grounds. Therefore, the Minister cannot make that decision alone, and, in this case, she absolutely should take the matter to the Executive for discussion and decision.

Keith Buchanan (DUP, Mid Ulster)

Given the comments that we have heard in court, and to follow on from John's question, which raised that point, is there any indication that the Minister will bring the matter to the Executive table? That is the place to sort out such things and have everybody in the Executive agree them, rather than take them through the courts.

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

Absolutely. When we look back to the origin of that requirement, we find that it arose from the further negotiations in St Andrews. It is now part of the infrastructure and the processes around the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement, as amended by the St Andrews Agreement. It is there to stop Ministers having solo runs on significant, controversial or cross-cutting issues. It is a safeguard for the Executive in recognition that they are a multi-party Executive and, therefore, on key issues, must act as one. They must try to build consensus as one. In this case, there is clearly a range of views. Regardless of the substance of the issue, it is incredibly important that we protect the integrity of those processes. We should protect the decisions that ought to be made by the Executive. Importantly, it does not matter whether a particular Minister feels that they will not get the outcome that they want if they bring an issue to the Executive, because that is not the test. The test is whether the issue is cross-cutting, significant or controversial. If it is any one of those three things, it must be brought to the Executive for discussion and decision.

Patsy McGlone (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Mid Ulster)

Ba mhaith liom fáil amach cá huair a bheas an coimisinéir teanga in oifig.

[Translation: I would like to know when the language commissioner will be in office.]

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Patsy, that is not related at all to the question. I will move on.

Questions 4 and 6 have been grouped.

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

4. Mr Brett asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister for an update on the announcement that Bank of America intends to create new jobs in Northern Ireland. (AQO 2464/22-27)

Jon Burrows (UUP, North Antrim)

6. Mr Burrows asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister for their assessment of the benefits associated with the creation of new jobs by Bank of America in Northern Ireland. (AQO 2466/22-27)

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I was delighted to recently meet representatives of the Bank of America, along with junior Minister Bunting, to hear first-hand about its exciting plans to establish an office in Belfast. Those plans will create up to 1,000 new jobs, which is hugely significant, sends a powerful signal about the strength of our professional services sector and represents a real vote of confidence in our local workforce. The investment reflects Bank of America’s continued commitment to the local economy, building on its previous partnership with Belfast Met to support the digital skills and employability programme — an initiative that has empowered individuals from diverse backgrounds to gain valuable qualifications. The latest announcement adds to a growing list of global firms, such as Evri, Sysco, Sensata, Seagate and EY, which are choosing to invest locally, reinforcing our position as a competitive and attractive location for international business.

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

Does the deputy First Minister agree that that investment in Northern Ireland shows the strength and importance of having a joint head of Government that turns up, stands up and speaks up for Northern Ireland on the international stage, and will she commit to continuing to represent everyone in Northern Ireland whilst others boycott their duty to the people of Northern Ireland?

Some Members

Hear, hear.

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I thank the Member for his important question. There is no doubt that, if we want Northern Ireland to thrive, we must grow our economy. Growing our economy has two distinct aspects. One is about supporting our local and indigenous businesses, and we must do that. I know that it has been a very challenging business environment for people to trade in. However, importantly, we must attract foreign direct investment. We have been very successful in doing so, particularly from the time of the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement and the St Andrews Agreement. We should build on that. It has had its challenges, and that is why it is particularly important that we absolutely welcome that huge announcement by Bank of America.

As I said, the junior Minister and I met Bank of America last week, and we emphasised our absolute support. It is absolutely important that all Ministers step up, regardless of personal views or political opinions. These are good jobs for people from a great company that has invested in places all over the globe, including in other parts of the UK and Ireland. They are very welcome here. I will continue to do everything that I can to champion our local businesses and to push forward in all sectors where there is the opportunity for growth.

Jon Burrows (UUP, North Antrim)

The Ulster Unionist Party certainly welcomes the high-quality jobs that will come from that investment. Does the deputy First Minister agree that the investment not only brings high-quality jobs but increases tax revenues, which will help the most disadvantaged in our society, and, therefore, anyone in the Executive should put the public interest before their narrow political interest and welcome and encourage that kind of investment?

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

Absolutely. The people who will take up these jobs will be from all parts of Northern Ireland and from all political views in Northern Ireland, and they all have a right to access good jobs. I really welcome the announcement. It is a confident show of the potential in our economy in Northern Ireland, and that is in the context of it being quite globally challenging for a whole range of reasons. Indeed, it was not the first time that I had met Bank of America. We participated in an investment breakfast at the UK global investment conference in London last year, where we had the opportunity to make a pitch about Northern Ireland. We talked about our younger workforce, our highly-qualified workforce and the fact that we had pushed ahead to develop expertise, particularly in back office and professional services. Of course, that first link from Bank of America into Northern Ireland, through the previous ambassador, Jane Hartley, with the collaboration of Belfast Met really helped people who are most in need. It is really good to see that they have taken the next step.

Politics should play a role in encouraging that kind of investment and jobs for everyone, because that is the way that we will be able to make this place thrive and succeed.

Pádraig Delargy (Sinn Féin, Foyle)

Does the deputy First Minister agree that regional balance across the North is key when it comes to economic growth and investment?

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I thank the Member for his question. Of course, if we are to grow the Northern Ireland economy, it is important that all parts of our economy can grow and are given the support and tools to do so. Along with the First Minister, I attended the opening of the digihub in Omagh. It was fantastic to see so many people already taking up those spots. I think that there were almost 20 companies within that digihub, where they are able to have a workplace and to have access to the tools that they require in order to run their businesses from somewhere close to where they live. That is really important.

I attended the Queen's University Belfast AI conference, and one observation that was made at that conference was that the more that we go into the digital space and have companies around that technological and digital advancement, the more that people are able to work from all parts of the world. It does not have to be in those big hubs of, for example, London and Paris. It can be from every town and village throughout. We absolutely want to encourage that.

Deirdre Hargey (Sinn Féin, Belfast South)

5. Miss Hargey asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister for their assessment of the delivery of the Executive’s key priorities since February 2024. (AQO 2465/22-27)

Emma Little-Pengelly (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The Executive have made a strong start and continue to work together to progress the key priorities outlined in the Programme for Government. For example, we secured an additional £1·3 billion in funding to support vital public services. Working parents have already saved around £8 million since the launch of the Northern Ireland childcare subsidy scheme in September 2024. The scheme's coverage has increased from 15,000 to approximately 24,000 children, thanks to a £55 million investment in early years and childcare this year. Nearly 59,000 additional outpatient, diagnostic and inpatient procedures have been delivered through the ring-fenced funding of over £200 million for health waiting lists. That puts us well on track to meet the Programme for Government target of 70,000. We delivered not only the strategy to end violence against women and girls but a delivery framework, with actual money going out the door to work with organisations and change people's lives on the ground. We have committed substantial investment to protecting and restoring Lough Neagh. Over last year and this year, more than £20 million has gone into work to tackle the big issues that face Lough Neagh. We have agreed our transformation board, and we have established a delivery unit and an AI and digital unit. We are driving forward transformation, with the first £129 million of the transformation fund already out to reform and transform the public sector.

Those are just some examples of the work that is happening across Departments. While some do not want to acknowledge that work, I am very proud of the start that we have made. However, we are not complacent. We know that there is much more to be done, and that is why we are driving forward delivery in the Executive.

Deirdre Hargey (Sinn Féin, Belfast South)

Thank you for that comprehensive list. The Programme for Government also outlines the need for an Irish language strategy, including promotion and greater visibility across the public sector. Will the deputy First Minister join me in acknowledging and recognising the vibrancy of the language and in unequivocally condemning any intimidation, threats or criminality in response to the democratic decision that was taken last week by Belfast City Council?