Northern Ireland Assembly, 16 September 2025

517 contributions from 66 members. The official report.

Members' Statements

Cathy Mason (Sinn Féin, South Down)

The introduction of the childcare subsidy scheme was, indeed, a welcome first step towards making childcare more affordable for some families. The high cost of childcare, however, remains a significant and real pressure for many families. It is clear that the early learning and childcare strategy is long overdue. Parents are under pressure, providers are struggling and our children deserve the very best start in life.

The Education Minister must set out a long-term plan that reduces costs for families and properly supports childcare providers. High-quality, affordable childcare plays a vital role in a child's early learning and development, but it also supports families who are balancing the demands of work and home life. The strategy must meet the needs of all children. It must have specific provisions for children with special educational needs, those with physical disabilities and those who learn through the medium of Irish or do not use English as their first language. The strategy must also support the wide range of caregivers in the childcare sector, including the vital community and voluntary childcare and early-years sector, the Irish-medium sector, the early-years preschool sector and childminders and approved home childminders alike.

The Education Minister must urgently come forward with a long-term plan to reduce bills for parents, support struggling providers and give our children the very best start in life, which they deserve.

Gary Middleton (DUP, Foyle)

Last week, I raised in the Chamber the disgraceful decision taken by councillors in Londonderry and Strabane council. They decided that the army and the armed forces were not welcome at the Foyle Arena for a jobs fair at the council premises. That, of course, was blatant discrimination and bigotry: a shameful act towards those who wanted to apply for jobs and to engage with representatives from those sectors. People from across the community of all political persuasions have reached out to my office to share in the frustration and disappointment at the position taken by the council.

Of course, matters could only be made worse by the self-styled "First Minister for all". After concerns were raised by the DUP leader, Gavin Robinson, the First Minister for all told him to "butt out". The First Minister for all telling the leader of the largest unionist party to "butt out" will be a surprise to some, but, sadly, it is not a surprise to people on these Benches. When we hear the words "butt out", many know that it also means "Brits out" because of the actions of Sinn Féin and their SDLP colleagues across our local government — no respect, no understanding and, indeed, no thought for their unionist neighbours.

We see not only the rewriting of history but the rewriting of the present. That is what we have now come to expect from the First Minister for all: offended by everything, ashamed of nothing; happy to attend the commemoration and glorification of republican terrorists but unwilling to allow their unionist neighbours to seek job opportunities in the armed forces; happy to go after our armed forces and those who sought to protect our communities but telling us that there was "no alternative" to IRA violence; a First Minister who seeks to make the rules but is happy not to apply them to herself; happy to meet those who share her political outlook but unwilling to meet the president of the United States; a First Minister who talks about equality but belongs to a party that seeks to "break the b—s" through it.

That is a First Minister who is fooling absolutely no one. There is always an alternative. It is time to show leadership, accept that the idea of a new Ireland is in absolute tatters. Unionism is not butting out; unionism is not going away.

Nuala McAllister (Alliance, Belfast North)

Today, I talk about the inequalities facing women when they try to access healthcare in Northern Ireland. I am sure that many of you, as with my office in North Belfast, are inundated with calls and emails. Women are reaching out over social media, desperate for people to listen. Many suffer in silence, and those who do not just hope that one clinician will take them seriously.

Northern Ireland has the longest wait in all of the UK for an endometriosis diagnosis: nine years and five months on average. All the while, the women experience symptoms such as tiredness, severe pain and bleeding. I pay tribute to local journalist Sarah McCann, who, earlier this year, began an awareness campaign, Endo the Battle, after she had to wait 20 years for a diagnosis of endometriosis — a diagnosis that she actually got in England. It cannot go on.

I welcome the £3·5 million investment in gynaecology as part of the waiting list initiative from May this year. We need to see firm evidence of how that will help the Minister reach the target of a 90% reduction in gynae waiting times by March 2029. It is an ambitious target, but we must get there.

I highlight again something that I have brought up in the Chamber before: the Belfast Health and Social Care Trust has access to state-of-the-art technology that enables robotic-assisted surgery. It is being used with great success to treat urology patients, particularly those with prostate cancer. In response to a question for written answer in January of this year, the Minister confirmed that 513 men had, rightly, been treated using that technology since 2019. However, in that same period, just 89 women have received robotic-assisted surgery. That is despite clinical specialists telling me that the technology is often used elsewhere to perform hysterectomies and other gynaecological surgeries and to treat endometriosis.

This is Gynaecological Cancer Awareness Month. When we have the tools to treat cancer early, we must use them. Despite clinicians begging for access to the technology, they simply do not get it. The Minister could not tell me whether gynaecology was originally considered an area where the technology could be used, but I have had clinicians tell me that it is: they are trained, and they can do it.

That is just one area where we are failing women in healthcare. Where is the women's action plan for health? What will the outcomes be of the £3·5 million waiting list initiative? We need answers now.

Daniel McCrossan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, West Tyrone)

Over the past week, we have seen the First Minister and deputy First Minister run to the cameras to pontificate about their great record of delivery. That has actually shown, instead, that they are, jointly, completely out of touch with the needs and challenges of our people. They really need to wake up. On their watch, health waiting lists are still among the worst in Europe, and there is no credible plan to fix them: fail. When it comes to GP access, patients cannot get appointments, and services are collapsing in rural areas: fail. On hospital reform, there is endless talk but no delivery, and decisions are constantly delayed for political convenience: fail. Social care is underfunded, overstretched and dependent on families to pick up the slack: fail. On mental health services, there is strategy after strategy, yet services remain underfunded and in crisis, and addiction services are non-existent: fail.

On childcare, families still pay the highest costs in the UK and Ireland, with no comprehensive scheme in place: fail. On special educational needs, which we will talk about later, thousands of children are left waiting for assessments and support years into the crisis: fail. On school budgets, schools are cutting staff and services while the Minister fights political battles instead of fixing the basics: fail. There is no sustainable university funding model, and students face higher fees and fewer opportunities than previously: fail. Teachers' pay and morale are at an all-time low, there have been years of disputes, and unresolved staffing shortages continue to worsen: fail.

Affordable housing targets in their own Programme for Government are missed, and waiting lists are getting longer, while all we hear is excuses: fail. When it comes to homelessness, emergency accommodation is stretched to breaking point: fail. Planning delays, developers facing years of backlog, choking investment in our communities: fail. The waste water infrastructure system is broken, blocking new housing and development across our towns: fail. In the rates system, small businesses are being crippled while multinationals get off lightly: fail. Police officer numbers are at crisis point, and communities are being left vulnerable and exposed to serious challenges: fail. In the justice system, court backlogs stretch into years, and victims wait too long for cases to be heard: fail. Public transport services are cut, buses and trains are cancelled, and rural areas are abandoned: fail. Roads are in a terrible state, the A5 project is stalled, and Casement Park is not built: fail. The anti-poverty strategy exists on paper only, with no funding, no targets and no impact: fail. On climate action, there are big promises and plenty of ambition, but projects are blocked by political infighting and there is weak enforcement: fail. Lough Neagh pollution is an absolute disaster with no credible rescue plan: fail. Northern Ireland is stuck at the bottom of the UK league tables: fail. On economic growth, there is no long-term strategy or joined-up thinking, and SMEs are ignored.

It is a disastrous Executive. It is an Executive not of delivery but of catastrophic failure.

Gerry Kelly (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

A Cheann Comhairle, as you will know, it was reported in the media yesterday that MI5 conceded that it had obtained information from well-known journalist Vincent Kearney's phone. It was also said that that was an unprecedented admission, and that is true: I cannot remember MI5 ever admitting anything. While the admission was unprecedented, from its foundation MI5 has been doing that all along. It is part of its raison d'être. The question is this: who else? Are there other journalists whose phones or laptops are being tapped? Is it politicians? Is it lawyers talking to their clients or even judges? In case that sounds a bit out of kilter, remember that it is not so long ago that the PSNI was checking journalists' phones every six months. All of this emerged from the sterling work done by two other journalists, Barry McCaffrey and Trevor Birney, on the Loughinisland massacre. Instead of being lauded for what they had done to bring out the truth about what happened there, they were pursued by the PSNI.

MI5 is not an accountable organisation, but it needs to be made accountable. Freedom of the press is, of course, critical to a democratic society and democratic governance. The issues with the PSNI and MI5 have been raised a number of times with the Chief Constable and at the Policing Board. Where there are accountability mechanisms for the PSNI, at least we have the ability to use them. Where is the ability to stop the surveillance, interference and illegality by MI5?

Diane Dodds (DUP, Upper Bann)

I want to recognise in the House a truly remarkable milestone. This month, Shankill parish church in Lurgan celebrates its 300th anniversary. That house of worship has stood on the same location for three centuries. The original church on the site was consecrated in 1725 by Bishop Ralph Lambert. It was built in response to the growth of Lurgan, the congregation's faith and the needs of a vibrant community. The church, despite the Troubles and the decimation that it suffered through terrorist attacks, is a testament to the resilience and devotion of its congregation.

The current formation was completed in 1863 and reflects the architectural grandeur and ambition of the era. It was designed then to accommodate 2,000 worshippers and was reputed to be the largest church in Ireland. Over the centuries, Shankill parish church has played a central role not just in the spiritual life but in the civic fabric of Lurgan and the wider Down and Dromore community. It is a place where generations of families have attended together. Leading up to this significant anniversary, the parish has embarked on an inspiring initiative called "Reimagining Shankill". That visionary strategy seeks to transform the church's surroundings, create level access, reimagine boundary walls and create a welcoming landscape and more open facade, with a view to making that historic church more accessible and inviting for all.

Last weekend, the congregation met to give thanks and praise. On Saturday, there was another day of celebration of the unique milestone. As we look forward, we wish the church's leadership and membership well and pray that its doors remain open for generations to come. I pay tribute to the parishioners, rectors and volunteers who have faithfully served.

Nicola Brogan (Sinn Féin, West Tyrone)

It gives me no pleasure to be back here after the summer recess once again to raise the issue of delays to the upgrade of the A5 road, but it remains one of the number-one concerns in my constituency. First, I greatly appreciate the efforts of Ministers John O'Dowd and Liz Kimmins, who have worked tirelessly to push forward the A5 project. Minister Kimmins continues in her efforts to get it over the line. As a representative for West Tyrone, I am deeply disappointed and frustrated that a small number of people with vested interests continue to make every effort to ruin a road development project: a project that would be of great benefit not only to the people of my constituency but to the entire island.

It is frustrating for many of us who are interested in protecting our environment to know that the Climate Change Act 2022, which was intended to safeguard our children's futures, has been misused in such a cynical and selfish manner by some. I remind those who, for their own reasons, are opposed to the A5 scheme that it is not just a major infrastructure development with the potential to open up the north-west to more investment, increased trade, faster commuting, more tourism and more jobs but, first and foremost, a safety upgrade. It is literally a matter of life and death. Fifty-seven people have lost their lives on the road since 2006. That is 57 neighbours, 57 friends, 57 members of our communities and 57 grieving families. The upgrade of the A5 road can bring that dreadful toll to a halt and ensure that we do not see another 57 names added over the next 20 years. The proof of that is in the upgrade of the A4.

Every day that the A5 project is delayed is another day in which lives are needlessly put at risk. We have had 18 years of consultation, discussion and development, and every concern has been addressed. Is leor é sin.

[Translation: Enough is enough.]

Let us work together to get the A5 scheme delivered.

David Brooks (DUP, Belfast East)

In line with what my colleague Steve Aiken said on the issue yesterday, I give my party's welcome to President Trump as he comes to the United Kingdom for a state visit. The United States is not just another partner but our closest ally and greatest friend. It is right that we honour that relationship. In Northern Ireland, we have seen the benefits of that friendship. Recently, we heard the announcements from Citibank, which is based in my constituency, and from Bank of America about new jobs and fresh investment. Those are good jobs, and that is work for our young people. It is security for families, and it means confidence for our economy. It is what engagement with the United States delivers.

I pay tribute to our deputy First Minister, Emma Little-Pengelly. She will be there representing Northern Ireland with dignity and purpose. She shows leadership, seriousness and professionalism, and she understands what really matters to our people. By contrast, it is deeply regrettable, though completely unsurprising, that the First Minister has, once again, chosen to stay away. Boycotts do nothing for jobs, investment or the reputation of this place. Sinn Féin means empty seats at Westminster and empty seats on the international stage. I am glad that someone in the Executive Office is working for all the people of Northern Ireland.

We look forward to the remarkable opportunity that we have. As we know, America will soon mark 250 years of independence. The America250 celebrations will shine a light on our shared story, especially on the Ulster Scots who helped to shape the founding of America. That history is not just something in the past; it opens new doors for us in trade, culture, investment and partnership now. The visit is more than a ceremony; it is about strengthening ties that will put food on our families' tables and pride in our communities, and Northern Ireland must seize the moment with the rest of the UK.

Kellie Armstrong (Alliance, Strangford)

Since each of us was elected to the House in 2022, we have seen an unprecedented rise in the number of people in Northern Ireland who are living in hunger. In 2022, 370,000 people were living with food insecurity, and, in the Trussell Trust report that came out today, 'Hunger in the UK 2025', we see that the figure for Northern Ireland has risen to 520,000. On our watch, more people are hungry in Northern Ireland. We are heading in the wrong direction, and it is escalating. That is important to me.

It is not just those who are out of work. One in three people referred to food banks in Northern Ireland come from households where someone is in employment. They are bus drivers, factory workers, hospitality staff and nurses. The people who keep our society and economy moving are finding that paid work is no longer enough to protect them from hunger. Work should be a safeguard against poverty, and, too often now, it is not. Of the 520,000 people who are living with food insecurity, 130,000 are children. Some 130,000 children in Northern Ireland today are hungry.

The human stories behind the figures are sobering. A nurse who was hurt in a car accident told of how disability had pushed her into hunger. Single-parent families, which make up just 4% of households here, account for 22% of food bank referrals. Three quarters of the disabled people who are referred to food banks cannot afford the essentials. Carers, those from minority communities, LGBTQIA+ people and those who grew up in care are also reported to be disproportionately at risk. It is not a fringe issue; it is structural. When one in five households go hungry, we are looking at a system that is not working.

Members, we are all responsible for that system. We know that Westminster has a role to play. Ending the cruel two-child cap would certainly help people; operating the local housing allowance to reflect real rents would certainly help people; and an essentials guarantee in universal credit could help people. However, we cannot just look to London. The Northern Ireland Executive have a central role to play. We cannot hide behind the excuse of reserved powers. We have to be brave enough to return to the drawing board on the draft anti-poverty strategy. We need to be ambitious and set targets. We need to look to our people to stop them being hungry.

I am ashamed today to be an elected representative who is sitting over a growing number of people in Northern Ireland who are hungry. That is not what we were elected to do. We were elected to make people's lives better.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

The escalating housing crisis took a dark turn over the summer months, and it needs to be challenged and called out. We saw the Housing Executive and the PSNI step up their authoritarian response to the housing crisis in an attempt to evict people from family homes in my constituency. We should be clear that nobody should be evicted from their home, especially when no alternative housing or accommodation is provided. It is even more cruel that it is being done by the very organisation that is supposed to prevent homelessness and to help people when they are homeless: the Housing Executive.

In one situation, we had the police show up outside the home of a constituent of mine, just off the Falls Road, to evict him. At least six police officers showed up at 7.00 am to physically and aggressively remove that young man from his home against his will. That is really dark and dangerous stuff. Not too far up the road from his house, we saw the Housing Executive and the police try to evict a grandmother from her family home just off the Springfield Road. The police showed up with the intention of removing and evicting that person and her family but were met with peaceful community resistance against that form of police violence and intimidation.

It says a lot about the priorities of the state and the PSNI that, when we have racist, far right pogroms, fascists threatening to burn out asylum seekers from hotels and fascists roaming the streets and threatening migrants and anybody of colour, who faces the repression from the state? It is the people who are trying to fight and stand against homelessness. I commend all the housing activists in west Belfast, in particular, and beyond who stand against that intimidation and that form of state violence. I commend the Community Action Tenants Union (CATU), Participation and the Practice of Rights (PPR) and every other organisation, my party colleagues and other community activists, who continue to stand against homelessness and people being forcibly evicted.

The obvious question is this: where are the Executive parties? Where is the First Minister on the question? I hear nothing from her. Where is the Justice Minister on this? Where is the Communities Minister, with his terrible approach to housing? He says nothing while people are being evicted forcibly from their homes. Where are the Opposition? They have been silent on the question as well.

The state should be building homes and reducing and cutting rents. I say, "Shame on those who have evicted tenants. Shame on the people in the Housing Executive who are carrying out that strategy". I call for it to end.

Claire Sugden (Independent, East Londonderry)

This month is World Alzheimer's Month, and it gives us a moment to reflect on how Northern Ireland responds to dementia. Unsurprisingly, we are not responding well. More than 22,000 people in Northern Ireland live with dementia today, and, by 2040, in less than a generation, that number will almost double. One third of those affected do not even have a diagnosis. Families are left in limbo and struggling, while their loved one declines before their eyes. That is a daily reality in households across this region. In my constituency, people wait for 15 months or longer — years in many cases — for a memory clinic appointment. That delay not only robs people of treatment but robs a family of their loved one and their dignity in their later years.

The pandemic should have taught us a painful lesson. During COVID, people with dementia were among the most isolated. Day centres closed, families were cut off and the engagement and stimulation that help to slow decline disappeared overnight. We saw the effects: conditions worsened, decline accelerated and carers were left to cope alone. That experience should have shocked us into action, but here we are, years later, still failing to provide consistent meaningful support. That failure affects more people than those living directly with dementia. When we do not diagnose early or support carers and ignore our ageing population, we create a chain reaction of pressure across the entire health and social care system. It is the child waiting for an assessment and the woman whose gynaecological issues are left untreated: every time we ignore one part of the system, it is carried by another.

The Executive cannot continue to firefight their way through the problems. We have been doing that for far too long; trying to keep the lid on issues that have spilled over long ago. We are not even managing that any more. We are struggling, and the people of Northern Ireland know it. Patients know it when they are waiting in pain in A&E for 72 hours. Carers know it when they are exhausted but have no choice but to keep going on their own. Families know it when they lose their loved ones to dementia. Yes, our dementia strategy is far out of date, but the deeper point is that our whole approach in the Executive and Assembly is out of date. We are still reacting instead of planning; we are still patching instead of fixing.

Dementia exposes the price of short-term thinking — people suffering at the end of their lives. For the life that they have given us, we owe them more, and, at the very least, we owe them dignity.

Aoife Finnegan (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

Ending violence against women and girls is one of the most urgent challenges facing our society today. It is a challenge that knows no boundaries. It affects women of every age, background and community. It demands action from every part of government, from every agency and from every one of us. We all know the statistics, but behind every number is a woman with a name, a family and a future that should never have been taken from her.

Violence against women and girls is not inevitable. It is the result of choices, attitudes and a culture that all too often excuses or minimises harm. That is why, as public representatives, we have a responsibility to create the conditions for real change in workplaces, schools, homes and, yes, here in the Chamber. The truth is this: the culture that allows violence to persist starts not with physical acts but with words, attitudes and the behaviours that tell women that their voices matter less, that their place in public life is conditional and that their right to respect is up for debate. If we in the Assembly cannot set the highest standards of respect and inclusion, how can we expect society to follow?

When the public sees harmful behaviours going unchallenged, it sends a message that, even in the highest political office, women can still be belittled, sidelined or silenced. Every day, strong women enter the Chamber, which, in itself, takes courage, consideration and compromise, but courage should not be the entry fee for political participation. This space should be safe, respectful and inclusive, not because that is in the rule book but because it is the right thing to do. Ending violence against women and girls is not about what we oppose; it is about the example that we set. The way we conduct ourselves here must reflect the society that we are trying to build, one where dignity is upheld, differences are debated without demeaning and leadership is shown through respect, not control.

The best leaders lead with respect, integrity and fairness. If we want our words on ending violence against women and girls to mean anything beyond these walls, we must live them in the Chamber every day.

Ministerial Statements

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

I have received notice from the Minister of Education that he wishes to make a statement.

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

Last week, I wrote to ministerial colleagues to ask them to support detailed proposals for ring-fenced special educational needs (SEN) capital funding of around £1·7 billion, separate from the main Education capital budget. Today, I appeal to Members of the Assembly to back me in that call. Over the past 18 months, I have set a clear and determined strategic direction to address one of the most pressing challenges facing our education system: the urgent requirement for special educational needs placements and the long-term transformation of SEN provision across Northern Ireland.

It is not a challenge for one Department alone; it is a challenge for the Executive as a whole. As a Government, we are united in our commitment, as outlined in the Programme for Government (PFG), to work together to better support children and young people with special educational needs. We have pledged to transform our education system to deliver high-quality, efficient and sustainable services for every child with SEN. Today, I seek the Assembly's support for an Executive-led and funded SEN capital investment programme, one that will revolutionise the facilities available to our children and young people.

The choice facing the Executive is stark. Without decisive action across government, the system risks failing the very children whom it is meant to protect. Our special schools have reached capacity. Many are housed in outdated and deteriorating buildings, spaces that lack adequate therapy rooms and fall short of the standards required to deliver modern, holistic care. All straightforward special school solutions have been exhausted. The vast majority of special schools have no physical internal or external space for further development, and new special schools and dual-campus sites of existing schools are therefore required across Northern Ireland. That is alongside the continued provision of specialist classes in our mainstream schools. Those small, dedicated classes provide higher levels of support, a modified curriculum and reduced class size compared with a standard mainstream class. That infrastructure is stretched to its limits, while demand for specialist facilities continues to surge. We are at a pivotal moment, a fork in the road. Working closely with my Department, the Education Authority (EA) has today published comprehensive plans to expand, modernise and transform our special schools estate. However, that vision can be realised only with significant dedicated capital investment. Without an Executive-funded programme, we will remain trapped in a cycle of emergency planning, unable to provide the specialist facilities that every child deserves.

The facts are stark and urgent. Over 70,000 pupils in Northern Ireland are registered as having special educational needs: that is 20% of our children. The number of pupils with a statement of SEN has risen by an unprecedented 85% in 10 years to almost 30,000 pupils. With regard to specialist places, the number of pupils attending special schools has increased by 47% in the same period, and the number of children in specialist provision classes in mainstream schools by no less than 169%. To meet that need, my Department has invested £110 million in the past two years to provide 242 new specialist provision classes and 98 additional classrooms across the special schools estate. That is a huge achievement, but make no mistake: this is not the peak. Those numbers are set to increase year-on-year for the next decade. The scale of demand is staggering. Almost 6,000 additional special school places and over 5,000 additional specialist provision places will be needed. However, this is not just about numbers, it is about need, and the complexity of those needs is deepening. Our children require more tailored and innovative solutions. School staff need the right environments and resources to deliver the high-quality education that every child deserves.

Let me be clear: I cannot plan, build or deliver the facilities that children need without additional annual earmarked capital funding from the Executive. It is not a marginal issue; it is a central challenge facing our education system and our society. We must act now. The pattern of increased need and investment requirements is not unique to Northern Ireland; it is a challenge echoed across the British Isles. In the Republic of Ireland, for example, no fewer than 16 new special schools have opened since 2019 to cope with the significant growth in pupils requiring a special school placement. There is also an annual requirement of around 400 additional special provision classes as the need for SEN placements there has doubled in five years. That is a clear signal of the scale and seriousness of the issue. Those figures reflect a broader truth: the rise in special educational needs is not a temporary spike. It is a sustained and accelerating trend, and it demands a strategic, well-funded response.

Northern Ireland must not be left behind. We must match that momentum with our own commitment to investment, innovation and transformation. The Education Authority, in close partnership with my Department, has developed comprehensive and forward-looking plans to expand the special school estate and increase SEN places in mainstream education. Those plans are not aspirational; they are actionable, but they require more than departmental will. They require Executive endorsement and support as a flagship investment programme. Only through such a funded programme will we move from a reactive emergency approach to a sustainable position and fulfil our Programme for Government commitments.

Last year, I tasked the Education Authority with developing detailed plans of action for each of our 40 special schools. Today, those plans have been published. They represent a blueprint for transformation that will revolutionise our special schools estate and reshape how we deliver placements for children with special educational needs. The plans set out the short-, medium- and long-term capital works that are essential to meet the increasing need for special school places.

As I noted earlier, over 6,000 additional places are required over the next decade. The plans therefore include the expansion, enhancement and restructuring of the special school estate. They also aim to ensure that the necessary specialist accommodation and equipment are in place to enable pupils to develop the vital skills required to enhance their life beyond education and to provide opportunities for them to access the workplace. The SEN-related capital works currently in planning have a present-day value of £430 million. They include new builds for Sperrinview Special School and Knockevin Special School; a second campus for Ardnashee School and College; two Belfast special school campuses; and 10 extension and refurbishment projects for special schools through the school enhancement programme.

To deliver on our Programme for Government commitments, we must also urgently proceed with the projects outlined in the plans of action, as well as with the expansion of specialist provision classes. The next phase of the SEN capital investment programme will deliver 400 additional special school places through the expansion of five existing projects; new investment at 12 special schools to create over 2,000 places; three additional multi-school campuses in Belfast delivering over 1,000 places; three new campuses across Northern Ireland providing 700 places; and over 500 new specialist provision places in mainstream classes.

I have submitted detailed proposals to the Executive for ring-fenced funding that is separate from the main Department of Education capital budget. In total, the SEN capital investment programme has a £1·7 billion investment need over the next 10 years. The urgency, however, is not just for the long term but immediate. We face a capital funding crisis next year that must be addressed without delay. The stark reality is that I cannot do this alone. The current education capital budget simply cannot absorb the level of investment required. A single new 500-pupil special school costs around £90 million. That is one third of my Department's annual capital budget, which is already stretched to its limits. It is fully utilised to ensure that schools across the estate remain open and safe, as well as to fund the ICT infrastructure and transport fleet that enable access to education for thousands of children. Those are not discretionary spends; they are essential to the daily operation of our education system. It is simply not possible to suspend all capital works across the school estate for a decade in order to redirect funding towards SEN infrastructure. That would jeopardise the integrity of the entire education system. The conventional education capital budget cannot carry the weight of modernising and expanding SEN provision over the next 10 years.

Alongside the urgent need for SEN placements, I am faced with an ageing estate. Many schools built in the mid-20th century are now reaching the end of their useful lifespan and are no longer fit for purpose. Maintenance and minor works are currently restricted to emergency and statutory interventions only. As a result, we have a 15-year backlog of planned maintenance that is estimated to cost in the region of £800 million. Of the 74 major capital projects for schools, 21 are paused owing to the restricted capital budget position. Of the 72 school enhancement projects that have been announced since 2017, only eight have proceeded to construction. The capital need outside specialist SEN provision is significant and pressing, yet the pressure for SEN placements continues to escalate. The cost of emergency SEN placement provision has risen from £9 million in 2019 to a projected £85 million next year, which is an 850% increase in just six years.

Let me be absolutely clear: the Department of Education budget cannot sustain that trajectory. If we do not act, the school estate will continue to deteriorate. We will face significant disruption to children's education, and, inevitably, schools will close and children will be unplaced. That is why I am calling for a dedicated Executive-led SEN capital investment programme, not as a luxury but as a necessity. We must invest in the future of our children, and we must protect the integrity of our education system.

I fully recognise that the Executive face difficult decisions. Every Department has capital needs. Every sector is under pressure, and the capital budget, as we all know, is finite. However, meeting the needs of children with special educational needs is not just another departmental priority; it is a cross-government priority and responsibility. It is a moral and societal imperative that transcends portfolios and party lines. Those children are not abstract statistics; they are individuals with potential, promise and the right to an education that meets their needs and nurtures their strengths. That is why I have submitted proposals to the Executive for the establishment of a new Executive-led and funded SEN capital investment programme that will be a strategic long-term commitment over the next 10 years. It is the only viable path forward. Without that dedicated programme, I cannot progress to the next phase of our SEN capital investment strategy and we will remain trapped in a cycle of emergency planning and reacting to crises rather than building for the future.

To conclude, I ask Members this: what is more important than meeting the needs of our most vulnerable children and young people? It is not merely an educational concern but a societal obligation. Members have rightly expressed their concerns at the emergency planning approach to SEN placements. I ask all political parties to support me in the Assembly. This is not an issue for the fractures of our politics. I ask Members to support that ring-fenced capital investment. Let us choose not division and delay but delivery and determination. As an Executive, let us demonstrate our commitment to equity, inclusion and social justice and to building a better and fairer Northern Ireland.

The transformation of SEN planning requires dedicated, earmarked funding. It cannot be resourced from a budget that is struggling to keep open a crumbling and ageing school estate. Let us resource the specialist facilities that will equip and empower our children so that no child is left behind, no dream deferred and no future forsaken. Alternatively, if we fail to invest adequately in specialist facilities, educational inequality will deepen and remain for another generation. We must move from patchwork solutions to purposeful transformation. We must invest not only in buildings but in hope, opportunity and the dignity of every child who relies on us to get it right. Let us be bold and united. Let us deliver the future that our children deserve.

Nick Mathison (Alliance, Strangford)

I thank the Minister for his statement. A focus in the Chamber on special educational needs is always welcome. Should money flow for that ambitious capital plan, which notes 500 new specialist provision classes as part of its ambition, how will the Minister ensure that those classes can be delivered, given the challenges that we have had in seeing them established when the EA and his Department reached out to schools? Will he therefore respond to the call from the National Association of Head Teachers (NAHT) for urgent talks now to get on to a planned strategic footing at this stage in the year, rather than leaving it till later?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The Chairman makes an important point, but, before you can get to that engagement and to making sure that things work, the Executive need to take a decision in principle. All parties, including the Member's party, Sinn Féin and the Ulster Unionist Party, are on the Executive. The Executive need to take a decision in principle to endorse the paper that I have submitted with the strategic plan. My approach to providing the long-term strategic plan that Members have rightly called for and that I have commissioned needs to be endorsed and supported by every political party on the Executive. That is the only viable pathway forward. It absolutely needs to have the confidence of our school principals for us to make the provision, but we need to take that decision. I have engaged with the NAHT on it, and I welcome its intervention and willingness to engage at this early stage rather than having to respond in May or June. The union has taken a welcome step, and I commend the union for that approach. Of course, I will work with it as we seek to build that confidence, but, first, that decision needs to be taken in principle by all Executive parties around the table.

Pat Sheehan (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

The Minister will be aware that the Audit Office previously reported that, despite hundreds of millions being spent on SEN, neither his Department nor the EA could demonstrate value for money. What assurances has the Minister given his Executive colleagues that, this time, it will be different and that any expenditure that goes into it will go to maximising support for pupils with special needs?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I do not accept that characterisation of the Audit Office report on the value-for-money assessment. That is a side issue.

I met the Finance Minister, John O'Dowd, only a number of weeks ago. I explained the critical nature of the budget not just for resource but for capital and highlighted to Minister O'Dowd the need for the Executive paper that I have now taken forward. I welcome the Finance Minister's engagement with me. He welcomed the approach that I am taking and gave a commitment that he would engage positively in looking at the request that I make in the Executive paper. However, what we now need is not just words or sentiment but tangible decisions and actions on that costed plan. We have master planned every special school. This morning, I have corresponded with every principal. We have provided details of the plans that we have for their schools. The plans for Members' constituencies are available for them to look at. We know what we need to do. I know what the Executive need to do. I trust that the other political parties around the Executive table know what they need to do.

David Brooks (DUP, Belfast East)

I thank the Minister for the challenge and the vision that he has laid out. Many people in my constituency are thankful for his repurposing of Elmgrove Primary School for special needs and for the future plans that there are for Orangefield High School site. When is the first special school in Belfast likely to be completed?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I thank the Member for his question. Obviously, details are now available for Members to look at. I will resist the temptation to go into detail on every individual school in their constituencies that Members may want to raise, because that presupposes that a decision will be taken first of all on the principle of the Executive-led scheme that we need to take forward. We can get into the granular detail of what we will do in every constituency only on the basis that we have secured the support of the Executive.

Work is obviously being taken forward on the basis of decisions that I had previously taken in respect of schools. I can advise the Member that the business case in respect of the first Belfast special school has now been submitted to my Department and is going through the approvals process, so any potential dates will be subject to receipt of business case approval as well as the necessary statutory approvals. However, the current delivery programme indicates that construction would commence in 2029 with provisional completion of the whole project in 2032.

Jon Burrows (UUP, North Antrim)

I thank the Minister for his statement. My party warmly welcomes his proposal for a £1·7 billion investment dedicated to children with special educational needs, because we hear so often that children wait too long for statements, travel too far to school and wait too long to hear what school they are going to. We will support what is right in the same way as we will oppose anything that is wrong and scrutinise along the way.

Does the Minister agree that such investment, while it is the right thing to do for children, is an example of "spend to save", in the sense that, if we invest and show our belief in children with special educational needs, in the future, they will make an even greater contribution to our society, economy —.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

I think that we are getting into a statement, Mr Burrows.

Jon Burrows (UUP, North Antrim)

Do you agree with me, Minister?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I thank the Member for his welcome and endorsement of the approach that I have outlined. It is commendable that we have people who are prepared to step up and give support when they know that it is the right thing to do. Thank you for that.

It is not just about investing to save; it is about investing in our special children. That is critical and is what drives the approach that I have taken. I have been in countless special schools, as have Members, some of whom have been with me. Every time I go into a special school, I walk out of it asking myself what more I can do to support it. More than any other part of our education system, we need to support that sector. As Members often say in the House, we are measured by how we treat the most vulnerable in our society. We will measure the decisions that are taken by Executive parties by their decision on this Executive paper.

It is about investing to save — I agree — given our current spend, which was about £110 million in the past two years. I mentioned that, in 2019, we spent about £9 million on emergency approaches. Next year, we will have to spend in the region of £85 million on emergency responses. We all know that, when you have to respond in that emergency environment, there will be questions about value for money and why we have had to respond in that way. We need properly planned construction work to ensure that we spend the money effectively. Ultimately, however, it is about investing in our special children.

Mark Durkan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

I thank the Minister for his statement. Minister, you cite a staggering rise in demand for SEN provision. The current statistics and the projected need are eye-watering. The fact that there are children and families behind those statistics is heartbreaking. Why has your Department — I am not blaming you — been caught in a cycle of emergency planning, rather than anticipating and preparing for that growth years ago?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

We can look at the past, which people have legitimate questions about, but we need to deliver for the future. When I came into office, we reorganised our capital expenditure and provided clear visibility on the SEN capital programme — we separated that within our departmental structures — and we took a SEN-first approach. I am now asking Executive parties to take a SEN-first approach to all capital spend in Northern Ireland.

I commissioned the Education Authority to carry out the detailed master plan work, which it has now completed. That work was undertaken with my officials and, importantly, school principals. They have very much been part of the process. What we have today is a culmination of that engagement with our special school leadership. If implemented, the plan will allow us to put in place measures to meet the long-term strategic need. If we do not do that, as I have made clear and will do again, schools will close. Children will be unplaced if we do not move forward with the approach that I have outlined.

Members will rightly challenge me on what I am doing to plan for and meet children's needs. I have been getting on with coming up with a plan. We have published that plan, and I seek the support of the Executive to take it forward. It is the only viable way of addressing the issue; otherwise, we will be trapped in a cycle of emergency responses, which means failing our children.

Cathy Mason (Sinn Féin, South Down)

Minister, you and I have discussed Knockevin School. I raise that because you specifically mentioned it in your statement. You have visited the school, and you know how vital it is for families in South Down. It provides incredible care despite the removal of its nurse and its being split over three sites that are bursting at the seams. Can you indicate where Knockevin is in your priorities and when we can expect to see a new build for its children?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I will come to back to the Member on the specific detail, but she is right that Knockevin is one of the schools that we have been moving forward, and work on that continues. The Member rightly highlights a cause for concern that I have mentioned before: the withdrawal of a nurse and of allied health professionals. That is why I said that this is not just a departmental responsibility but a cross-departmental responsibility. As we move forward with my plan, as I hope and trust that we will, other Departments need to align with it.

For children and young people in special schools. that is where they are best placed to receive all the other medical support that they need. That is where we need the work of the Department of Health in order to assist me and those principals. Their job, fundamentally, is to be educators, but they can only do that, in an environment where there are increasing medical complexities, with the right support from our medical practitioners. That is why I welcome the review that was commissioned by the Chief Nursing Officer. A report is there and is being looked at. We need to see the outworkings of that review, and then we need to see the support being aligned to what I am trying to do and what the special school principals have been calling for.

Peter Martin (DUP, North Down)

I warmly welcome the Minister's statement. I know that the Education Committee has been very keen to see progress on the issue. This morning, you have outlined a plan, provided the costings for it and are clearly championing it. It will be up to the other Executive parties as to whether they are going to support it. Will spaces in mainstream schools that were previously repurposed in order to establish specialist provision be restored as part of the capital plan that you have outlined?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I thank the Member for that question. He highlights the repurposing of mainstream school spaces for specialist provision. Let me first express my deep gratitude to schools that have very much stepped up and accommodated specialist provision at the expense of existing support and the limited classroom space that they have. I am deeply appreciative of those schools, principals and boards of governors who have gone above and beyond in order to help us address the challenges that we face.

I can confirm that works to restore any required space utilised in the establishment of specialist provision are on the minor works programme for delivery. Despite the work that has been carried out over the past two years, demand for SEN places continues to outstrip availability. All resources remain focused on the delivery of additional accommodation in order to meet the demand for 2026 and 2027, and works to restore lost accommodation will follow.

Michelle Guy (Alliance, Lagan Valley)

I thank the Minister for his statement. Everybody here recognises the need to invest in our special educational needs provision. We also recognise how pressed and tight the Executive's resources are. They are particularly finite in our circumstances here. It is reasonable to ask how much money the Education Minister has requested to be cut from other Executive Ministers' budgets. He mentioned some detailed proposals; has he suggested where other budget might be cut? For example, how much will the Communities Minister or the Health Minister cut from their budgets?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I am asking my Executive colleagues to deliver the Programme for Government commitment. That is the document that the Member's party agreed to, as did my party. One of the nine priorities in the Programme for Government, which I referenced in my speech, is around special educational needs. The logic, therefore, is that Executive expenditure will align with the Programme for Government. In my engagement with the Minister of Finance, I outlined a 10-year plan. The year 1 call to deliver on the plan amounts to £93 million. It builds, and, by the midway point, it will rise to almost £400 million in one year alone. This is a 10-year plan: the Minister of Finance is engaged in a three-year programme of identifying where the priorities should be, and the Executive will engage in that.

I expect, and we will articulate, that the Programme for Government will be honoured in respect of the approach to the comprehensive spending review process and that the funding will align to the PFG. Therefore, that will follow what the Member and others have called for, which is a SEN-first approach. That has to be reflected not just in my Department, which it is, but by the Executive as a whole. I trust that I can count on the Member's support for putting children with special educational needs first.

Danny Baker (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

We need more than words, and we want you to prioritise special educational needs. That is not just about capital: it is about how we treat young people when it comes to placements. You are asking for Executive endorsement for a flagship investment programme. Can we expect a sea change in how collaborative work happens between Departments? What work has gone on with the Minister of Health, for example? I ask that because it is about more than just buildings. We need allied health professionals to be involved from the very beginning.

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The Member is right: it is about more than just buildings. Again, however, I emphasise the point that we need buildings. I cannot emphasise enough that schools will close otherwise. If we do not step up to the plate, schools will close. Right across the school estate, we are funding emergency responses to keep schools open and safe. If we do not provide funding for special educational needs through the ring-fenced Executive flagship project that I have outlined, we will not be able to keep schools open and safe, and they will therefore close.

I agree with the Member that we need collaborative working. We need the Department of Health to work with us. We need the Department for Infrastructure to work with us on road safety to help us improve roads outside our schools. Many aspects of cross-departmental work are required for our education system, but this is an absolute priority, and I am ringing the alarm bells as loudly as I can to say to Members and to all political parties that this is the only viable path. I have been challenged, and rightly so. I have been asked where the plan is. I have developed a plan. It is not just aspirational or a strategy. Rather, it is a detailed, worked-out master plan for every single special school and for everywhere that we need specialist provision. We are now at the moment of decision for all Executive parties on whether they step up and endorse that approach. It is the only way forward.

Gary Middleton (DUP, Foyle)

I thank the Minister for his statement and for the capital investment that he has already made, not least in Ardnashee School and College in my constituency. I welcome his call for the Executive-led SEN capital investment programme, but he has also outlined a number of challenges to ensuring capacity and specialist provision across the board. Is the Minister considering directing schools to establish specialist provision?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I thank the Member for the question and commend him for his work in Foyle. I have been to Ardnashee. I know what is taking place there and commend the school for the excellent work that it is doing. He asks an important question, and it is one that has generated some discussion on the powers that exist for direction. The EA was asking the Department to consider directing schools back in June. If, at the point of exhausting all possible options, there had been a viable option for doing so in the view of the EA, it was seeking a view on whether we would go down the route of direction. Ultimately, we did not need to do that. We avoided having to go down that particular route. For Members' benefit, I will say that it is a power that has been utilised in a neighbouring jurisdiction, so it is not unique. Such a power has been enacted elsewhere.

Our schools rose to the challenge last year, and they have risen to the challenge this year. Going forward, I want to take the approach that schools engage with the Education Authority, which is why I welcome the intervention by the NAHT: that trade union in particular. It wants to have that engagement, so that, across all localities, we can have adequate and excellent provision for all our children as close to their home as possible. Of course, I want schools to believe that, whenever support is offered by the Education Authority to set up specialist provision, they can have confidence that that support will be there. It would be wrong of me to deny that that is a genuine concern for principals, because they lack confidence that they will get the right support. I have, however, been reassured by some principals, who have said to me that they are pleased with the support provided. They are pleased with how specialist provision has been implemented and the positive impact that it has had on the whole school community, so there are good examples of that.

I believe that principals will continue to step forward, because it is in their very DNA to want to help, so, as we build confidence, we need to make sure that the Executive provide that support. We need to provide the buildings that will be required to meet that need. I have outlined very clearly the path that we need to follow and the plan that we need to implement to do that.

Diana Armstrong (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

Minister, I welcome your statement and very much welcome the works that are being undertaken at Sperrinview Special School in my constituency of Fermanagh and South Tyrone. I am very concerned, however, at the continuing escalating cost of emergency SEN placement provision, which has seen an 850% increase in just six years, although I fully appreciate the work that you have to do there. How will your Department and the EA provide equitable access across SEN schools in rural areas?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The Member highlighted Sperrinview. That is one of the schools that we are seeking to take forward. There have been some challenges there in recent weeks, but some progress has been made on identifying a suitable site for that school, which we now need to test to ensure that it is the most appropriate place.

The exercise that I commissioned from the EA last year was to look at all the special schools, identify the areas of need across Northern Ireland and see where we need new schools to be created. That work has been completed. The plan is now available for Members so that they can ensure that we are meeting pupils' needs. I want — of course, we all want — children to be able to get the educational support that they require in their local community. We have some children who travel long distances to be given the educational support that they need. I do not find that position acceptable, nor do I believe that any Member finds it acceptable. That is why we need to endorse the plan and allow my Department to get on with the work of putting it into action.

Cheryl Brownlee (DUP, East Antrim)

I thank the Minister for the statement. I definitely welcome it, particularly for East Antrim, where we have a fantastic set of special schools.

Minister, in your statement, you noted the need to provide "specialist accommodation and equipment" and the "vital skills" that enhance children's lives before they leave school. A number of parents have told me that they have significant worries about ensuring that their child receives the proper support before they leave school. As a parent, I understand that. What will the investment mean for children before they leave school? What will that investment be?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I thank the Member for her question and for the work that she does in East Antrim.

The statement is very much about the capital needs of the school estate. It is about a 10-year plan to make sure that we expand the physical capacity of special schools. It is about establishing new schools and looking at making greater use of campuses by bringing together existing special schools on a campus-type model. All that has been worked through and given a master plan. The benefit of having an effective school estate is that we will then be able to enhance the educational output from those schools. If we fail to do that and to provide the right environment in which our young people can learn and be supported, at the point at which they leave school, they will not be equipped with the skills that they require to continue in life. We have a limited window of opportunity to make a meaningful impact on those young people's lives when they are in school settings. That is why we have to implement the plan.

Of course, the Department continues to work with other Departments on pathways for young people to transition to life beyond special school settings. The Department for the Economy and its Minister have brought work to the Executive on how they will be able to provide greater support in those pathway provisions.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Minister, this is a critical issue. It is clearly hugely important, but you are outsourcing responsibility for the budget to other parties, having insourced all the most controversial things that you have done gleefully over the past year and a half.

I will ask you something directly about outsourcing specifically, and I would like a direct answer. Parents and pupils are grappling with the use of AI. It is fairly clear — we checked, using an online tool — that a large proportion of your speech was written by AI. Will you confirm that?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

What an example of a useless Opposition.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Answer the question.

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

What an example of a useless Opposition.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Answer the question.

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

We come to the Chamber to speak on behalf of the most vulnerable in our society and to talk about children who have complex medical needs and who need to have our support and a clear plan for how we can come up with that support, and the leader of the Opposition, the alternative to the Executive, fires a cheap shot around the use of artificial intelligence.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

That is a yes.

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I have to say that those who are listening to the contribution —

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Teachers and pupils.

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

— of the leader of the Opposition will come to their own conclusion —

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

That the Minister of Education is using AI.

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

— about the utter lack of capacity —

Daniel McCrossan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, West Tyrone)

Test failed.

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

— that he has just outlined. I am not going to allow the Member to detract from children with special educational needs —

Some Members

Hear, hear.

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

— and it is utterly shameful that the SDLP's leader has used this opportunity —.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

You are the Minister of Education, and you are using ChatGPT.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Order. The Minister will be heard, please.

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I think of the principals and the parents who have listened in to the last 60 seconds of unedifying contribution from Matthew O'Toole as leader of the Opposition. He will not apologise to me. I do not expect him to.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

I am not going to.

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

He should apologise to the special schools and to the families for his shameful contribution.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

You should be admitting to using AI.

Colin McGrath (Social Democratic and Labour Party, South Down)

Computer says no.

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

Minister, worryingly for children, parents and teachers, you state that the system risks failing the very children who it is meant to protect. Is that not a startlingly sad admission that your Department and your Executive are failing children, families, parents and schools?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I have outlined the plan to make sure that we can meet the needs of those children and young people.

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

He is walking out. He does not want to hear it.

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

Yes, the leader of the Opposition, having made his cheap shot, leaves the Chamber. It really shows the absolute insincerity of that last contribution from the leader of the SDLP.

I say to Mr McNulty that this is the plan to ensure that we do not fail our children. This is the plan to make sure that we actually can provide for them so that they can succeed in life. I ask for the support for this plan, because we will be able to deliver for them. That is the obligation on our society. I appeal to Members that this should cross party lines. This should cross all departmental responsibilities. I appeal to the Opposition to join us in the endeavours that we are seeking in order to meet the needs of our children and young people.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

Minister, your statement speaks to the dysfunctional nature of the Executive that you have had to come to the Chamber to attempt to lever this much-needed money into your Department rather than having Executive agreement prior to making your statement. You have invested £110 million in the past two years, which includes funding for 98 additional classrooms. Currently, we are using 39 modular buildings in the special needs estate. If successful in your ask, will it be more temporary modular buildings or can you assure us today that we will see actual building work to create permanent, fit-for-purpose, blocks-and-mortar classrooms?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I thought that the Member would have welcomed transparency and openness. He seems to be suggesting that he did not want to have transparency and openness and that these discussions would happen behind closed doors. That is an interesting departure from the TUV's position on transparency. I have brought a statement to the House for Assembly Members to be able to hold me to account. I assumed that Members of the legislative Assembly wanted that opportunity, but Mr Gaston outlines a different approach.

On the key issue, Mr Gaston brought me to some schools in his constituency —

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

Yes, and that is why I am asking the question.

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

He brought me to some schools in his constituency —

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

[Inaudible]

—

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

He brought me to some schools in his constituency —

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

— and Castle Tower School. I am glad that you remember. What are you going to do about them?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I do.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

[Inaudible]

building —

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Mr Gaston, you have had your opportunity. The Minister is trying to answer your question, if you will let him.

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

Having brought me to a number of schools, the Member, rightly, challenged me about what I am doing to support those schools. What I have done is develop this plan. I encourage the Member to look at the master plan for the schools in his constituency. He will see the detailed work that has now been completed. He will see the pathway to deliver for those children and young people who he, rightly, asked me to visit, and he has my support for what he is trying to do in his constituency. We need to rise above the idea of challenge just because it is the party political thing to do. We need to, on occasion, rise above that. I get that there will be a degree of knockabout. This should not be a knockabout issue in the Assembly Chamber.

The plan will deliver purpose-built, brand new schools — not modular but new schools — the enhancement of existing schools and physical construction. Of course, there will continue to be specialist provision that we need to meet. Next year, we will need to put in place modular buildings. I say to Members, however, that new modular buildings are very different from the mobile classrooms in the school that I went to. There are still some schools where the mobile classrooms are appalling, but brand new modular buildings are very good and of a high standard. Yes, there will be a mix of physical, bricks-and-mortar new builds and extension works, and modular units will also be provided to meet the need. However, this is the plan to achieve the objectives that I believe, at heart, everyone wants us to achieve. Let us get behind it and support those who need it most.

Claire Sugden (Independent, East Londonderry)

Minister, the substance of what you are asking for is 100%. No one would disagree with more investment — capital and resource funding — in special educational needs. I am, however, curious about how you are asking for the money. You have the great privilege of sitting at the Executive table, where you can ask the Executive parties directly for the funding. Minister, by applying public pressure in the Chamber, are you telling us that those parties have said no to you?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I thank the Member for her question. As I outlined to Mr Sheehan, I have already met the Finance Minister. We went through the financial pressures in the Department, and I highlighted my plan for special schools. This is not a shock. It is not that I have come to the Assembly without already going to my Executive colleagues. I have gone to my Executive colleagues. Every Minister in the Executive has received the paper, which is there. I hope that the paper will be placed on the agenda and that we can agree and approve the plan. The paper is there, but it is right for me, as the Minister of Education, to assure the public, principals and pupils that I am in their corner. I am fighting for them. I will be their champion, as I promised, when it comes to getting the financial support that the Department of Education needs. The funding cannot be met — I have repeated that ad nauseam — from within the normal conventional spend of the Department of Education. This initiative has to be a dedicated, ring-fenced, Executive, flagship, priority project, and that will then align with the demand for a SEN-first approach, not just in my Department but in the Executive.

Daniel McCrossan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, West Tyrone)

The Minister must be living in a parallel universe filled with rainbows and sunshine. He seems to forget that his party has presided over the Education Department for almost 10 years and has been a lead partner in government with Sinn Féin for 18 years. This crisis is of your making. You and your party caused the crisis. Emergency SEN placement costs have exploded from £9 million in 2019 to £85 million next year — an 850% increase. Minister, that is a direct result of you, your party, the Executive and your Department's chronic failure to plan ahead, and it is wasting tens of millions of pounds of taxpayers' money on sticking plasters instead of providing proper long-term provision for our most vulnerable children.

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

We can engage in the blame game or we can get on with a plan that is going to make an impact.

Due to advances in medicine, children are being born now, thankfully, with much greater and higher levels of complexity of need. Thank the Lord that they are living longer than they would have done otherwise. However, the facilities have not kept pace with the complexities that exist. We have more children presenting with issues around autism, ADHD and various issues who need to get support. I do not know what the causation factors are as to why we have higher numbers of children with additional need. I do not know what has caused that. However, we have had an exponential growth in the number of children with SEN over the past five years, never mind 10 years, and long before other Ministers were in this Department.

We can go down the route that the Member wants to go down. He provides no solution, no plan as to what he would do. I have not heard the SDLP articulate its plan. I have outlined a plan through detailed work, through the EA engaging with educationalists and school principals, and they have come up with a plan. Given the amount of work that has gone into this, particularly from those within the profession, it merits a higher level of contribution than the Member has just articulated and the SDLP has advocated.

Colm Gildernew (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

I apologise to the Minister for having missed the start of his statement, but I was listening with interest as I made my way here, given the subject of it. This is a capital announcement and, by coincidence, in the past two weeks, I have spoken to two schools in my constituency, both of which have approached the Department offering to provide special education. In both cases they were refused: in one case, the school had even to follow up in order to get an acknowledgement. Is there potentially a mismatch between the need for places, the desire by great schools — those schools would be brilliant settings for any child — and the system that is used to bring those schools forward into providing special education?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I thank the Member for that question. It is an issue that I had experience of soon after taking up office. A school in my constituency said that it would provide specialist provision, and that was turned down. Subsequent to getting involved in that one, they looked at it again and said, "Yes, we will provide specialist provision". I believe that, this year, they have taken a second unit at the school. I will be very interested to look into the detail of those particular schools.

At times, there can be some policies that the EA will look at around sustainable schools: what is the enrolment level and, most importantly, where is the level of need? It is more acute in some particular areas. I do not know the particular circumstances of the schools that the Member highlighted. It may be that although some schools have said that they will provide a place, the provision may not be needed in that locality. I do not know, genuinely, whether that is the case. In other areas, where we have an acute need and where we have not been able to provide specialist provision, we have sought to engage with schools to see whether we can meet the need. If a school wants to offer specialist provision, I very much want to see that accommodated, unless there are really good reasons why it is not appropriate. I am happy to engage with the Member on the particular schools that he referred to.

Colin McGrath (Social Democratic and Labour Party, South Down)

A plan that has no money behind it to deliver it is fundamentally not worth the paper that it is written on. It is unable to help those who need help. You are the DUP Education Minister, and we have had some plans before from your colleagues. We have a Sinn Féin Finance Minister who has obviously, in a conversation, told you that the money is not available, otherwise you would not be here trying to get support from the whole House. We have had allied health professionals removed by the Health Minister. Does that not prove that, when it comes to the entire sector, the whole Executive are letting down people and families?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

At no point did the Finance Minister say to me that the money was not there. He welcomed the work that had been undertaken and the engagement that I have had with him. He indicated that he is looking at a three-year plan for what we are doing around capital expenditure. I appeal to Members of the House to get behind the plan. Let us support this. I am seeking the support of Members. You all have the ability to influence those who take decisions within your parties.

I agree with the Member on one thing. I know that this is a genuine concern for him. He has brought me to visit schools and he has a real interest in making provision for the schools in his constituency. He has had me there, I have seen it, and he engages with me outside the Chamber. I get the politics at times in here, but I pay tribute to the Member for his genuine interest in this.

He is right, however: without resources, the plan will not deliver what we need. It needs to be resourced. I will not make any apology for seeking the support of all MLAs for the plan. I have engaged with principals. I hope, trust and know that those principals will engage with every MLA in their constituency and advocate for the approach that I have outlined. I trust that to be the case, so I will not make an apology for seeking to get the plan supported at the Executive, because it is the only way in which we will meet the needs of the most vulnerable in our society.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

That concludes questions to the Minister of Education on the statement. I ask Members to take their ease while we change the top Table before the next item of business.

(Mr Deputy Speaker [Dr Aiken] in the Chair)

Steve Aiken (UUP, South Antrim)

The Speaker has received notice from the Minister for Communities that he wishes to make a statement. Before I call the Minister, I remind Members that they must be concise in asking their questions. This is not an opportunity for debate, and long introductions will not be allowed. Over to you, Minister.

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. I wish to make a statement to provide the Assembly with information about my Department's Olympic legacy fund. Elite athletes inspire us all. They show us that, through talent, hard work and determination, it is possible to reach the very highest levels of achievement. In Northern Ireland, our athletes once again proved that on the world stage at the Paris 2024 Olympic and Paralympic Games. Their success inspired pride across every community in Northern Ireland, and I want us to harness that pride, determination and sense of possibility in order to help the next generation of athletes flourish. The Olympic legacy fund is about doing just that. It will create a lasting legacy for sport in Northern Ireland, building on the successes of our Olympians at Paris 2024 and strengthening the infrastructure and resources available to our clubs.

Last October, I was immensely proud to host a celebration reception at the SSE Arena to honour all our athletes, coaches and support staff who represented Northern Ireland in Paris. We applauded not only our six medallists but every athlete who had the honour of competing. That evening confirmed for me the depth of pride and inspiration that our athletes make people feel and the responsibility that we have to ensure that their success leads to lasting benefits for sport in our communities. Our Olympic story stretches back through the decades, from the golden triumph of Lady Mary Peters in Munich in 1972 to the brilliance that we witnessed in Paris. It is a legacy that we must nurture and extend to future generations. With that in mind, I committed £100,000 to recognise our six Olympic medallists through the Olympic medallist fund, which was announced at the celebration event. Each medallist nominated a grassroots club or project to benefit from the fund, thus ensuring that their success directly inspired investment in communities across Northern Ireland. For example, swimmer Daniel Wiffen, who brought home both gold and bronze medals, directed £25,000 to St Patrick's Grammar School in Armagh, his former school, where it will help establish a new gym facility. That is precisely the kind of practical local benefit that I want to see come from our athletes' success.

I wanted to go further, however, and ensure that the momentum is not a one-off but, rather, the beginning of something enduring. That is why I secured £1 million of capital investment in the June 2025 budget for the creation of the Olympic legacy fund, which I officially launched yesterday at the Pavilion in the Stormont estate. The fund will be delivered by Sport NI in partnership with Crowdfunder UK, which is the leading online rewards-based crowdfunding platform in the UK. It will support sports clubs and community groups in modernising facilities, purchasing essential equipment and strengthening the infrastructure that is needed to increase participation and performance. Applicants must be not-for-profit sports clubs, community groups or charities and must deliver activity that is affiliated to a sport that is recognised by Sport NI. They must be based in Northern Ireland and deliver benefits to people here. Awards will range from £1,000 to £50,000, and each successful project will receive 65% of its funding as a grant from the Department via Sport NI, with the applicant raising the remaining 35% through community crowdfunding. That crowdfunding element is an innovative aspect of the fund. It allows local communities to show their support for projects, builds wider engagement and ownership and leverages additional investment into grassroots sport. Crowdfunder UK's platform makes that process straightforward and accessible for communities across Northern Ireland. Applications are now open, and Sport NI will oversee the process, providing guidance and support to ensure that clubs of all sizes and capacities can benefit. I expect the first awards to be made later this financial year, with projects beginning to deliver benefits for communities very soon thereafter.

The Olympic legacy fund is about far more than bricks, mortar and equipment. It is about harnessing the inspiration of our athletes and investing it directly back into our communities. It is about giving everybody opportunity, whether to pursue their goal of standing on an Olympic or Paralympic podium, competing at a local club or simply enjoying the lifelong benefits of sport. The achievements of our medal winners, along with all the Olympians and Paralympians who competed in Paris, will be remembered for many years. However, I want their true legacy to be measured in the opportunities that we now create, in the clubs that grow stronger, in the facilities that are modernised and in the communities that come together through sport. The fund represents a significant investment in that future, and I look forward to seeing it deliver for communities across Northern Ireland.

I commend the statement to the House.

Mark Durkan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

I thank the Minister for the statement. We welcome any and all investment in sport. The fund should inspire and empower aspiring sportspersons to realise their potential and dreams and help to create a new generation of Olympic heroes and elite performers. Even more importantly, it should increase and maximise participation across a range of sports, with all the benefits that that brings. What steps will be taken to disseminate information, encourage applications and ensure a fair geographical spread of the funding?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

First, it is important to note that all eligible clubs and groups across Northern Ireland, regardless of geography or sport, will be able to apply. It is certainly my intention to make sure that we see a wide spread geographically and across different sports and all communities. I have been in this position a long time now, and people come to me and ask, "Is there any funding available for my club?", and I have to say that there is nothing available at this time or that there are no funding opportunities available through Sport NI. That is why I have introduced the fund and what I am trying to change.

The fund will be monitored as we go. It will be a rolling programme, and I will certainly not be opposed to intervening to make sure that, if we are not seeing the interest that we would like from certain sports or categories or if there is a geographical imbalance, I look at resources that can be put in place so that people are aware of the funding opportunities that I am now making available.

Colm Gildernew (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

I welcome the Minister's statement. It is fantastic to see investment going into sport across all levels. I attended the event in the Odyssey. I would have been delighted to attend yesterday's event. I am starting to worry about the Minister hiding his light under a bushel. He did not let any of us know that it was going on. I am sure that lots of Committee members would have loved to be there. I should declare an interest and say that I attended St Patrick's Grammar School, Armagh, so I am delighted to see investment going there, although I have obviously not been as successful as Daniel on the sporting field.

Minister, what mechanisms will be put in place to ensure proper scrutiny and accountability of the £1 million investment, given that the Committee has not had any oversight of it up to this point? Why was a decision taken to proceed with launching the fund without prior scrutiny by the Committee despite the fund's cross-cutting significance for communities and sport? It is welcome that it is cross-cutting, but we would have loved to see it.

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

First, I assure the Member that I will never hide my light under a bushel. I will always be forward in telling people what I am doing. I am here today, without any media statements having been released about it beforehand, because I wanted to come to the House first, because I am answerable to the House. The statement was not released beforehand, and I took the opportunity to come here first, because I wanted to hear from Members. I am more than happy to make sure that all Members are aware of what I am able to deliver on behalf of communities right across Northern Ireland.

The criteria for the fund are very simple. Applicants need to be operating in Northern Ireland, and it needs to benefit people in Northern Ireland. Applicants need to be not-for-profit groups, whether that is a sports club or a charity, and they need to ensure that they are delivering a sporting element in sports that are recognised by Sport NI. It is very simple and straightforward, and I will be more than happy to ensure that, if necessary, officials are made available to brief the Committee further. However, it is a very simple and straightforward process.

Steve Aiken (UUP, South Antrim)

Members, before I call the next Member, I say this: most people will be trying to name their favourite sports clubs and organisations — I want to add Larne Swimming Club — but can we focus on questions, please?

Diane Forsythe (DUP, South Down)

Minister, the Olympic legacy fund is very welcome. I was at the SSE Arena with you, and it was brilliant to join in the celebration of our local sports heroes. This fund is the first time that we are able to support all the smaller sports clubs that so often miss out on the ability to avail themselves of public money. Minister, what protections are in place to make sure that one sport does not dominate the fund and that the smaller clubs and organisations get a fair chance to participate?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Absolutely. I appreciate the Member raising that issue, because it is important that everyone is aware of the fund and that all clubs feel that they have the ability to apply on an equal basis. There will certainly be monitoring of the fund and the applicants to make sure that there is a fair spread. I have said before that many people contact me asking what funds are available but nothing is there. A lot of clubs make a huge difference to the lives of people in their local community. That will be monitored. We look at that at the minute. We are testing the process and allowing people to apply, but if changes need to be made, I will make sure that they are made.

Kellie Armstrong (Alliance, Strangford)

Minister, getting money out to grassroots sports clubs is always welcome, so thank you very much for that. I want to clarify something. You said that the Crowdfunder platform is being used. If a group were to apply for £50,000, the amount that that group would have to raise itself — the 35% — would be £17,500. However, if the group uses the Crowdfunder platform, the fees would deduct £1,120. Do groups have to use Crowdfunder, or can they use something else? As someone who has been involved with fundraising for decades, I know that Crowdfunder is quite expensive.

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I am grateful to the Member for that question. Crowdfunder is the platform that we are using. We will look into any issues that exist in relation to fees, but I hope that she can understand the need for us to ensure that a contribution is made. As I said in my previous answer, this fund is something new. We have not done this sort of thing before. I am willing to try these things out, to test them to see what works and does not work and to bring in additional requirements or additional flexibilities if required. All that can be kept under consideration and, if necessary, reviewed.

Andy Allen (UUP, Belfast East)

As someone who knows the importance of sport and has had the honour of competing on an international stage, I welcome the fund. It will be welcomed by many grassroots clubs and organisations. Minister, how did the Department arrive at the determination to split the funding between government funding and the 35% required to be raised through Crowdfunder? Do you feel that that will potentially be a barrier for smaller clubs?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

No, I hope that it will not be a barrier and that many people in the area will get behind it. It will depend on the overall funding that is required for the club. In setting the amount that needs to be brought in by crowdfunding, we tried to find that balance to make sure that clubs had a stake in it and a contribution to make. At the same time, we tried to make sure that it was not out of reach for some people. We believe that where that has landed is fair.

Again, I decided to go ahead, test it and try it out, because I saw an issue and a problem in that a lot of clubs were not getting the support that they required. I am bringing the fund forward. It is new, and, as I said, I will keep it under review.

Nicola Brogan (Sinn Féin, West Tyrone)

Gabhaim buíochas leis an Aire.

[Translation: I thank the Minister.]

Will the Minister outline what he and his Department will do to make sure that the fund is promoted so that all sports clubs and community groups are able to access it?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Absolutely. I hope that I have reiterated that. In my statement, I outlined the fact that I want to make sure that everybody knows about the fund and is aware of it. We will certainly promote it through departmental and Sport NI channels. I hope that all Members take the opportunity to encourage people to apply.

Cheryl Brownlee (DUP, East Antrim)

I, too, welcome the statement. Any investment in sport is absolutely fantastic.

Minister, in our constituency, we have a fantastic wrestling club, the Barbarians Wrestling Club NI. It is in dire need of equipment, but it requires the like of a specialist mat. Can that be acquired under the fund?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I am grateful to the Member for raising that issue. I have been to the Barbarians Wrestling Club. I did not take part on that night, because it was mostly seven- to 10-year-olds who were there. I fancied my chances, but I did not take part.

That is exactly what we are trying to do. We are trying to help clubs that are in need. That is the type of equipment that that club needs, although I know that it has other challenges as well when it comes to some of its space. We are trying to make sure that such clubs have equipment. I do not want young people to be turned away from taking part in a sport in which they may do really well and go really far simply because of a lack of equipment. That is why we are bringing the fund in. It will absolutely be able to help clubs such as Barbarians and others.

Paula Bradshaw (Alliance, Belfast South)

Thank you, Minister, for your statement. Given the qualification of the Ireland men's hockey team in 2016 and 2024 and the women's hockey team in 2020, with all three teams having been captained by local players, it is clear that we are producing Olympians in that sport. Minister, you will be aware of Ulster Hockey's recent report, which looked at the state of each hockey pitch and identified what is needed at each site. Will you commit to engaging with Ulster Hockey to see how hockey clubs across Northern Ireland can be facilitated in applying to the fund?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I am happy to do that. I have heard about the need that exists in hockey, as, unfortunately, it does in a lot of other sports. Certainly, hockey clubs will be able to apply, because what the Member mentioned certainly meets the criteria. I look forward to being able to deliver for hockey, as well as many other sports, and, hopefully, getting to the position where we are able to add to the fund as time goes on, so that all that need can be met.

Aoife Finnegan (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

I thank the Minister. How will community benefit and objective need be scored as part of the scoring criteria?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

We will not have scoring criteria; it is a rolling application. Essentially, projects will come forward, and we will then allocate money. If the criteria and the crowdfunding requirements are met, those projects will go forward.

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

As the statement makes clear, athletes inspire us all. With that, it would be remiss of me not to take the opportunity to congratulate my constituent Kyle, who made his professional debut at Windsor Park at the weekend and won. I invite you, Minister, to his second professional fight at Mossley Mill in November.

Minister, will the fund include clubs that focus on those with disabilities to ensure that they receive the support and funding that they need? I recently had you out at Antrim and Newtownabbey Disability Football Club, which is the only all-ability football team in our borough. Will that team be able to apply to the fund?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I congratulate the Member's constituent, and I look forward to being invited to that event. I was delighted to join the Member a few months ago, and it was an excellent and inspiring visit. Huge credit has to go to those who give up their time to ensure that that is organised. They are under a lot of pressure with facilities and all the other requirements that are on them. Huge congratulations to them and to all those who are involved in sport throughout Northern Ireland and give up their time.

The Member is absolutely right to ask that question. I can confirm that the fund will be open to all groups that are affiliated with sport. I look forward to seeing those applications coming in and, hopefully, that being taken forward, because sport is for everybody.

Maolíosa McHugh (Sinn Féin, West Tyrone)

Cuirim fáilte roimh a ráiteas anseo inniu.

[Translation: I thank the Minister for his statement here today.]

A great welcome to your statement, Minister. The use of online crowdfunding platforms as a fundraising tool, which you have already referred to, will be second nature to many clubs. Will other clubs that prefer a different means of fundraising still be included in the scheme?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

We will use the crowdfunding platform. I know that that might be new to some people, which is why Sport NI will be on hand to offer guidance and advice to ensure that they are not disadvantaged in any way.

David Brooks (DUP, Belfast East)

I thank the Minister for his statement, which shows that he is interested not just in celebrating our Olympic athletes but in investing in future ones. On that basis, does he plan the scheme to be a one-off or to sustain the Olympic legacy investment into future years?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

That is certainly my intention. I want to see it go forward, because this funding allocation alone will not meet all the need that exists or the future need. It is certainly my intention, as long as I am in post, to ensure that it can continue. We can tweak it, improve it and look at what might need to change. I see the demand, and I want to meet it. Let us see how far it can go. Certainly, my intention is to keep it going.

David Honeyford (Alliance, Lagan Valley)

I thank the Minister for his statement. As others have said, every penny invested in sport is really welcome. I associate myself with the Minister's comments about our athletes and their success. Half of the South's Olympic medals came from our incredible athletes from the North. The context is that £1 million is spent here and £230 million is being spent in the South. Have you had any engagement with any Minister in the Southern Government on the Shared Island Fund to look at increasing the money that is available here to ensure that, in the future, our athletes have the facility in the longer term for more money to be invested in them and to harness sport for reconciliation?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Yes, I have engaged with Southern counterparts around possibilities for the Shared Island Fund to be used for sport. The Member will be aware, I hope, that, in the next few weeks, further announcements could be made about opportunities for Northern Ireland that have a cross-border element. He will have to wait and see. I will, of course, bring it to the House so that there can be proper scrutiny of that announcement.

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

Minister, I warmly welcome your statement, investment in sport and nourishment of the dreams and ambitions of young athletes, encouraging them to reach for the stars when it comes to sporting achievement: "Citius, altius, fortius", or "Higher, faster, stronger". I see the potential of this island and the North to become a hotbed of sporting endeavour, excellence, participation and achievement. Minister, can you become the driving force behind a new paradigm of sporting excellence, endeavour and participation, not just at the Olympic and elite level but at grassroots levels, from toddlers through to grandmas and grandpas, across sporting platforms across the island?

Steve Aiken (UUP, South Antrim)

Justin, we enjoyed your speech. Thank you very much indeed.

Minister, over to you.

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

My goodness, we have a positive Mr McNulty today. He is in good form. That is great to see. Of course, is it any wonder that he is in good form? We have a good announcement and a Minister who is driving forward investment in sport and looking at new and innovative ways to ensure that sport is funded in a way that makes a difference to communities across Northern Ireland.

Yes, I will be — oh, there we have it: typical negativity from Mr Durkan, who is shaking his head. I am very positive about what we are able to do. We will get on and deliver it. Mr McNulty is absolutely right to say that this should be for supporting people of all ages and from all backgrounds across all sports. I look forward to doing that.

Andrew McMurray (Alliance, South Down)

I note that, last week, Mary Peters was at the 5k and that, this week, we have the World Athletics Championships, so it great to see sport at all levels, which is always to be welcomed.

Has a full equality impact assessment been done of the requirement for smaller, less affluent clubs to raise money? Is there a risk that larger clubs will be able to access more funding for similar-sized projects? As has been said, everyone wants to see clubs of all sizes benefit, and there are many small clubs in rural constituencies.

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

The fund is open to everybody, and everybody can apply for funding on an equal basis. Any issues that arise will be considered as part of the monitoring process, which can be reviewed if necessary. The fund is, however, open to everybody on an equal basis to apply for funding at levels from £1,000 to £50,000. I am confident in the requirements, but any changes that are needed will, of course, be made.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

I join in with the warm words of welcome from Members for the Minister's statement.

Minister, I want to know what you are doing to address the scandal in sports such as swimming, cycling, rowing and boxing, where barriers are placed in the way of young athletes who want to represent the UK at the Olympics, with the default position being that they have to compete under the foreign tricolour. Surely, in 2025, the Sport NI policy of recognising only one governing body for a sport in Northern Ireland urgently needs to be changed.

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

First, I welcome the Member's comments welcoming the fund.

Mr Gaston makes a fair point. Under the arrangements that followed on from the Good Friday Agreement, people have the right to identify with whichever country they want to represent.

[Interruption.]

There was sniggering and shaking of heads on the other side of the Chamber. I am fed up with those who talk most about the need to show respect not themselves showing respect. Everybody should be free to have the opportunity to represent Ireland or Team GB and NI. We should not snigger at the fact that some people want to have that choice. Unfortunately, some people do not have that choice, as barriers are sometimes put in the way. The issues are not straightforward — there are complexities — but I am working on issues in a number of sports to make sure that we can find a way through. Some of it, because of the way in which governing bodies work, has to be worked out at an international level, but people absolutely should be able to represent, play for and compete for whichever team they want, and that choice should be respected.

Claire Sugden (Independent, East Londonderry)

The fund is welcome. As constituency MLAs, we are asked about that type of funding, which has not seemed to exist until now. My only criticism is that there is probably not enough of it. Maybe the Minister can speak to his Executive colleagues about the need to invest in the fund.

I am interested in the partnership with Crowdfunder, and I am keen to understand how it came about. It is innovative and interesting. Is the partnership a formal one, and how are we taking it forward, given that it is a partnership with government?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I hope that the Member recognises that it is new and innovative. We are trying to get more out of the money that we have. We went with Crowdfunder UK so that we could do that and because of its experience. I am confident that the partnership will enable us to get more for the money that we put into it. If the Member has specific concerns to raise, I am happy to take them on board.

Brian Kingston (DUP, Belfast North)

I commend the Minister, as others have done, for creating the Olympic Legacy Fund, which builds on the success of the Olympic Medallist Fund. For clarity, is it a rolling fund with no fixed deadline so that groups can apply to it and have their applications assessed straight away?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I welcome the Member's welcome for the work to improve investment in sport in Northern Ireland. He is right in saying that there is no closing date. It is a rolling programme, so it will be up to clubs to make sure that they put in place the extra support that is required for the funding to be issued. We know the difference that funding can make to clubs that often feel that they do not have avenues for funding. I want to change that, and today is the start of that.

Steve Aiken (UUP, South Antrim)

That concludes questions on the statement. Thank you very much indeed, Minister.

Executive Committee Business

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

I beg to move

That the Second Stage of the Water, Sustainable Drainage and Flood Management Bill [NIA Bill 17/22-27] be agreed.

Steve Aiken (UUP, South Antrim)

In accordance with convention, the Business Committee has not allocated any time limits to the debate. I call the Minister to open the debate on the Bill.

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

Go raibh maith agat, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle.

[Translation: Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker.]

The Water, Sustainable Drainage and Flood Management Bill, which I am bringing to Second Stage today, is an important step in meeting the challenges that my Department and NI Water face in continuing to deliver high-quality water services, and I greatly appreciate the opportunity to put the Bill before you today.

The Bill is a key part of my three-pronged approach to addressing the challenges with our waste water infrastructure: to secure more funding from my Executive colleagues; to legislate for sustainable urban drainage to slow the flow of storm water, which is overwhelming the system; and to explore developer contributions. Following June monitoring, I allocated £11 million to NI Water to unlock 3,000 houses in the Derry area. Since my predecessor, John O'Dowd, and I came into office, we have provided ring-fenced allocations to enable the unlocking of waste water capacity for over 5,000 properties across the North. That is already greater than the 4,300 properties that NI Water had originally planned to connect, if fully funded, by the end of the current price control (PC) period in 2028, and it is only 2025. In total, my capital budget allocation to NI Water for this year is 90% of what, it identified, it could spend this year.

Our consultation on developer contributions has now closed, and officials are preparing options for my consideration. I have consistently said that innovative thinking and working in partnership hold the key to unlocking our waste water constraints. The recent announcement of the connection of 400 properties in my area in Newry shows what can be achieved when we challenge traditional thinking and focus on smarter, more sustainable solutions. That lies at the heart of my three-pronged approach, as does the Bill.

First, I wish to set out the context of the policies that the Bill will allow us to pursue once it is enacted. I am eager to hear Members' thoughts on the proposals, and I am happy to answer any questions that they may have. In March 2022, my Department launched a 12-week consultation on a range of policy proposals to update our existing legislation for the future provision of water, sustainable drainage and flood management services. The policy proposals were intended to enable improvements to NI Water's processes and to enable new and improved ways of reducing and mitigating flood risk. They will strengthen resilience during extreme weather events such as drought and help to facilitate more environmentally friendly solutions to managing water.

The effects of a changing climate are evident the world over, and it would be naive of us to assume that we are in any way immune to that. In recent years, we have seen warmer and drier summers and sporadic, unpredictable weather conditions. It is therefore vital that we have legislation in place to allow us to meet the challenges in how we manage, use and treat our water resources, future-proof the system and get on a path to integrating natural drainage systems into our waste water infrastructure more.

My Department originally consulted the public and stakeholders on a range of policy areas that included powers for NI Water to implement wider water shortage measures; arrangements to encourage developers to use sustainable drainage systems (SuDS) as the preferred drainage solution in new developments; and allowing NI Water to adopt certain privately owned drainage infrastructure constructed prior to 1 October 1973. They also included enhancing powers for NI Water to deal with drain and sewer miscommunications; allowing NI Water to register article 161 agreements in the Statutory Charges Register; and giving homeowner flood protection measures a statutory basis. Also included were enabling future amendment of the drainage environmental impact assessments and floods directive regulations as required; providing NI Water with a new power of entry to enable it to carry out works beyond the laying of pipes, including the construction of SuDS; and compensation arrangements with landowners in exchange for their land in order to facilitate the storage of floodwaters.

Whilst the responses to the policy proposals were overwhelmingly positive, I have noted some concerns about the proposals to provide NI Water with a new power of entry to enable it to carry out works beyond the laying of pipes, which I have already mentioned as regards including the construction of SuDS and the proposal on compensation arrangements with landowners in exchange for their lands facilitating storage of floodwaters. I have given those concerns due consideration and decided that both proposals will be revisited at a later date. I will not therefore seek to take those two policy proposals forward in the context of the Bill.

The consultation received 30 responses and closed on 3 June 2022. I publicly acknowledge the contribution of the individuals and organisations who took the time to inform our policy development. Consultees were widely supportive of the seven remaining policy proposals. The first proposal will allow for the expansion of the list of activities that NI Water may prohibit or restrict as part of a temporary hosepipe ban or temporary use ban. That will make available to NI Water a comprehensive list of water-conserving measures from which it may select to prohibit all or any, as necessity dictates. The powers that will be made available to NI Water under the proposed legislation are comparable to those in other jurisdictions. Approval of that policy proposal among respondents was high, although concerns were voiced regarding the welfare of fish and animals if the filling of domestic ponds were to be included in the proposed measures. Given those concerns, I have decided that the filling of domestic ponds should not be included in the proposed list of prohibited activities to be included under that proposal.

It was also proposed that my Department should be given the power to issue future arrangements and guidance on the design, approval and maintenance of sustainable drainage systems to make SuDS the preferred means of dealing with surface water. Again, that was met with overall support. I will therefore provide my Department with the powers to make regulations in relation to the design, approval, operation and maintenance of SuDS. In tandem with the Bill, I will launch a public consultation on nature-based SuDS in new housing developments on Monday 22 September 2025. The consultation will seek views on the development and implementation of new policies and regulatory arrangements to ensure that nature-based SuDS, such as grass swales, rain gardens and detention ponds, are provided in new housing developments.

Another proposal is to allow NI Water to adopt and maintain sections of privately owned drainage infrastructure constructed prior to 1 October 1973, where such sections are critical to the effective operation of its network. Fixing and adopting old drainage infrastructure where it is critical to the operation of NI Water's network would ensure that failing drainage no longer caused damage to the environment or harm biodiversity, and I am therefore providing NI Water with the power to adopt pre-1973, private drainage infrastructure that is critical to the effective operation of the sewerage network.

The next proposal will provide NI Water with the power to enter premises to fix drainage miscommunications and recover the cost from the landowner in instances where the landowner refuses entry and refuses to repair the miscommunication themselves. It is not currently possible for NI Water to register article 161 agreements on the Statutory Charges Register. Those are agreements between a developer and NI Water for the adoption of certain infrastructure. I will therefore provide NI Water with the power to register article 161 adoption agreements and bonds in the Statutory Charges Register. That will enable solicitors and conveyancers to access the records of any ongoing obligations that lie with a piece of land at a single point. Following discussions with the Office of the Legislative Counsel (OLC) and the registrar of titles, I am confident that allowing that power is the optimum solution to providing a more streamlined and transparent process to assist the conveyancing process in the North.

Responses to the proposal to enable the Department to introduce powers for a substantive homeowner flood protection grant scheme to residents whose properties are susceptible to flooding were very positive. My predecessor, John O'Dowd, specifically instructed officials to ensure that applicants are not prevented from availing themselves of the homeowner flood protection grants if there are plans for a future flood alleviation scheme. I intend to carry that important policy forward. I recognise the importance of helping people to protect their homes from flooding. Whilst we cannot prevent all flooding, we can reduce the impacts with appropriate improvements and development. That is exactly why, in July, I announced an increase in the threshold for the homeowner flood protection grant scheme from £10,000 to £13,700 to take into account inflationary increases. The eligibility criteria will also be improved to streamline the application process. I will therefore provide my Department with the power to develop a substantive scheme so that the current pilot scheme will have a sound legislative basis. Further consultation and new regulations will be required for a new scheme.

My final proposal is to provide powers for my Department to amend, update or revoke the Drainage (Environmental Impact Assessment) Regulations (Northern Ireland) 2017 and the Water Environment (Floods Directive) Regulations (Northern Ireland) 2009. The powers are being taken to replace the powers that my Department had before the UK left the EU. I am not planning any such amendments at present; rather, the powers will be used as and when necessity dictates and will follow the normal consultation process. Any future regulations will be made by draft affirmative resolution, which will allow for full scrutiny by the Assembly.

The majority of the Bill's provisions require commencement orders to introduce them, following Royal Assent.

I will be happy to address any questions that Members may have.

Steve Aiken (UUP, South Antrim)

Thank you very much indeed, Minister. Before I call the Chair of the Infrastructure Committee, I welcome Peter to his position. We pass on our regards to Deborah Erskine.

Peter Martin (DUP, North Down)

Thank you very much, Mr Deputy Speaker. I thank the Minister for her statement.

Mr Deputy Speaker, I hope that you will indulge me for a moment so that I may take the opportunity to record the Committee's gratitude and mine for Deborah's work. She is stepping back from political duties. As most people are aware, she is expecting a baby and is in the last stage of her pregnancy. Hopefully, she is doing something more interesting and relaxing than watching the Second Stage of the Water, Sustainable Drainage and Flood Management Bill today. I certainly hope that she is, but I suspect that she is not; she is probably watching us. That gives me a great opportunity to pass on my best wishes to her. I hope to see her later in the week. It is an incredibly exciting time for her and Robert. I will also say to her that this lectern is hers: I am just trying to fill her shoes for a period.

I will speak on the Bill in my role as Committee Chair and may then make some short comments in my role as a DUP MLA.

Now that the Bill has been formally introduced, the Committee will conduct a more detailed examination of its provisions, should it pass Second Stage. As we have heard, the Bill will amend and enhance existing legislation to introduce measures to decrease pollution in watercourses; to enhance our ability to withstand extreme weather events, particularly flooding and drought, which the Minister mentioned, through strengthened flood resilience; to encourage the use of sustainable drainage systems, known as "SuDS" — an incredibly apt acronym for such a drainage defence — to manage surface water; and to improve water resource management through the introduction of a more environmentally friendly solution .

The Committee undertook some pre-legislative scrutiny of the outline proposals when it received oral evidence from departmental officials at its meeting in April last year. Following that session, the Committee received further evidence from representatives of Northern Ireland Water, which, as we all know, will be a key stakeholder throughout the Bill's passage. I record our thanks to the Department and to Northern Ireland Water for making themselves available to provide that evidence, which allowed the Committee to gain a more comprehensive understanding of the key aspects of the Bill.

In the course of the Department's oral evidence, the Committee noted that the Bill will include measures in seven policy areas. Understandably, the Committee will be keen to examine the scope of such measures, including activities that would be prohibited during a hosepipe ban to better manage water supplies during drought.

In addition, powers to introduce guidance and arrangements for the use of sustainable drainage systems, known as SuDS, will play an important role in supporting the legislation's implementation across Northern Ireland, should the Bill be enacted.

The Bill also contains provisions to enable Northern Ireland Water to adopt private drainage infrastructure that was built — the Minister just reflected on this — before 1973, which will be of obvious and critical benefit to the overall network. The Committee will undoubtedly be interested to examine the particular circumstances envisaged that could be constituted to benefit the network to mitigate flood or environmental damage. Furthermore, provisions to enhance the powers to deal with misconnections to the network, which, as we all know, can be a source of water pollution, will also undoubtedly be of interest to the Committee's scrutiny processes.

As every Member will know, Northern Ireland Water has been operating from a very constrained financial position, and therefore I am sure that that will be an ongoing consideration. The Committee will be keen to examine Northern Ireland Water's assessment of its financial requirements to deliver the intended policy and legislative outcomes using these powers. That is particularly critical given the underinvestment in our water network, which, as we have all seen, is having a severe impact on our ability to build new homes and to facilitate economic growth due to a lack of capacity in the overall system. Whilst those funding constraints form part of a much wider issue that will not be solely resolved through the Bill, the additional powers in it can seek to deliver the much-needed incremental improvements to our network.

During the pre-legislative evidence, the Committee expressed some concern over the uncertainty of the funding available. Therefore, I am sure that the Committee will wish to explore that in more detail, now that the Bill is before us. These provisions have the potential to make a very positive impact and deliver intended policy objectives. However, without sustained and sufficient funding, they may simply be a power that cannot be effectively used. It is therefore important that the Committee seeks to examine all the provisions to ensure that the powers can be fully utilised to deliver against the Bill's legislative aims.

I turn to another key aspect of the Bill. Our ability to respond and manage our flood response has been tested over recent years due to the increasing trend of extreme weather events. Such events have an impact not only on infrastructure but on people's homes, as well as businesses. It is therefore critical that we seek to advance all possible preventative measures to minimise the risks and devastating impacts that floods can have and to more widely build capacity in our flood forecasting infrastructure to generate the much-needed, real-time data to provide a much swifter flood response. Undoubtedly, the Committee will seek to examine the key issues arising from such extreme flooding events and the support that is available to those who have been affected. Of particular interest to the Committee will undoubtedly be the provision that will put the homeowner flood protection grant scheme on a statutory basis. In its scrutiny, it may examine historical information around the uptake of the scheme and the forecasted funding requirements to ensure that the eligible homeowners can access the available support to make preventative improvements that minimise the devastating impacts caused by flooding.

Assuming that the Bill completes its Second Stage today, the Committee will take all the necessary time to consider its scrutiny and to develop a plan of whom it might wish to call to give evidence. I very much look forward to the continuance of the constructive engagement by both the Department and Northern Ireland Water that we have seen during the Committee's preliminary scrutiny to ensure that important issues contained in the Bill get the attention that they deserve. I assure the Minister that I and the Committee will work alongside her and her Department to ensure that we get the best and most effective legislation that we can.

If it is OK, I will make some short comments as a DUP MLA. I am encouraged that the Bill is at Second Stage. I also see the real and meaningful impact that effective legislation can have for everyone in Northern Ireland, businesses and homeowners. When I looked through the Bill last night and studied some of the clauses, I noted that some of them will make a real and meaningful impact in certain areas, and I referred to them in my speech as Committee Chair. I will pick up on one or two of them. How do we ensure that we have less pollution in watercourses? Obviously, there are the well-documented issues in Lough Neagh, but also in other watercourses. I am a fisherman, and when I read about fish kills in rivers, it breaks my heart, because the rivers take years to recover, and there is nothing that anyone can do about it. It just happens, and that is it. We will undoubtedly have a look at that in the course of this.

On my own experience of the impact that the legislation could have as it progresses, in my constituency, we are trying to build a play park. The money is there for it, and everything is in order to take it forward, but it is stuck in planning because of a disagreement between Northern Ireland Water and the planners. Northern Ireland Water has simply said, "Where is the offset drainage?" The children cannot have a play park because of some of the things that we are going to be looking at in the Bill. I share that real-world impact because some of those watching the debate may think that a Water, Sustainable Drainage and Flood Management Bill is not very thrilling, but it has a real-world impact.

The Committee, alongside the Department and the Minister, recognises that the Bill could elicit really positive changes for the people of Northern Ireland. I look forward to scrutinising its progress through the Infrastructure Committee.

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

I rise to speak as the SDLP spokesperson on infrastructure and also as a member of the Infrastructure Committee. I welcome the comments from the Minister; it is long after time. The Minister is very good at sharing the blame when things go wrong in her Department. She needs to share some credit here: this process was initiated by my former colleague Nichola Mallon. Obviously, it hit a brick wall along the way as the Assembly was down because Sinn Féin and the DUP walked away from this place for five years.

Minister, your three-pronged approach deals with SuDS and with seeking funding from your Executive colleagues. Good luck with that one. Maybe you can speak to your predecessor, John O'Dowd, who probably knows about the funding crisis in NI Water and the Department, and you might be able to curry favour. You are also exploring developer contributions, and, obviously, that will mean higher house prices. That is something to recognise. I am interested to know whether AECOM and Arup have been consulted.

I will go through the clauses one by one, and I have a few notes about them. Clause 1 is about temporary hosepipe bans, and that makes sense. It is probably about education more than enforcement, and it is a little bit of treating the symptom and not the problem.

Will clause 2 show flexibility and imagination in relation to the incorporation of new technologies and offering SuDS? Is NI Water on board with the SuDS offer? Has it agreed to all the proposals? Is it about separation, reed beds or attenuation? Are oversized pipes and manholes the answer to SuDS, as is now? Some 25 years ago, I worked in an engineering practice in Dublin, Moylan Consulting Engineers. I will give a shout-out to Patrick Obdebeck, Paul O'Connell, Darragh Aiken, Lars Schneider, Hunter Jenkins, Niamh Ennis and Paul O'Callaghan.

Steve Aiken (UUP, South Antrim)

I ask the Member to get back to the point.

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

I am almost there. Those colleagues and that company taught me a lot about engineering. They taught me about the standards of professionalism, about writing, about project management and about building relationships with clients, planners, statutory authorities, councils and contractors. I say that because in Dublin, 25 years ago, we were designing SuDS schemes. What has taken us so long here? What the hell is going on? SuDS are not an optional bolt-on but a design necessity for planning and development.

Clause 3 is about issuing guidance. It is probably more about education than it is about enforcement. By the by, I support clause 5 absolutely. It is about reducing storm water volumes and — I cannot read my own writing — slowing down flows. That makes sense and is long overdue.

Clause 6 is about flood protection grants. Are those not already in place? I thought that grants were already going to flood protection, but, yes, I support the clause absolutely. Clause 7 is titled "Flood risk: assessment and management". Really, are we not already doing that?

Clause 8 is titled "Drainage works: environmental impact assessment". Really, are we not already doing that? Clause 9 is titled "Scope of regulations under sections 7 and 8". It is OK. Clause 10 is OK.

Clause 11 is titled "Unlawful sewer communication: remedies". Where does the culpability lie? Who pays? If I am a developer who purchases a site, and it has issues historically, who is responsible? With whom does the liability rest?

Clause 12 is titled "Adoption by sewerage undertaker: removal of restrictions". It is OK. Clause 13 is titled "Supplementary, incidental, consequential, transitional provision etc.". It is OK. Clause 14 is OK. Clause 15 is OK. I think that clause 15 is the Minister's favourite clause.

If Members will bear with me, I have a few other pointers. NI Water has to be flexible in its approach to SuDS and adopt new technologies. Those need to be approved via the planning approval process prior to the article 161 application stage. Are the Department, NI Water and planning services on the same page? NI Water's 'Sewers for Adoption' needs updated, as it was last revised in 2010.

I am supportive of the Bill's proposals, so get a move on.

Steve Aiken (UUP, South Antrim)

Ladies and gentlemen, the Business Committee has arranged to meet at 1.00 pm today. I therefore propose, by leave of the Assembly, to suspend the sitting until 2.00 pm. The debate will continue after Question Time, when the next Member to be called will be Cathal Boylan.

The debate stood suspended.

The sitting was suspended at 12.58 pm.

On resuming (Mr Speaker in the Chair) —

Oral Answers to Questions — Justice

David Brooks (DUP, Belfast East)

1. Mr Brooks asked the Minister of Justice whether she will work with the Northern Ireland Prison Service to introduce stronger safeguards against serial absconding from prison, including through day release. (AQO 2356/22-27)

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

Pre-release testing is a vital part of public protection and the prisoner rehabilitation work that is undertaken in our prisons. Most prisoners go through the various stages of pre-release testing successfully and reintegrate into the community. However, a small number continually fail or abuse the process by going unlawfully at large. I have met victims of crime and political representatives, and I share their concerns about the small number of prisoners who do not take the opportunities afforded to them and the impact that their behaviour has on victims and their families.

I have asked the Northern Ireland Prison Service to review what further steps can be taken to manage individuals who raise serious concerns during pre-release testing. That includes what can be done to strengthen the risk management of those individuals and the sanctions that they will face if they go unlawfully at large. That work is in progress, and I can provide further information once it has been completed.

David Brooks (DUP, Belfast East)

Minister, it is not enough just to implore others to do more. It is clear that we now have serial absconding from our prisons that is causing confidence issues for the general public and hurt for victims. What are you doing to ensure that it does not happen on a regular basis?

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

Well, I did not ask others to do more. I instructed one of my officials — a senior official, the director general of the Prison Service — to undertake a review in order to look at how we can better balance resources. Pre-release testing is critical in ensuring that, when people are released into the community, they are released into the community safely. Most prisoners are released during the part of the testing that leads up to consideration by the Parole Commissioners in order to facilitate their proper assessment of the risks attendant on that person. I have set out what I, as Minister, intend to do. As I said, I will inform the House once that review has been completed.

Connie Egan (Alliance, North Down)

Will the Minister please outline the role that pre-release testing plays in the rehabilitation of offenders?

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

As I said, pre-release testing is a vital part of rehabilitation work. It tests an individual in a structured, measured and risk-assessed manner prior to consideration by the Parole Commissioners for Northern Ireland. It provides additional evidence for the Parole Commissioners to enable them to apply their statutory tests, and it helps them to decide whether to direct the release of a prisoner on licence. Prisoners are initially tested under the supervision of prison staff, progressing to short periods of unaccompanied release before potentially progressing to living and working in the community. At every stage of the process, the level of risk that they present is kept under constant review. The reality is that, by the very nature of testing, some people will fail the test by not progressing through any stage, even the early stages, or by being returned to prison, while others will progress successfully into the community. It is also the case that, if we do not test, the Parole Commissioners may not have the evidence that they need to make a properly informed decision about the final release of an individual on licence, and we could be challenged through a legal review.

Doug Beattie (UUP, Upper Bann)

The Minister is absolutely right: pre-release testing is incredibly important. I have no issue with that; it just needs to be tightened up. However, I have to say that, when it goes wrong, it goes really wrong, as we have seen with Jim McFadden's family, who have been treated absolutely appallingly and who have been kept in the dark for the past 10 months about their dad's murderer, James Meehan. Given the fiasco around that, would it not be fair for the Minister to meet the family, listen to their anguish and their story and apologise to them in person for the absolutely chaotic way that we have dealt with that?

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

I do not accept the Member's characterisation of the situation, but I accept that, by going unlawfully at large, James Meehan has caused further distress and anguish to the McFadden family. I have apologised publicly to the McFadden family for how it has been handled. I have offered a meeting with the McFadden family. I am more than happy to meet them and listen directly, as I am with all victims.

A review was undertaken in Magilligan immediately following James Meehan's absconding. Additional safeguards have been implemented as a result. The lessons learned from that short-term review have also been shared with our other establishments.

Pre-release testing is an important part of rehabilitation and resettlement into the community. It is worth remembering that around 4,000 prisoners leave our system each year. Of those, we are dealing with a tiny number who do not pass their pre-release testing regime for successful rehabilitation. That does not diminish, however, the impact that this situation has on individual families or the pain that they express.

While prisons do not get everything right — I will be the first to say that — our prison staff are committed professionals who are trying their best every day to support and challenge prisoners to change and to make Northern Ireland safer.

Nick Mathison (Alliance, Strangford)

2. Mr Mathison asked the Minister of Justice to outline her proposals for criminalising sexually explicit deepfake images. (AQO 2357/22-27)

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

The past few years have seen an exponential rise in the proliferation of non-consensual sexually explicit deepfake images, which research shows are overwhelmingly targeted at women and girls and are yet another form of sexual abuse and exploitation. Those images perpetuate, promote and normalise misogyny and the sexualisation of women. They dehumanise and objectify them. The harm that they cause is incalculable. My aim is to address that growing threat and the harm that it causes. That is why, earlier this year, I announced in the Assembly my intention to table an amendment to the Justice Bill at Consideration Stage to provide for Northern Ireland-specific deepfake offences in order to ensure that all aspects of offending in that area are captured. In July, I launched a public consultation on legislative proposals on that. Subject to the outcome of the consultation, I intend to ensure that all aspects of that despicable behaviour are captured. Specifically, I am seeking views on proposals on criminalising the creation of sexually explicit deepfake images, requesting their creation and sharing and threatening to share such an image. I believe that those proposed offences would cover the full range of the abhorrent behaviours that are associated with such images.

I am also seeking views on the inclusion of specific motivations that will include situations in which a person is carrying out the behaviour to humiliate, alarm or distress the person who is depicted in the image or for the purpose of sexual gratification. That distinction is important to identify those who pose a risk of future sexual harm. Where sexual gratification is proven, risk management measures, such as the requirement to notify police, would be applied. The proposed offences would provide further protections and add significantly to the suite of measures that are already in place to protect people from intolerable sexually motivated behaviours and to eradicate violence against women and girls.

The consultation closes on 6 October, and I encourage Members and the public to respond.

Nick Mathison (Alliance, Strangford)

I thank the Minister for that comprehensive answer. Will she outline how those proposals fit within the wider work that she is undertaking to protect people from sexually motivated behaviours and the work on the eradication of violence against women and girls?

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

Members will know that I have been committed to strengthening the law where possible to try to stop those blights on our society. In the previous Assembly mandate, I introduced a new domestic abuse offence that marked a step change by capturing controlling coercive behaviour and psychological, emotional or financial abuse. I also introduced new offences of stalking, upskirting, downblousing, cyberflashing and four new offences to tackle adults who pretend to be a child with a view to sexual grooming. I also created a stand-alone offence of non-fatal strangulation to provide greater protection against behaviour that is often abused by abusers to exert control and create fear, serving as a precursor for further violence and closely linked to domestic homicide.

I believe that those offences have added real, tangible and valuable protections against sexual abuse and violence. However, I do not believe that we can stand still on those issues, so the law is being further strengthened by a number of provisions in the UK Crime and Policing Bill, which is making its way through Westminster. The Assembly agreed the first of two intended legislative consent motions (LCMs) on that on 23 June.

I also want to look at the provision that amends the current offence of possession of a paedophile manual. That provision is in section 79 of the Serious Crime Act 2015 and extends to Northern Ireland. A new provision of the possession of, advice on or guidance about creating sexual abuse images will also plug a gap by bringing AI-generated images within the scope of the offence. There are a number of other things that I hope to do, but time will not allow me to do them all.

Diane Forsythe (DUP, South Down)

I thank the Minister for her answers and for her work in the area. As someone who was a victim of a deepfake some three and a half years ago, I welcome the opportunity to work with the Minister on a number of round-table discussions to take things forward on that. As I said, that happened three and a half years ago. It is hard to believe that it is so long ago, but it opened my eyes to how much the PSNI's hands are tied by the limitations in the law on making prosecutions on electronic offences, and it made me particularly concerned for my children and other children when thinking about the safeguards that will be in place when fake images go into mass circulation. What is the Minister's view on how we can keep the law up to date in the digital age?

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

There are a number of elements to that. First and foremost, there was a significant delay when the Assembly was not here, and that created problems. The deepfake image offence was originally to be brought forward as part of the Crime and Policing Bill that is going through Westminster — we would have simply piggybacked on those offences — but, unfortunately, it was moved as an amendment to a different Bill earlier in the mandate, and, because it was an amendment, we were unable to avail ourselves of it. That is why the Committee graciously said that we could take a further amendment through at Consideration Stage.

The law is one part of it, but the removal of the material is the other part. Under the Online Safety Act 2023, there is a requirement on hosts of sites on which images and other material have been posted to remove it quickly. It does not provide a definition of "quickly". As the Member will know, that is Westminster legislation, because it relates to communication offences, but Ofcom is working on defining what speedy removal is and how it should be undertaken. That should help with protection.

Undoubtedly, there is a genuine fear about the increase in the sophistication of the images. They are not what they used to be, with the rather sad cut-and-paste things that you could identify by eye. Most of the images are almost unidentifiable from a real image by the naked eye. There are also issues around AI-generated child pornography, for example, which have raised concerns. Thankfully, those are already covered in legislation, because they do not need to be images of real sexual abuse in order to qualify as images of sexual abuse. However, there is a need for us to refresh the law, constantly. There is also an issue of resource, because, as things become more complex, the amount of time that it takes to research and investigate those crimes becomes more complex. My recent visit to the cybercrime centre showed how there have been developments in that space that are allowing the police to speed up their investigations.

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

The Minister may have answered some of my question. There is an expectation of regulation, enforcement and adherence to reasonable standards from social media companies, in particular. What discussions has the Minister had with the technology firms, particularly international firms, about improving their inadequate response to the posting of explicit deepfake images on social media?

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

The issues that the Member refers to fall into the reserved space rather than the devolved space. However, I have, obviously, had contact with Ofcom, which is responsible for implementing the Online Safety Act and carrying out oversight of it. I have been engaging directly with Ofcom about our concerns, and I am briefed regularly by it on the work that it is doing to develop codes of practice and guidance for those bodies. I have also raised my concerns with the Home Office directly, because, if there is to be any further tightening of that legislation, which, I know, some of us certainly believe that there could be, particularly around anonymity, it would be for them to take it forward rather than us, because it is a reserved matter. It is something that I am engaged with regularly.

Trevor Clarke (DUP, South Antrim)

3. Mr Clarke asked the Minister of Justice to outline the rationale for seeking to extend penalty notice arrangements to public-order-related offences, including riotous behaviour. (AQO 2358/22-27)

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

Proposals to extend the use of penalty notices, which were provided for in the Justice Act (Northern Ireland) 2011, are a significant element of the out-of-court disposals work stream of the speeding up justice programme. That programme seeks to minimise avoidable delay in the criminal justice system, will be a key tool in reducing demand on the formal system from lower-level offending and will help to redirect scarce resources to more serious offences, such as serious sexual offences. That work is part of my Department's wider Programme for Government commitments to explore options for expanding out of-court disposals.

The Criminal Justice Board, on which I, as Justice Minister, the Lady Chief Justice, the Chief Constable and the Director of Public Prosecutions sit, along with other senior justice leaders, agreed to consult on proposals to secure views to inform policy development. The Police Service of Northern Ireland presently has the power to issue a penalty notice for a number of public-order-related offences, such as indecent behaviour, criminal damage, disorderly behaviour, and resisting, obstructing or impeding police.

A working group led by the PSNI, with representatives from my Department, the Public Prosecution Service (PPS) and the NI Courts and Tribunals Service (NICTS), identified a number of offences that may be suitable to be included within the penalty notice arrangements, insofar as the specific offending in each case is of a suitably low level. Those proposals are being taken forward through a departmental consultation exercise, as is normal process.

Penalty notices will not be suitable for all cases involving those offences on which the Department is consulting. Most cases, due to their nature, will continue to be prosecuted at court, and it is my intention to increase the maximum sentence available for some of the offences at the more serious end of the spectrum. However, for cases at the very lowest end of the offending spectrum, penalty notices offer a flexible alternative to prosecution and help to resolve cases more quickly, thus reducing pressure on police, prosecutors and the courts, which would allow more serious offending to be targeted.

The consultation on the expansion of out-of-court disposals is due to run until 28 September. I will carefully consider responses before bringing forward any firm proposals.

Trevor Clarke (DUP, South Antrim)

I thank the Minister for her answer. I appreciate that we are at an early stage, but there is a danger in that it seems as though we are not going hard after those who commit offences. We read about attacks on police officers. Universally across the Chamber, we have been supportive of all of our blue-light services, and we should continue to be. We should in no way minimise attacks on officers or anyone in the blue-light services. Minister, I ask you to reflect on your thoughts and rationale because, while it sounds good to minimise delays in the justice service, that should not be at the expense of justice.

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

It certainly will not be at the expense of justice. As the Member knows, in the sentencing Bill that is due to be introduced later this year, we will increase the penalty for attacks on anyone providing a public service or engaged in public duties, including police officers. It will raise the sentence available in the Magistrates' Court and the Crown Court. This proposal is to deal with the level of offending that currently would either not be prosecuted or would not reach the threshold for prosecution in the Crown Court. We are talking about stuff at the lower end of the spectrum that might fall foul of not being prosecuted in the Magistrates' Court.

The proposal was brought forward by the PSNI because it was keen to have a quick response to low-level offending. The experience is that having a quick response to low-level offending, whether that is a financial penalty or some other out-of-court disposal, means that people are less likely to reoffend and less likely to come to the attention of the police again. To be clear, however, if they reoffend within, for example, 12 months of having a penalty notice given to them, they cannot get a second penalty notice; they will then face prosecution.

You are right: we will not lose sight of justice in all of that, but we have to think about whether justice delayed serves the public. We need to ensure that there is a proportionate use of resources so that the most serious offenders are dealt with expeditiously, as well as low-level offending.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Further to the previous question, Minister, there is clearly a strong argument for using out-of-court disposals and even increasing their use to free up court time and prosecutor time for other things. If they are going to be used for riotous behaviour and that riotous behaviour is aggravated by sectarian or race hate, should that not be an aggravating factor, and will it be in the sentencing Bill, which, I hope, we will see sooner rather than later?

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

As it stands, the proposal is that offences that are aggravated by hate and motivated by a hate incident or are domestic would not be dealt with through one of the notices or orders.

Stewart Dickson (Alliance, East Antrim)

Minister, along with out-of-court disposals, will you outline the wider work being undertaken in the speeding up justice programme?

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

The programme is looking at the handling of cases and trying to get the most serious cases to court more quickly, because that, ultimately, is how we ensure the best protection of the public. It also allows us the best opportunity to work with offenders and deal with their behaviours. In addition, it is best for victims because they will have a much shorter wait for their case to be dealt with.

We are looking at five work streams: existing work on committal reform; existing and emerging work in the digital arena; and exploring other areas, including early engagement, court remits and, as I have said, out-of-court disposals. As you will know, the Criminal Justice (Committal Reform) Bill passed through the Assembly in October 2022. We are now working with justice partners on the next phase to allow cases to be transferred directly from the Magistrates' Court to the Crown Court.

Early engagement is looking at how police, the PPS and defence can work better together to expedite cases, ensuring that cases are in a good state of readiness when they come before the court. That should reduce the number of adjournments and ensure that there is no nugatory work being undertaken by prosecutors and police where there is already agreement on certain facts of the case. I am also looking at how we can better use technology to improve efficiency and support victims and witnesses through the process. We are looking at those issues seriously. Although we are currently focused on out-of-court disposals, they are only one element of the overall work that we are doing.

The latest departmental statistics indicate that the average time taken for a case to be dealt with from the date on which the offence is reported to the police is 189 days. That is a 16% improvement over the past three years. It is a key measure of how the system is performing overall, a sign that efforts to speed up the justice system are having an impact and an indication that we need to continue down that road and keep the pressure on.

Jon Burrows (UUP, North Antrim)

The Minister said that the proposal to extend penalty notices applies only to lower-level offences. Will the Minister explain why one of the offences included is assault occasioning actual bodily harm (AOABH), which includes breaking someone's nose, smashing someone's teeth out or rendering someone unconscious? Does she consider that AOABH can ever be a serious crime? If not, why is it in the proposal?

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

As I explained, it is in the proposal because Mr Burrows's former colleagues in the PSNI suggested that it was one of the offences on which we should consult. Given that they were leading on that aspect of speeding up justice, I believed that it was important to consult on that. We will look at that, but there are lower levels of offending, as well as circumstances around offending that the police will consider.

If we go to out-of-court disposals, we will effectively widen the range of tools available to the PSNI in how they respond to offending. If a police officer has their nose broken, the person who did it will not simply get an out-of-court disposal; they may well face prosecution in the High Court for such an offence. However, there are lower levels of offending where it will be appropriate for an out-of-court disposal to be used. That is what we are trying to do. We are widening the PSNI's toolkit in terms of the resource that it has to put into investigating and prosecuting such issues, to ensure that it is proportionate to the seriousness of the crime. This gives them the discretion to do that.

Paul Frew (DUP, North Antrim)

4. Mr Frew asked the Minister of Justice, in light of a report produced by the US Administration, which highlights restrictions on freedom of expression in the UK, to outline any action that she is taking to defend freedom of expression in Northern Ireland. (AQO 2359/22-27)

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

Being able to voice and share an opinion is vital in any democratic society, and people should be able to do that freely. I note that the UK Government have responded to the report in question, highlighting the fact that free speech is vital for democracy around the world, including here in the UK, and I echo that view.

The right to freedom of expression is protected in article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). Freedom of speech is, however, a qualified right; it is not an absolute right and may therefore be subject to restrictions in certain circumstances. For example, boundaries exist when speech becomes hateful or is used to incite criminal or reckless conduct, and people behind such speech should feel the full force of the law in line with our international obligations.

My Department recognises the importance of and challenges around freedom of expression, including the need to balance the protection of human rights under articles 9 and 10 of the ECHR.

Paul Frew (DUP, North Antrim)

I thank the Minister for her answer. Given her comment on responsibility around freedom of speech and while I defend her right to have said it, does she regret calling a past Chairperson of the Justice Committee "male, stale and pale"? Will she apologise to the House? Is the Minister considering anything that would erode freedom of expression and speech in any of her proposed Bills?

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

No, I do not regret it; indeed, the issue was looked at and dismissed, because it is so trivial. I am disappointed that the Member, who has just taken over the chairmanship of the Committee, has chosen this issue with which to open his engagement with me as Minister.

I assure the Member that I have no intention of bringing forward anything that would diminish people's right to free speech. It is interesting that those who cry most about the curtailment of their right to free speech are the first to take offence when other people exercise theirs.

Colin McGrath (Social Democratic and Labour Party, South Down)

Does the Minister agree that the proscription of Palestine Action, with 89 arrests in London recently as well as arrests in Northern Ireland, all for democratic and peaceful protest, is an affront and should be reviewed and reversed?

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

The issue of which organisations are proscribed as terrorist organisations is for the UK Home Office. It would be inappropriate for me, as Northern Ireland Justice Minister, to opine on the responsibilities of the UK Government in excepted matters that are the responsibility of the UK Government. I sought and received a briefing from the Home Office on its evidence base and rationale for the proscription. Given that live cases are involved, it would be inappropriate for me to express an opinion either way at this time, but I encourage the Member to raise it with the Home Office, should he wish to do so.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

The Minister mentioned that it was a qualified right and talked about reckless conduct. I do not know the Minister's view, but I certainly was worried when I saw 100,000 people marching in London, maybe for different reasons but led by well-known fascist Stephen Yaxley-Lennon, aka Tommy Robinson. I am concerned about any impact that that may have here.

Does the Minister agree that freedom of expression should exist for people who organise anti-racist and anti-fascist activities, including the organising of counterprotests to far right and fascist activities? How will she ensure that that right is protected?

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

It is incredibly important that everyone have a right to their opinion, but, in a civilised society, those are qualified rights. The manner in which people express their opinion and the means by which they choose to do so are often regulated for the good order of society and to protect the rights of others with whom they share this space. It is therefore important that people be free to express and expound their views, but it is also important that they can do so safely and be properly protected.

I have no role to play in what Tommy Robinson does in London. It is well outside my jurisdiction. In this jurisdiction, however, we already have a well-established Parades Commission and well-established laws around public assembly. We need to respect the law, cooperate with the law and work via the law in order to make our opinions heard.

Deirdre Hargey (Sinn Féin, Belfast South)

The Minister rightly touched on the fact that there are ongoing legal proceedings to challenge the British Government on proscribing Palestine Action. Will she join those proceedings as a third party?

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

It would not be appropriate for me to join as a third party, and I know that the Member has tabled a question for written answer on the matter. It would not be an appropriate use of my Department's scarce resources for me to join as a third party in a case that is an excepted matter over which my Department has no responsibility or control. On that basis, I will therefore not be joining. The Member asked about issues to do with human rights and about other organisations that may wish to raise cause. They can, of course, apply to the court to be considered as a third party, but it would not be appropriate for the Department of Justice to do so, given its vires.

Nuala McAllister (Alliance, Belfast North)

5. Miss McAllister asked the Minister of Justice for her assessment of the challenges faced by LGBTQIA+ people in relation to domestic and intimate partner abuse. (AQO 2360/22-27)

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

All victims of domestic and sexual abuse face challenges that can have a significant impact on them. I recognise, however, that many victims in the LGBTQIA+ community face additional challenges around reporting, confidence and stigma. I recently opened an event to launch a report on the prevalence, nature and impact of domestic abuse as experienced by the LGBTQIA+ community in Northern Ireland. The research was carried out by HERe NI and was funded by my Department out of the victims of crime fund.

The report identified specific vulnerabilities and challenges experienced when a domestic abuse victim is a member of that community, including the fact that abusers will often use their victim's sexual orientation or gender identity to abuse them psychologically. The report also identified instances of prejudice or a lack of understanding from responding professionals, as well as the lack of tailored support to meet the specific needs of LGBTQIA+ victims, all of which the report noted can act as barriers to accessing justice and support. I have asked my officials to explore how we can address the gaps and break down the barriers that LGBTQIA+ victims face in coming forward and seeking help when subjected to domestic abuse.

Nuala McAllister (Alliance, Belfast North)

I thank the Minister for her answer. Following the report, how will the Minister ensure that LGBT+ victims are considered in the development of any new policy, legislation or services?

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

We have already started on the journey of ensuring that we are as inclusive as possible of victims of domestic abuse and that they are recognised and supported. We still have further to go, and the report demonstrated that. Last year, along with the Health Minister, I jointly published a new domestic and sexual abuse strategy, which explicitly recognised that anyone can experience domestic abuse and that we need to tailor our responses to the needs of victims, particularly where they have additional vulnerabilities or challenges.

In re-procuring advocacy support services, we have made it a requirement that staff providing those services be trained to meet the needs of different groups of victims, including those who are LGBTQIA+, who may encounter additional barriers to accessing help or engaging with the criminal justice system. We have ensured that the support services that we fund must promote the fact that they are available to all victims and that they particularly reach out to more excluded or vulnerable groups. We have also recognised the need for an inclusive approach to be taken to awareness of social media. For example, our Still Abuse campaign included a range of scenarios and relationships, including abuse within a same-sex relationship and inter-familial abuse.

Cheryl Brownlee (DUP, East Antrim)

Minister, I have worked, and continue to work, with a number of male victims of domestic abuse. They often raise with me the challenges that they face with accessing safe spaces and support, as well as with the associated stigma. That is particularly the case for males. What have the Minister and her Department done to increase support for male victims of domestic abuse?

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

I very much welcome the opportunity to update Members on that. The first year of the domestic and sexual abuse strategy has seen a deliberate and focused exercise, of which the most recent report was one part, to build an evidence base in order to ensure that future interventions are effective, targeted and sustainable. That approach reflects our commitment to delivering meaningful change, not quick fixes, and ensures that the voices and experiences of all victims shape the way in which services are delivered and that the key gaps are identified. The coming years will be dedicated to addressing those gaps. The recent research on male victims that the Commissioner for Victims of Crime undertook, and the HERe NI report that I just referenced, will be vital drivers of that work in identifying the gaps. They provide valuable insight into the experience of victims, and will help us to decide how we prioritise our resources to give the best support that we can to every victim of domestic abuse.

I am already on record, however, about the real financial pressures that the justice system faces. We need to be properly funded and resourced to be able to meet what are largely unmet needs across society. We have the law in place, and we have the goodwill and practice, but we need the resource to ensure that it is sustainable and accessible for every single victim, and that we work as a society to challenge some of the cultural norms and expectations that are often a barrier, particularly to men, in reporting that kind of abuse.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

We move to topical questions.

Patsy McGlone (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Mid Ulster)

T1. Mr McGlone asked the Minister of Justice, given the vile racist attacks over the past while, how many times she has met the Chief Constable in the past six months to discuss the rise in that hate crime. (AQT 1551/22-27)

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

I meet the Chief Constable on a regular and ongoing basis, usually at least every month and often every fortnight. We have raised the issues of hate crime, racism, anti-immigrant sentiment and violence, and wider prejudice at pretty much every one of those meetings. It is a priority for me. I am incredibly concerned about it. It is a cancer in our society. It is destroying the fabric of our society. It is doing no one, neither the people who live in those communities traditionally nor the people who come to Northern Ireland to make it their home, any favours whatsoever.

It is important that there is a proper policing and criminal justice response. However, if Members are looking to me or the Chief Constable to police out the attitudes on which those incidents flourish, I have to say that that is not possible. That requires a whole-society approach, which is why I am working with colleagues in the Executive Office, the Department for Communities, the Department of Education and the Department for the Economy to look at how we can better support those who are vulnerable, and better invest in communities to tackle the underlying issues and challenge the narratives — false narratives in many cases — that are being exploited by those who simply seek to divide.

Patsy McGlone (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Mid Ulster)

I agree absolutely with you, Minister. The issue is for political leadership, but involved in that will be the extra resource that the police and others require to tackle the issue. What ask has the Chief Constable made in that regard? How have you been able to facilitate that ask?

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

The Chief Constable has made a number of asks, but the first and most important one was made during the period of riots when we needed to rely on mutual aid. We were able to get an additional £5 million for his budget to cover that. You will know that I am on record on saying that, whilst that was absolutely necessary and had to happen, it was, in many ways, another classic example of bad behaviour absorbing resources that could otherwise have been invested where they might have done some good.

The Chief Constable and I have been working together to develop a five-year plan: the first three years would be to regrow PSNI numbers to around the 7,000 that we have as a target, and the further two years would be to sustain that. We have first call on the resources for that to happen, which will, I think, have a big impact on neighbourhood policing. I am also hopeful that, in this round, when we are setting up a CSR period for three years, there will be the opportunity to secure the remaining funding that the PSNI needs so that we can grow police numbers. We cannot get through this without good neighbourhood policing and the work on the ground that allows communities to have confidence in the PSNI and allows the PSNI to respond in an appropriate manner when challenges arise.

I reiterate, however, that we cannot look only to policing when it comes to issues around hate. The crime is one thing, and, by then, people will already have been harmed, but the hate will have to be tackled by us all, not just by policing and justice.

Peter McReynolds (Alliance, Belfast East)

T2. Mr McReynolds asked the Minister of Justice whether she will join him in condemning the disgraceful attacks on people in vehicles that have been reported in East Belfast recently, and that are being investigated as racially motivated hate crimes. (AQT 1552/22-27)

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

I absolutely will, not only as Justice Minister but as a Member of the legislative Assembly for East Belfast. There is absolutely no place in our society for the hate, racism and intimidation that we have witnessed on our streets not just in recent weeks but in recent months. I urge people not to get involved in that despicable behaviour and not to allow their frustrations with services in their neighbourhood to be displaced into targeting those who are similarly disadvantaged. I urge them to instead focus on working with their elected representatives to articulate their concerns and to work productively and, crucially, lawfully to address those concerns with those of us who are serious about wanting to see those communities improved and who will not tolerate sectarianism, hatred, violence or racism on our streets.

It is also important that I pay tribute to the Member who asked the question, because I know that he has spent quite a lot of time liaising with the PSNI locally on its response to those issues and on its information sharing with local MLAs. I thank him for his hard work on that.

Peter McReynolds (Alliance, Belfast East)

Thank you, Minister, for your kind words. Thank you also for your response. I certainly share your views on the abhorrent scenes that we are seeing from East Belfast on social media. Racism and so-called vigilantism have no place in Northern Ireland's future. Minister, what is your assessment of the importance of a cross-departmental and whole-society approach to tackling hate crime?

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

It is essential. Ultimately, people would not be behaving in this way were there not those who are perpetually on social media, on mainstream media, in the press and in other places perpetuating falsehoods on immigration and false narratives about the level of immigration in Northern Ireland and the impact that it is having on our society. In turn, that is exploited by those who have serious issues with their own white supremacist, racist and other agendas. We need to be aware that that right-wing threat is serious not just here in Northern Ireland but right across the UK and beyond, and we need to treat it seriously. As an Executive and as politicians in the Chamber, we need to ensure that we are accurate in our information, we correct misinformation, we are temperate in the remarks that we make in the discussions that we have on those issues and that we redouble our efforts to ensure that those who wish to exploit local communities in that way are not given any airtime or opportunity to do so. It is really important that we do that collectively and consistently and not just at times of crisis.

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

T3. Mr Brett asked the Minister of Justice whether she will support his call for a change in the law to protect the local community, given that information that the PSNI released to him shows that his constituency of North Belfast is home to more people who have been convicted of sex crimes than any other part of our city, with the figure now standing at 200, and also given that, under current legislation, there is no requirement for automatic disclosure to the local community if someone who has been convicted of a child sex crime moves into that community. (AQT 1553/22-27)

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

Powers are already available under the current disclosure regime. There is the power to ask, so if someone in the community has a concern about an individual and their interactions, they can ask the PSNI. There is also a power to tell, and the PSNI can use that when it believes that an individual's behaviour has come to its attention or when it has concerns about that person's engagements.

There are significant problems with wider disclosure. The first is that many of those whose information would be disclosed would then go to ground and their supervision under our supervision and notification rules would become more complex. The second problem is vigilantism in our communities, which we just talked about. There was quite a serious incident involving such vigilantism this summer, and we need to be very cognisant of that risk. Thirdly, and most importantly, if we provided a list of convicted paedophiles, it could create a false sense of security that there are only 200 paedophiles living in North Belfast and that we know where they are. The truth is that we do not know how many paedophiles are living in your constituency. Many will be undetected and will not have been convicted, and many are living amongst us. We best protect our society by using our right to tell and our right to ask, by treating anyone who is engaging with a child as a potential risk to that child and by taking those responsibilities seriously.

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

Minister, we know that there are 200 people in North Belfast who have been convicted of sex crimes, but the right to disclose puts the burden on those who want to protect their local community. Why do you not believe that we should go further and ensure that that right is promoted across society? What work have you done as Justice Minister to encourage people's understanding of the fact that they have the right to apply for that information?

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

I have raised that issue on a number of occasions in response to Members' questions in the Chamber and when questioned publicly about it. The right to ask the question is only one element. As I said, there is also a right to tell. We have very good public protection arrangements in Northern Ireland. We should not dismiss them or the work that is done by the Probation Board, police and others on those supervision requirements. It is important that we do that in a way that focuses on the protection of the child. The best way that we can protect children is to ensure that the rights to tell and ask are well known and that people can exercise them proportionately.

As I said, child protection is also about creating an awareness in society. The majority of children who are subject to sexual abuse and misconduct are victims of people who are known to them or are members of their family or immediate circle. That is the reality. The "stranger danger" that was all the rage when I was growing up is not the reality of child sexual abuse. We need a fit-for-purpose service and protection mechanism for these times. That also relies heavily on having proper, age-appropriate education so that children understand what is appropriate and inappropriate conduct and that, should anything happen to them, they have the confidence to tell someone and know that they have not done anything wrong.

Stewart Dickson (Alliance, East Antrim)

T4. Mr Dickson asked the Minister of Justice, having noted the recent BBC 'Spotlight' programme that highlighted international drug cartels, which are reportedly smuggling drugs through the island of Ireland on to the UK and mainland Europe, to outline the actions that she has taken on that issue. (AQT 1554/22-27)

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

I thank the Member for the question. The BBC 'Spotlight' and 'Panorama' investigations highlighted that threat, but it also highlighted some of the successes in tackling and disrupting those routes, including work with the National Crime Agency (NCA). Border security and international relations is a reserved matter, so it falls outside my area of responsibility as Justice Minister, but I am concerned about the resource and societal implications that arise from the increasing use of Northern Ireland as a trafficking corridor that goes through these islands and onwards to Europe.

I wrote to the Home Secretary and drew her attention to the programme and asked that she urgently engage with her Irish counterpart to seek their cooperation and assurance that consideration is being given to whether additional measures are needed to address the issue for the protection of us all. I await her response, but it is important that, at a local level, we continue to work closely with operational partners to keep those harmful, illicit substances off our streets through the organised crime task force (OCTF) structures and that we work through those to ensure that people, particularly those in Northern Ireland, are protected.

Stewart Dickson (Alliance, East Antrim)

Thank you, Minister, for your answer. Minister, will you outline to the House what cross-border mechanisms, beyond those outlined in your previous answer, are open to you in tackling organised crime?

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

I want people to be assured that robust mechanisms are in place for law enforcement agencies to work collaboratively and on a cross-border basis to tackle the threat posed by drugs through the joint agency task force (JATF). The cross-border policing strategy also acts as an overarching delivery strategy for the JATF's work, and one of its six priority areas focuses on drugs. I get six-monthly updates on the work of the task force through the intergovernmental agreement arrangements, and I then provide a statement to the Assembly on the relevant matters in that. Tackling harm caused by organised crime is also one of my key priorities. I continue to work closely with partners through the OCTF and JATF not only to manage the threat from drug-related crime, including on a cross-border basis, but to target those in the gangs and the supply routes that are used.

Separately from corresponding with the Home Secretary, I recently attended a UK-wide drugs ministerial meeting with the Health Minister. It provided an opportunity for us to shine a light on the Northern Ireland position, including those concerns, as we discussed things such as drug enforcement and prevention. I want to collaborate with our colleagues in these islands to ensure that Northern Ireland does not become a major route for drug trafficking through the islands and onwards to Europe.

Alan Robinson (DUP, East Londonderry)

T5. Mr Robinson asked the Minister of Justice to outline the measures that are being introduced to address the backlog of court cases in Northern Ireland, particularly those in the family and criminal courts. (AQT 1555/22-27)

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

Matters to do with the family courts and scheduling of business more generally are largely judicial issues, but I referenced earlier in Question Time the work that is being done to speed up justice.

The options that we are looking at include out-of-court disposals, addressing, for example, the jurisdiction of some of the courts and looking at where there are alternative means of dealing with crimes.

We are working in the family courts space to promote alternative dispute resolution and mediation. We would very much like to see that, because we know that it is preferable to having to go through the courts. That is not always possible. Ultimately, however, the management of cases and the time that they take falls to the judiciary. Whilst we can try to streamline the processes and procedures that it has to follow, it is for the judiciary to do the scheduling.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

That concludes questions to the Minister.

Assembly Business

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

On a point of order, Mr Speaker. Last week, during questions to the Finance Minister, he responded to a question from me by stating as fact that there had been no £50 million underspend in what is called "financial transactions capital". In fact, as per his ministerial statement, earlier this year, on the out-turn for 2024-25, there was, as it says in black and white, a £50 million underspend in financial transactions capital. That may have been human error. Can the Speaker's Office advise on how we could seek a correction of the record?