Northern Ireland Assembly, 16 June 2025

456 contributions from 66 members. The official report.

Assembly Business

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Members will have been saddened to learn that our former colleague Seán Neeson passed away over the weekend. Seán was first elected to the Assembly in 1982. Latterly, he was in the Forum from 1996 to 1998, and then he was one of the class of 1998 from which only Mr Kelly and I still serve in this Building. He served here with distinction for some 13 years thereafter. Seán had a particular interest in Enterprise, Trade and Investment, and he sat on that Department's scrutiny Committee for many years. Finally, he sat on the Assembly Commission.

Seán became leader of the Alliance Party in 1998. That was a difficult time for politics. Obviously, the Belfast Agreement had just been settled, and there were plenty of teething problems in getting the new Assembly up and running. Seán was a steadying influence in all of that. He was well regarded in his constituency of East Antrim, and I am sure that we will hear about that later. Seán was a Carrickfergus man through and through, and I can recall, many times in the Chamber, him speaking of his beloved town, which he served as mayor. Our condolences from the Assembly go out to, first, the Neeson family, who are mourning at this time, and to the Alliance Party, which has lost an esteemed colleague.

At this point, I will ask representatives from the parties to speak for up to three minutes. If there is time remaining after all the parties have spoken, I may be able to call others to say a few words.

Eóin Tennyson (Alliance, Upper Bann)

On behalf of my party leader, Naomi Long, who is sad that she cannot be here today due to illness, I rise to remember and celebrate the life of Seán Neeson: a statesman, a selfless leader and someone who had boundless hope and optimism for the future of Northern Ireland.

Entering politics at a dark time when sectarianism loomed large, Seán always took courageous stands against division and embodied what it meant to build a truly united community, because, for Seán, fairness, reconciliation and a shared future were not just political slogans; they were in his bones and were deeply held convictions that shaped his actions and inspired those of us who followed in his footsteps.

His leadership came at a crucial time for Alliance. Having served as Chief Whip in the Assembly, Seán, with unanimous support from his colleagues, stepped up to become leader when John Alderdice took the role of Speaker. He offered steadfast leadership through some of our party's most difficult days. After a sudden change in leader and in response to a brutal set of elections, Seán established a review by the party president — a review that set out the road map that enabled the party to stabilise and that laid the foundations that allowed us to build to where we are today. For that, we will be forever grateful. Seán also knew how to spot talent. As part of his efforts to rebuild the party, he appointed Naomi Long, a young upstart, to her first formal position in the Alliance Party as part of that review team. The rest, as they say, is history.

Seán's deep commitment to public service saw him serve in the Prior Assembly in the 1980s before it collapsed, and, later, in the 1990s, he served on the Police Authority in advance of the Patten reforms — often at great personal risk. He was always courageous, always brave and always fighting for progress and stability for everyone in Northern Ireland.

Seán was not just a leader for Alliance; he was a leader in the community. He was, quite simply, Mr Carrickfergus. Serving as a councillor for the town for a record-breaking 36 years between 1977 and 2013, he dedicated himself to the people of Carrick and established himself as the go-to elected representative to get things done. In 1992, Seán finally got the job that he was born for: serving the town that he loved so dearly as mayor and earning the respect and admiration of all who knew him. Such was Seán's love of and affinity for his home place that those who knew him often recount that, at the end of the night at an Alliance conference, you would often find Seán giving a spirited rendition of 'Carrickfergus'.

I am so pleased that, last year, Seán was well enough to join us at conference again, showing the same wisdom, warmth and good humour for which he was so well known. Even in his final years when he was unwell with cancer, he never lost that sharp wit. He phoned Naomi around the anniversary of VE Day, laughing and joking that he was born exactly nine months after VE Day, so we all knew how his parents had celebrated.

Beyond politics, Seán was a committed European and played an active role in the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities in Europe, as well as serving on the board of the Northern Ireland Centre in Europe. His love of maritime heritage led to roles on the board of National Museums and Galleries of Northern Ireland, the UK National Historic Ships Committee and the Northern Ireland Museums Council.

Seán's life and legacy have left an indelible mark on all of us on these Benches and all who knew him. Alliance has lost not just a leader but a part of our history. On behalf of Alliance, I extend my deepest and sincerest condolences to Seán's wife, Carol, and the wider Neeson family. He will be deeply missed but never forgotten, and his legacy will continue to inspire us.

Gerry Kelly (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

A Cheann Comhairle

[Translation: Mr Speaker]

, we come from a certain age, as you pointed out earlier. I knew Seán from 1998. Moving towards that time, I first met him in about 1996. I start by sending my condolences to the party and his grieving family at this moment.

I was looking at some of the stuff over the weekend that people were sending in. When I was reading some of the things that were written about him, it showed the type of respect that people had for him. I had not realised that he had been a teacher in St Comgall's High School in Larne. That is probably where he got his diplomacy and patience to become a politician, because he had more of both than do many of us here.

He had a long history. In 1997, he became a councillor, and he was also on the Alliance talks team on two very important occasions in his life: when setting up the previous Assembly and this Assembly. He was a mayor. He was clearly respected in the type of jobs that he got. He ended up in charge of the Alliance Party for a period just after 1998, and he was then, of course, an MLA. He was the leader of the Alliance Party for a few years. He was clearly a stalwart of his party and is well remembered for that. As was pointed out, he was very passionate in his beliefs, as he should have been, and was very proud of the party that he was involved in.

I remember that he had a diplomacy and a patience, which perhaps some of us, including me, did not have, when he was talking to people with whom he clearly disagreed, but he always exhibited great diplomacy and showed respect to others across the board, and he was respected for that as well. Even when he was disagreeing with people, they never went away feeling annoyed at having had a conversation or, for that matter, a debate with him. He understood the value of dialogue, and he proved that throughout his long life.

He will be sadly missed by his family but also by his party. As you pointed out, Mr Speaker, he was there at the beginning, and he laid the foundations for the growth of that party. I send my deepest personal sympathies to his wife and family.

Cheryl Brownlee (DUP, East Antrim)

It was with great sadness that I learned of the passing of Seán Neeson. Seán dedicated much of his life to public service, serving with distinction as a councillor, mayor and MLA. His long and respected career was marked by a deep sense of duty and an unwavering commitment to the people whom he represented. He was a respected public servant, known for his calm and thoughtful approach and for the genuine love that he had for Carrickfergus and its people. That love was visible not only in his words but in the tireless work that he carried out on behalf of the town and its people. His name became synonymous with Carrickfergus and its civic life. Throughout his political career, Seán was a strong voice for his constituents. He was a passionate political leader and a tireless advocate for the values and principles that guided him. Whether in the council chamber or in the Assembly, he was known for his respectful manner, integrity and real desire to make a difference.

My thoughts and prayers are with Seán's family at this very difficult time. I know that they will take comfort from the high regard in which he was held by so many. On behalf of the Democratic Unionist Party, I extend my deepest sympathies to all those mourning his loss, including his family, friends, colleagues in the Alliance Party and the wider Carrickfergus and East Antrim community. His contribution will not be forgotten, and his legacy will continue to inspire all who value public service and civic leadership.

John Stewart (UUP, East Antrim)

Thank you, Mr Speaker, for facilitating this tribute to Seán Neeson. It was with great sadness that I learned of his passing over the weekend. On behalf of the Ulster Unionist Party, I extend our condolences to his beloved wife, Carol, his children Claire, Peter, Ciara and John, his grandchildren, his entire family circle and everyone across the political spectrum, particularly his colleagues in the Alliance Party, with which he served with great distinction.

Seán was a man who devoted so much of his life to public and community service. He was a passionate advocate for Carrickfergus, as we have heard, and for the East Antrim constituency. Over many decades, Seán was a well-respected and influential voice not only in local government but in the Assembly and beyond and in his role as leader. Seán's career reflected his deep commitment to the people whom he represented. As a former teacher by profession, he carried that sense of fairness and dedication into his political life. His many record-breaking years as a Carrickfergus councillor, and later as an MLA for East Antrim, were marked by integrity, thoughtfulness and a quiet but resolute determination to make a difference. One has only to look at the tributes being paid on social media by the many hundreds of people who have commented to date to see the level of respect in which he was held in the local area. He was renowned for getting things done, and in a quiet way, for everybody.

On a personal note, I had the privilege of serving with Seán on the former Carrickfergus Borough Council between 2011 and 2013. I had been elected for the first time, and, even though we were from different parties, Seán took me under his wing. In that respect, I felt as though he was taking on the role of my mentor. His work ethic was incredible. Nothing was ever too much for him. I often said to him that I thought that he needed a nine-day week just to get done the amount of work that he was doing. Nevertheless, he did it as a gentleman, working for everybody, often in very difficult times and under huge strain to him personally and to his family. Many of us will know about that, but he always did his work with a smile, and he would work for anybody.

Again, I pay tribute to him and say that all our thoughts are with his entire family at this very difficult time.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

My thoughts and those of the SDLP are with Seán Neeson's wife, Carol, his family, the wider Neeson family and, indeed, his colleagues, and our colleagues, in the Alliance Party. They are grieving the loss of a profoundly important and decent man in their party and in our politics.

Just before we came into the Chamber, I texted a couple of our stalwart representatives in the SDLP to ask for observations about Seán Neeson. As has been said in the Chamber, Seán's career stretched back to the 70s in Carrickfergus Borough Council; the Prior Assembly, as it is sometimes known, in the 1980s; the Forum for Peace and Reconciliation in the mid-1990s; and this version of the Northern Ireland Assembly. His decades of service were remarkable. Alex Attwood came back to me with a pithy comment: he said that to define Seán Neeson would be to talk about civility in all his dealings with others, fearlessness in the face of threats and conviction amid cynicism; he defined the best of our politics. That tribute stands to Seán Neeson.

A few weeks ago, I was in the beautiful town of Carrickfergus, which he served so diligently for so many years. It is clear that he matched the best of dedicated local representation and absolute commitment to serve the community that you come from and the people who sent you to work every day with a broader vision, which, in his case, was for a shared society and the values that the Alliance Party holds dear. His contribution to his local community in Carrickfergus and, indeed, to wider politics and society in Northern Ireland is remarkable.

I can only hope, as, I am sure, others in the Chamber do, that the grief that his family and his colleagues feel will be somewhat mitigated by the profound tributes that have been paid to Seán today and the real sense that his life and vocation were dedicated to something very profound: serving his community and building a better society in Northern Ireland. May Seán Neeson rest in peace.

Stewart Dickson (Alliance, East Antrim)

I stand this afternoon to pay tribute, first and foremost, to my friend Seán. Seán was brought up in Carrickfergus in the Sunnylands estate. He went to St Nicholas' Primary School and attended St Malachy's College and Queen's University. After graduation, he taught history in St Comgall's High School in Larne. We came together just short of 1977 in the Alliance Party, and we were both invited to be candidates for the Carrickfergus Borough Council election in 1977. We were elected together on the same day.

We spent most if not all Monday nights together in that council. Back in the day, the council of 15 members did not meet just once a month. Everybody was on all the council committees, so all 15 members met every Monday night to discuss council business. Seán went on to be a Member of the parliamentary Assembly in this House from 1982 to 1986 as a Member not for East Antrim but for North Antrim, because East Antrim did not exist as a political constituency. He went to the Northern Ireland Forum from 1996 to 1998, and, of course, as we know, he came to this Assembly as an MLA.

At the heart of all that, however, Seán had a passion for our town of Carrickfergus and its history, particularly the harbour and its maritime history. Seán and I stood together in good times in Carrickfergus and in some extremely difficult times, supporting each other through the brickbats and, sometimes, the real bricks that flew at us in events in Carrickfergus over all those years.

My deepest sympathies go to Carol, Claire, Peter, Ciara and John: I know what your dad has gone through in the past number of years. May you rest in peace, Seán.

Patsy McGlone (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Mid Ulster)

First, thank you, Mr Speaker, for facilitating this occasion. It is a sad occasion, but it is important that we remember the commitment to democratic principles of so many people who have since left this world, hopefully for a better one. I got to know Seán through serving in the Assembly. He had been on various Committees, and his dedication shone through in what he was doing. He knew my former colleague John Dallat — God rest him — pretty well too. John had a great word to say on him at all times.

One thing that struck me about Seán was that he understood the meaning of dialogue — of talking to people and, importantly, listening to them. That was vital; you could very quickly establish that from speaking to the man, and maybe that was a bit of his vocation as a teacher — a good teacher — coming through. On any occasion when you met him, he always had a good and respectful word for you. The measure of anyone is how they treat others. There was never an occasion when Seán did not treat me or others whom I was with with respect, courtesy and civility and with a bit of a chat and maybe a joke.

I offer my sincere sympathies to Seán's family, his friends and his colleagues in the Alliance Party. Ar dheis Dé go raibh sé.

[Translation: May he be at God’s right hand.]

Danny Donnelly (Alliance, East Antrim)

Seán Neeson was far more than just an elected representative in East Antrim: he was incredibly popular in his community, and he served the people of the area with unwavering dedication, humility and integrity from his first election to council in 1977 to stepping down in 2013.

Although Seán had stepped back from the Assembly before I joined the party in 2012, his presence and impact remained a constant in the minds of constituents. To this day, Seán is regularly mentioned when we speak with residents. Time and time again, we hear personal stories about how he helped someone or supported a family through a difficult moment. His legacy lives on in those conversations and in the lives that he touched.

Seán was the go-to person for people across the constituency, no matter their background. He was a trusted, compassionate voice, who earned respect right across the community. His historic election as the first mayor of Carrickfergus to come from a Catholic background in 1993 was a powerful moment not just politically but symbolically. It said something profound about the type of representative that Seán was. Seán's legacy is unquestionable in the local area, the Northern Ireland Assembly, the Alliance Party and the East Antrim Alliance Association, where he remained and will remain a deeply valued and respected figure. Even in retirement, Seán stayed closely connected and was always eager to share stories about his political journey, celebrate local successes and offer support to new candidates. He took enormous pride in his long career, right to his final days. He will be sadly missed by many in politics, where he had many friends, especially by his good friend John Cushnahan.

It is a source of personal pride for me that Seán proposed me to be the Alliance Party candidate for East Antrim in the most recent Westminster election. He was always very supportive of local candidates and closely followed our election results.

Over the past few days, we have heard countless tributes from people in Carrickfergus and beyond remembering the remarkable man he was. They have spoken about his years teaching in St Comgall's High School in Larne, his passion for maritime heritage in the area, and, above all, his tireless work for the people of Carrickfergus and East Antrim. He was one of a kind: a true public servant, a proud East Antrim man and someone who left a mark that will not be forgotten. He will be very much missed.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

That concludes tributes to our late colleague, Seán Neeson.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

I have received notification from the Minister of Justice that she remains unwell and, therefore, will be unable to join us in the Chamber to deliver the statement on intergovernmental agreement (IGA) on cooperation on criminal justice matters. The statement will be rescheduled.

Members' Statements

Pat Sheehan (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

Faoi dheireadh thiar thall, d’fhógair Rialtas na Breataine an tseachtain seo caite go gcuireadh siad maoiniú ar fáil le Páirc Mhic Asmaint a athfhorbairt. Má bhí muid fada go leor ag fanacht léi, níl aon amhras ná gur céim mhór chun tosaigh í an tacaíocht sin le staid den scoth a dhéanamh dár gcluichí náisiúnta i gcroílár iarthar Bhéal Feirste.

Ligeadh Páirc Mhic Asmaint a dhul chun anró le 12 bhliain anuas. Sin 12 bhliain de dheiseanna caillte agus 12 bhliain nuair ab éigean dár nGaeil óga inspreagadh a fháil in áiteanna eile. Ceileadh an deis bheith ag imirt i bPáirc Mhic Asmaint, ceileadh sin ar ghlúin iomlán. Tá i bhfad níos mó i gceist le hathfhorbairt Pháirc Mhic Asmaint ná áis den scoth a thógáil. Baineann sí le dóchas a thabhairt: dóchas do pháistí faoi ocht mbliana atá ag tosú ag imirt agus don té a bhfuil dóchas aige nó aici geansaí Aontroma a chaitheamh agus iad ag imirt ar son a gcontae i bPáirc Mhic Asmaint.

Dá mbeadh Páirc Mhic Asmaint i mbun gnó, ní haon áibhéil a rá go rachadh sí go mór chun sochair do gheilleagar an cheantair. Cruthóidh an tionscadal poist sna hearnálacha tógála, fáilteachais agus turasóireachta, chomh maith le poist san fhiontar áitiúil. Cruthóidh sé deiseanna agus tarraingeoidh sé isteach infheistíocht a bhfuil géar-ghá léi. Nuair a bheas an staid faoi lán seoil rachaidh sí chun sochair ní hé amháin do ghnólachtaí áitiúla ach do gheilleagar an cheantair uile.

Anois ó tugadh na gealltanais maoinithe, caithfimid a chinntiú go gcuirfear an tionscadal seo i gcrích — deireadh leis an mhoill, deireadh leis na leithscéalta. Caithfidh iomlán an mhaoinithe bheith ann le gur féidir tús a chur ar an obair lom láithreach.

Pat Sheehan (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

[Translation: Last week, the British Government finally announced their commitment to provide funding for the redevelopment of Casement Park. While that support is long overdue, there is no denying that it marks a significant step forward in delivering a world-class home for our national games in the heart of west Belfast. For 12 years Casement has been left to rot. That is 12 years of missed opportunities and 12 years of our young Gaels having to look elsewhere for inspiration. An entire generation was locked out of the opportunity of playing in Casement Park. The investment in redeveloping Casement Park is not just about a state-of-the-art facility; it is about giving our young Gaels a beacon: for under-eights starting out all the way up to those dreaming of donning an Antrim jersey and representing their county in Casement Park. The economic impact of a functioning Casement Park cannot be overstated. From construction jobs to hospitality, tourism and local enterprise, the project will create opportunities and inject much-needed investment into our community. Local businesses will all feel the ripple effects of having a fully operational stadium on their doorstep, as will the wider economy. Now that the funding commitments are on the table, the focus has to be on getting it built — no more delays, no more excuses. We need to see the full funding delivered so that the development of Casement Park can begin immediately.]

Paul Frew (DUP, North Antrim)

I condemn the violence that was perpetrated in my home town of Ballymena all last week. I am thankful that it has settled down, but I am concerned that my home town is still a tinderbox, as are all the other areas that suffered violence.

I thank the deputy First Minister for coming to Ballymena on Wednesday. It was much appreciated. The deputy First Minister met community groups; leaders; voluntary workers; residents of Queen Street, who suffered some of the violence; and residents of Clonavon, who suffered most of the violence in the town last week. She heard harrowing stories of how people were left to defend their homes and property against those who went on the rampage.

All violence is wrong, and everybody in the House should be categorical with regard to violence. Violence does not pay. Some people out there think that it does, but what we know for sure is that it comes at an awful cost. There is an awful cost to reputation, but, worse than that, there is a cost through damage to property. Thankfully, this time, there was no loss of life, but it was so close. As I stand here, I am thankful that no one lost their life, but a lot of people lost their home, and a lot of families were disrupted. That must be condemned. Of course, in the coming days, a lot of people will lose their liberty, and that will have ramifications for their life. That is really unfortunate. In fact, it is a tragedy. I thank the deputy First Minister for coming to Ballymena to speak to those people who suffered.

All throughout last week, be it on the street, in the Chamber or anywhere else, I made sure that I did not attack any other party, because it was not the time for gotcha politics or politicking. It was the time for representing and assisting people and assisting the police and community groups on the ground. Alas, there were parties that tried to take the opportunity to attack my party in North Antrim, the councillors in North Antrim, the wider party in North Antrim and the party in East Antrim. That is unforgivable. Parties trying to exploit the situation that we experienced last week is unforgivable. There has to be clear thought now as to how we move forward. When the cameras disappear, we need to see the future. I hope that all those parties that tried to slap down the DUP will be productive when it comes to trying to progress issues of real concern in Ballymena and further afield.

Steve Aiken (UUP, South Antrim)

I wish to speak about a significant challenge to the safety of us all on this island, North and South. Many Members will be unaware of or know of but do not really care about the fact that the Republic of Ireland has only one offshore patrol vessel with no gun, and the Air Corps, whose main combat capability is a few turboprop training aircraft, cannot fly at weekends or in the evenings due to a shortage of air traffic controllers. Drug trafficking and people smuggling, which are on the rise, and the movement of illicit goods through the unmonitored and unprotected Irish Sea and Irish airspace are bad enough and are a direct threat to us here in the United Kingdom, but the failure of the Irish to defend their economic zone and airspace also undermines our physical security.

On 6 June, President Higgins, at the unveiling of his portrait in Galway, took the opportunity to lambast our Prime Minister, Keir Starmer, for spending an extra £1·5 billion on defence — a sentiment that has been echoed on the Floor of the Assembly in remarks from the SDLP, Sinn Féin Ministers and others.

That includes the rather bizarre defence of the so-called triple lock by them, which also gives Russia, China and, believe it or not, the United Kingdom the right to veto any deployment of Irish troops. That is also equally extraordinary.

Members cannot be unaware of the escalation of the many-years-long conflict between Iran and Israel. They will also know that, in July 2004, when Iran's use of Hamas and Hezbollah proxies was self-evident, President Higgins conveyed his best wishes to the new Iranian president and expressed condolences on the death of his predecessor. They may not be aware that Iran's leaders — those who are still alive and who have not run away to Dubai — threatened to attack with their ballistic missiles what they call "Big Satan's little friends in Europe". Those allies, according to all sorts of things, also include the Republic of Ireland and particularly the data centres and Shannon international airport. While we in the United Kingdom come under the protective umbrella of NATO, Ireland has decided to rely on the goodwill of the mullahs and appeasing Tehran with its opposition to everything Israeli, NATO, military or both. Iran also feels that it can threaten its only supporters in Europe with impunity. The back door is open not just to criminal gangs but to everyone who sees the Republic of Ireland as an open doormat. That should be a concern to us all.

Daniel McCrossan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, West Tyrone)

The scenes that we have seen unfold on our streets over the past week are absolutely despicable and disgusting and not reflective of our wider society or how far we have come. There is no place, ever, for racism, hate or violence on our streets. It is entirely unacceptable and unjustifiable for anybody to treat any other member of the community in the way that people have been treated in the past week.

The scenes that were shared all over social media and on the news across the world reflect a very depressing picture of this place. There is a requirement on us all, as leaders in our own community, to ensure that we show leadership, that our language is measured and that we consider carefully what we say and the actions that we take before doing anything. Unfortunately, some failed that test last week. Many people's lives were put in danger; many people who call this place their home remain afraid and scared. This is not the Northern Ireland that so many of us worked so hard to build. This is a shared home place for everyone.

Over the lifetime of this place, we have been able to travel the world, and doors have been opened to people from right across our island, no matter where we go. We have no right, and no one in our society has any right, to tell people that they are not welcome, burn them out of their homes, attack their property, or terrify children, mothers and daughters or vulnerable people in our community. It is unacceptable to attack our police officers, who are young men and women out doing a job to protect our society. Those scenes were despicable, and I hope that, when she recovers and is feeling much better, the Justice Minister considers establishing special courts over the summer, because we need to send a hard and clear lesson to those who think that they can get away with that behaviour that they will not be getting away with it. They must face the full consequences of the law, and elected Members across this House must support the PSNI in doing that job and call for clear and measured leadership in every part of Northern Ireland.

My thoughts are with everybody who has suffered over the past week and with every parent who had to explain to their children what this was.

Aoife Finnegan (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

I speak today on behalf of the families, staff and children at Clady Tiny Tots Playgroup in Armagh. This is a small setting, doing incredible work in very difficult conditions. Its mobile unit has been declared unfit for purpose by environmental health inspectors. It is damp and has structural issues. The setting was forced to shut temporarily, and, even now, it has had to cut hours just to stay open. This is not about politics. It is about children, and it is about a rural community that is doing everything right — fundraising, volunteering and following every rule — but still being failed. The nearest alternative involves a 14-mile round trip. For working families, that is simply not realistic. If Clady Tiny Tots closes, the knock-on effects for the local community will be huge.

Clady Tiny Tots has asked for support to move into the adjoining primary school, which is a reasonable request. It is urgent and entirely possible. Today, I ask the Minister to step in, work with the Education Authority and meet staff and parents. Those children deserve a safe, warm place to learn and grow. They should not be left behind.

Tom Buchanan (DUP, West Tyrone)

I put on record my condemnation of an incident that occurred in Omagh on Saturday during the pride parade: a place of worship — Omagh Gospel Hall — was used by those parading as the subject of their mockery. A drag queen posing on the boundary wall at the front of the gospel hall, with the images posted all over social media, was not only shameful and provocative but downright disgraceful. That despicable act and blatantly provocative scene have caused deep offence, concern and hurt amongst many Bible-believing Christians. I was absolutely horrified, yet not surprised, when I saw such a blatant display of disrespect outside that place of worship. The pride movement claims to promote respect, compassion and tolerance, but where were they on Saturday? Its very actions contradicted the words that proceed out of their mouth. With pride, it appears to be a matter of, "You do what you are told, but we will do what we want". It must be called out for what it is. It cannot be ignored or excused.

Today, I call on the Parades Commission, which gave the green light for this event in Omagh, to carefully consider that action, which is the cause of much offence amongst many in our communities. Over the years, we have become all too familiar with the strict principles of respect and sensitivity placed on loyal orders by the Parades Commission on parades in the vicinity of places of worship. Therefore, the same standards must apply to pride, and that incident cannot be ignored or brushed under the carpet. I also call on the National Lottery and Fermanagh and Omagh District Council, which provided funding for the event, to take careful cognisance of the situation in considering any future funding of events of that nature in Omagh.

I say to the organisers of the pride parade that such actions of disrespect and mockery will never be tolerated and will be continually called out for what they are. I also call on the organisers of the parade to issue a public apology for the hurt caused to so many Bible-believing Christians and others on Saturday at that event. I remind them that the word of God tells us:

"for whatsoever a man soweth, that shall he also reap."

Eóin Tennyson (Alliance, Upper Bann)

I add my voice to the condemnation of the violent attacks on PSNI officers in Portadown last week. I want to be clear: what we witnessed was not protest. It was not legitimate and cannot be explained, excused or contextualised. It was wanton, racist thuggery. Those responsible for violence over the past week cannot profess to care about violence against women and girls while targeting women and girls in their homes. They cannot profess to be worried about a housing crisis when burning homes. They cannot profess to be interested in pressure on public services when destroying a leisure centre. It is important that, as elected representatives, we be clear and unequivocal in calling that out.

I express my unwavering support for and solidarity with our ethnic minority community and our migrant community, particularly in Portadown, because I know that many of them are feeling fearful.

Last week, I spoke to a principal who noted that school attendance was down by almost 30% because so many families had been displaced from their homes. No family in our community should ever have to leave their home out of fear for their safety.

We need immigration in Northern Ireland: that is the truth. The people who choose Northern Ireland as their home make a valuable contribution to our society, be it through teaching in our schools or through working in our health service, agri-food sector, hospitality industry and so many other areas. I am ashamed of what I witnessed in my home town. Of course, there are deep-seated social issues and inequalities, and many of our constituents face poverty. We should never scapegoat migrants for that crisis, however. Rather, we should take responsibility for our role in addressing and dealing with such challenges in our communities.

To the politicians who have fanned the flames of division in recent weeks, I gently say this: please reflect, and let us work collectively to build a better and truly united community for everyone.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

Over the past few days, we have witnessed the lengths to which Israel will go and the lives that it will take to maintain its genocidal project. On one level, we have the attacks on Iran and the death and destruction that they have caused. When it comes to who is the main instigator and perpetrator of violence in the Middle East, we should be in no doubt that the blame lies at the door not just of Netanyahu but of the Israeli generals, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) and the Israeli state itself.

It is up to the people of Iran and the wider Middle East to decide the nature of their Governments, their states and their rulers and whether they want to keep them.

A Member

[Inaudible.]

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

Israel has no right to be the bully and America's attack dog in the Middle East. It is worth remembering — by the Members to my right as well — that the previous time that a US- and Western-backed regime was imposed on Iranians, it was that of the brutal, autocratic Shah of Iran. It seems that Israel wants not only to implement a scorched earth policy in Gaza and the West Bank but to extend that to Iran, Syria, Lebanon and who knows where else.

On another level, in recent days, Israel's actions towards Palestinians seeking aid and assistance have been particularly heinous and disgusting. Israel, alongside the US, set up the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), but, when Palestinians go to seek aid, what happens? They are assassinated. They are killed. They get shot down. At least 66 Palestinians, if not more, have been killed in the past few days whilst they sought aid to prevent themselves and their families from starving. That violence comes on top of the collective violence of the mass starvation initiated and maintained by the Israeli state and backed by most Western Governments. Israel's actions have been so appalling that even that well-known Hamas supporter Ehud Olmert, a former Prime Minister of Israel, has come out against Israel.

Whilst business as usual continues for the arms suppliers and friends of Israel, people are really taking the extra step to do all that they can to end the slaughter. I commend everyone who has taken part in the Global March to Gaza from Cairo. Whilst Governments back and fund Israel, it is people across the world who are marching and defying normality. I pay tribute to everyone who has gone to Cairo, particularly to everyone from Ireland — including my party colleague Paul Murphy TD and my constituents Conor McCarthy and Brian Mac An tSionnaigh — who has gone out of their way to take a stand against Israel. They should be commended and congratulated for their important and brave work.

Danny Donnelly (Alliance, East Antrim)

I want to be clear that the violence that I saw last week in my home town of Larne, in Ballymena and across Northern Ireland must be condemned in the strongest possible terms. The people of Northern Ireland lived through a generation in which violence was used to police identity and belonging, and we all know where that can lead. It is not an exaggeration to say that lives could have been lost last week. We have learnt the hard way that peace is not built through exclusion and that fear is not a foundation for community. Let me therefore say this clearly: everyone is welcome in our towns, centres and shared spaces, regardless of where they were born. It is the rioting, the hatred and the belief that violence is a tool for asserting control that have no place here.

I was in Larne on Wednesday night and watched what happened. I saw the fear on people's faces. I saw the violence up close. I saw a pillar of my community be attacked and destroyed.

I saw police officers being attacked for doing their job and trying to keep the place safe. Larne leisure centre is not just a building; it is a place where kids learn to swim, people go to feel better and older people meet for a chat and a cup of tea. It is a shared space — a place of health and community. Now it carries the stain of violence, racism and organised hate. That is not the Larne that I know.

I am disgusted that the pain of a young girl — a child — has been seized by some people not as a tragedy to grieve or a crisis to fix but as an opportunity to spew their vile, violent racism. It was never about protecting women. In the past five years, at least 19 women in Northern Ireland have been killed by a man whom they knew: their son; partner; brother; husband; ex-partner; grandson; or friend. That is not abstract; that is who killed them. However, instead of confronting that reality, we are still sold the lie that women should fear only the stranger in the alleyway, the foreign man or the outsider. In doing so, we erase the truth. Over 80% of domestic abuse here is committed by a man whom the victim knows. Where is the outrage for that? Let us be blunt: the same people who stormed a leisure centre and burned it while women and children fled, or who burned women and children out of their home, were not marching for better services to deal with domestic abuse, calling for tougher sentencing for sexual assaults or demanding investment in refuge spaces. They were targeting migrant families and attacking our community.

I stand here today, as, I know, do many others, to condemn what has happened and any inflammatory rhetoric that incites violence. This is a community, not a battleground. We are not going back.

Claire Sugden (Independent, East Londonderry)

Mr Speaker, first, I must apologise for not being in my place during Question Time last week.

Yesterday, 15 June, marked World Elder Abuse Awareness Day. That is a day on which we are asked not just to recognise elder abuse but to act on it. It is not a hidden issue. It is happening in our homes and communities and, far too often, is carried out by someone whom the older person trusts. Most of the time, that is family. It is a form of domestic abuse. It can take many shapes and is not just physical and emotional but financial.

In Northern Ireland, more than 100,000 older people have experienced abuse. Last year alone, over 2,500 domestic or sexual abuse crimes against people aged 55 or over were recorded. That is one in 10 of all such crimes. Financial abuse is especially common. Around one in five over-60s have experienced it. They might have had their savings stolen, been coerced into legal challenges or made to feel powerless over their own money. The impact is profound, causing anxiety, loneliness, withdrawal and a complete loss of confidence. In rural areas in particular, older people may rely on a very small network. When the abuse is also happening within that network, there is often nowhere to turn. Many suffer in silence, because the alternative, which means being isolated, feels worse. That is why community response is so vital. Local groups, luncheon clubs and charities often spot the signs first. They play a unique role in recognising and responding to abuse in ways that only communities can, but statutory services must also back that up with proper support in health, housing, justice and social care.

I acknowledge the work of organisations such as Hourglass, which was formerly Action on Elder Abuse, Age NI and the Commissioner for Older People. They have consistently raised the issue. It is time for government to listen and take action. We also need to stop treating older victims as somehow different. Abuse is abuse, yet it is often categorised separately as elder abuse, rather than domestic abuse. That affects how cases are handled and victims supported. The Domestic Abuse and Civil Proceedings Act (Northern Ireland) 2021 rightly includes financial abuse, but we need to ensure that the Act is being used effectively and that the justice system supports victims from the first report to the final outcome. When are we going to see the adult safeguarding Bill? When will it be published? When will we see the consultation? We need progress before the end of the mandate, because victims cannot afford to wait.

Older people are our parents, grandparents and neighbours. They built the communities in which we now live. They deserve dignity, respect and protection. With an ageing population, we cannot ignore the issue. Every policy and public service must start by factoring in what it means to grow older in Northern Ireland, because the problem will only grow unless we act now.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

Like all those who spoke before me in the Chamber, I condemn, utterly, the violence that took place on our streets last week. The violent scenes on our streets are not who we are as a people. There is and has always been an alternative to violence. I must say that the violent scenes have served to overshadow the serious sexual assault of a young girl in Ballymena. That is where our anger should be focused. That is where the full weight of the law should be applied, and that is where justice should be served.

I say gently to those in the Chamber who, with a condescending sneer, wish to brand the hundreds of thousands of people in Northern Ireland and the millions across the United Kingdom with serious and legitimate concerns about uncontrolled and, in some cases, illegal immigration and the impact that it has had on their communities that this is a serious issue. For those with zero lived experience to put them down and sneer at them is wrong. It is wrong in the extreme. I will continue to be a voice for them in the Chamber. We cannot get away from the fact that to sideline the topic — an issue of national debate — will only further give rise to sinister elements to manipulate and exploit. This is the place where those discussions should be had, firmly and robustly. Westminster is where those conversations should be had, firmly and robustly.

We have a serious issue with border control throughout the UK. Right now, we are living through some very difficult and turbulent times. It is political cowardice to walk away from those issues. We must have courage and, yes, compassion in dealing with them to ensure that we have a country in which all can live safely, now and in the future.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

You have a couple of minutes, Mr Gaston.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

Thank you very much, Mr Speaker.

Last week's disorder in Ballymena has greatly saddened me. A town that I am proud to represent has hit the headlines for all the wrong reasons, leaving destruction and heartbreak, including for the young men who are facing prosecution. I condemn the violence. I deplore racism. Violence has never been, nor will it ever be, the answer. However, the Assembly is part of the problem. When criminals walk free, some from the Maze to ministerial limos, is it any wonder that people think that violence pays? There is hypocrisy from Ms O'Neill in condemning Ballymena's unrest while commemorating the terrorist Thomas McElwee, who burned to death Yvonne Dunlop, a young mother, in my home town.

During my first speech in the House last August, I raised concerns about undocumented immigration in Ballymena. What was the response? It was sneering from the Alliance and nationalist benches. They have learned that I will not be silenced, but nothing else has changed. Without a mature debate on immigration, especially on undocumented immigration — people crossing from the Republic with zero checks — tensions will continue to grow, not just in my home town but in towns across Northern Ireland. The BBC claims that there is no influx. That is a nonsense. Do not cite documentation in an attempt to disprove undocumented immigration.

When will politicians stop gaslighting the public on the issue? Do not tell people that what they see is not real. Do not call representatives racists for speaking out and then act shocked when locals feel that the House will not listen to them, much less respond to their concerns. Do not send the South Belfast MP to Ballymena like an anthropologist to film the local environment and then deliver her lecture from her natural habitat of the BBC studios. Keep ignoring those issues, but know this: for all the talk, and by refusing to so much as facilitate a debate around immigration, you are fuelling the fire.

Executive Committee Business

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

I beg to move

That Standing Orders 10(2) to 10(4) be suspended for 16 June 2025.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

The Business Committee has agreed that there should be no debate on the motion. Before we proceed to the Question, I remind Members that the motion requires cross-community support.

Question put.

Some Members

Aye.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

No

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

With Ayes from all sides of the Chamber and just one No from Mr Gaston — we recognise his opposition — we do not need to call a Division.

Resolved (with cross-community support):

That Standing Orders 10(2) to 10(4) be suspended for 16 June 2025.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

I call the Minister of Finance to move the Further Consideration Stage of the Budget (No. 2) Bill.

Moved. — [Mr O'Dowd (The Minister of Finance).]

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

No amendments have been tabled so there is no opportunity to discuss the Budget (No. 2) Bill now. Members will, of course, be able to have a full debate at Final Stage, which is scheduled to take place today. The Further Consideration Stage of the Budget (No. 2) Bill is, therefore, concluded. The Bill stands referred to the Speaker.

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I beg to introduce the Inquiry (Mother and Baby Institutions, Magdalene Laundries and Workhouses) and Redress Scheme Bill [NIA 15/22-27], which is a Bill to make provision relating to a Truth Recovery Public Inquiry into Mother and Baby Institutions, Magdalene Laundries and Workhouses between 1922 and 1995; to establish the Truth Recovery Redress Service and to enable payments to be made to or in respect of certain persons; and for connected purposes.

Bill passed First Stage and ordered to be printed.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

I ask Members to take their ease when we change the top Table for the next item of business.

(Mr Deputy Speaker [Mr Blair] in the Chair)

Assembly Business

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

I call Andy Allen to move the Final Stage on behalf of the Assembly Commission.

Andy Allen (UUP, Belfast East)

I beg to move

That the Assembly Members (Independent Remuneration Board) Bill [NIA Bill 09/22-27] do now pass.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

The Business Committee has agreed that there should be no time limit on the debate.

Andy Allen (UUP, Belfast East)

The Assembly Commission welcomes the opportunity to bring the Bill back to the Assembly to conclude its legislative process. From the outset, the Assembly Commission has set out that the Bill is a technical Bill, dealing with the process of how the salaries and pensions of Members are determined. That has been clear as the Bill has progressed through the House. I am therefore not going to go back through all the technical aspects of the Bill today. The key point is that the Bill gives effect to the resolution that was passed in June 2020, when the Assembly voted to give the Assembly Commission the power to make determinations on Members' allowances and agreed that decisions on salaries and pensions should be made by an independent body. That has been the settled position of the Assembly for some five years. The Bill simply seeks to amend the Assembly Members (Independent Financial Review and Standards) Act (Northern Ireland) 2011 to remove the independent body's powers to make determinations about allowances and ensure consistency with the 2020 resolution. In passing the Bill, the Assembly is fulfilling its responsibility to regularise the position and provide legal clarity.

As the Bill has been so long in development, it is appropriate that I acknowledge all of the Assembly Commission members who have been involved in the process over the past almost 10 years. I particularly thank all the Assembly Commission officials who have undertaken the detailed work over that time to get us to the final version of the Bill. I also thank the Chairperson, members and staff of the Ad Hoc Committee for the scrutiny of the Bill that they have undertaken in the past few months. The work that they have done, and the evidence that they have taken, has effectively dealt with some of the myths and false claims that have been made about the Bill. The Ad Hoc Committee brought forward an amendment to ensure that the independence of the remuneration board would be clearly reflected in the Bill's title. The Assembly Commission welcomes the Assembly's support for that amendment, as the core purpose of the Bill is to ensure that salaries of Members are determined independently. Throughout the Bill's development and scrutiny, the Assembly Commission's focus has been on ensuring that it upholds the independence of the board. Once the Bill has passed and been granted Royal Assent, the role of the members of the Assembly Commission, and Members of the House, ends. The Clerk to the Assembly/Chief Executive will oversee a process to appoint the independent remuneration board. No Member or party will be involved in it. The debate and the decisions around what the levels of pensions and salaries for Members should be will therefore rest with the independent remuneration board, not the Assembly Commission or the Assembly.

That is only right and is the main objective of the Bill.

Whatever outcome is reached, the independent remuneration board will have made its decisions through its own process and judgement. Members should not lose sight of the fact that that is what they are voting for today: for salaries and pensions to be determined independently. It is difficult to see how anyone could reasonably object to that.

On behalf of the Assembly Commission, I commend the Bill to the Assembly and look forward to Members' contributions to the debate.

Maolíosa McHugh (Sinn Féin, West Tyrone)

I gcroílár an Bhille seo, tá prionsabal simplí, ach má tá sé simplí féin tá sé fíorthábhachtach: má tá athruithe le déanamh ar thuarastail Comhaltaí den Tionól Reachtach, ba chóir sin a dhéanamh go neamhspleách. Cinnteofar le the Assembly Members (Independent Remuneration Board) Bill gur ar fhoras neamhspleách seachtrach a bheidh an fhreagracht sin. Tuigeann Sinn Féin an imní a bhíonn ar dhaoine nuair a fheictear go bhfuil polaiteoirí ag socrú a dtuarastail féin. Baineann dearcadh den chineál sin de chreidiúnacht ionadaithe tofa. Níor cheart do Chomhaltaí aon chur isteach bheith acu agus a dtuarastal á shocrú. Caithfidh institiúidí daonlathacha an chothroime agus an oscailteacht a léiriú.

Cinnteoidh bord luach saothair neamhspleách úr go mbeidh an chothroime agus an oscailteacht ann i dtaca le pá na gComhaltaí de. Ní hé amháin gur chóir sin a dhéanamh; is é rud gur gá sin a dhéanamh. Cuirfidh sé le creidiúnacht, le cothroime agus le hoscailteacht na háite seo feasta.

[Translation: At the heart of the Bill is the simple but important principle: that changes to MLA salaries should be considered independently. The Assembly Members (Independent Remuneration Board) Bill ensures that that responsibility rests with an independent, external body. Sinn Féin recognises the public’s understandable concern when politicians appear to decide their own pay. Such a perception undermines the credibility of elected representatives. MLAs should not have a role in determining the salary that they receive. Democratic institutions must demonstrate fairness and openness. The new independent remuneration board is about fairness and openness when deciding MLAs’ pay. Not only is it the right thing to do; it is the necessary thing to do. It will enhance the credibility, fairness and openness of this place in the future.]

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

Well, we have reached the Final Stage of a Bill that should never have made it this far. From the beginning, the legislation has been marked by secrecy, self-interest and, indeed, plenty of spin. It was conceived behind closed doors, pushed forward without proper public consultation and dressed up as reform. In reality, it is nothing more than a vehicle to enable MLAs to award themselves a substantial pay rise — one that they dare not put to the public in plain terms. One might wonder whether, had Mr Carroll and I not been here, anyone would even have mentioned the reason for the legislation before us.

Let us recall how we got to where we are today. The Commission consulted only the parties that are represented on it. There was no public consultation prior to the publication of the Bill, no transparency and no input from parties excluded from the cosy carve-up. It was a stitched-up deal from the start, and all the parties on the Commission know it. The names of the Members on the front of the Bill are telling: they are from Sinn Féin, the DUP, the Ulster Unionists, Alliance — none of them are in the Chamber — and the SDLP. Every party with a seat on the Commission has put its name to the scheme and would have carried it through quietly had it not been for the two of us in this corner being determined to shine a light on what they were doing. What about the official Opposition? Do not make me laugh. There was certainly no opposition when it came to awarding themselves a pay rise. Every amendment that I proposed at Committee Stage — amendments aimed at restoring some integrity to the process — was rejected. The message from the majority was clear: "Nothing to see here. The pay rise train is running on time".

We are told that the Bill merely empowers the remuneration board, but let us be honest: clause 3 gives the game away. When you instruct the board to have regard to salaries in other legislatures, each of which pays significantly more than the Assembly, it is not about reform; the dice are loaded for a guaranteed upward trajectory.

The justification from one member of the Commission is that MLAs with families need to keep up with their counterparts elsewhere. Tell that to the carers on £81 a week. Tell that to the young family on universal credit. Tell that to the nurses, the porters and the social workers. Worse, it rings hollow to compare us to other legislatures. Unlike every other legislature cited in clause 3, the Assembly has deliberately chosen not to exercise full legislative authority. It handed swathes of power to Brussels and cannot even set its own standards in key areas of economic life. An institution that abandons power should not demand parity of pay with those that exercise it.

Clause 5 makes former MLAs eligible to sit on the very board that will determine future pay and pensions. That is a conflict of interest dressed up as experience. The original rules rightly excluded former Members. The Bill removes that safeguard for no good reason.

The Bill is a symptom of what is wrong with Stormont: a culture of entitlement, enabled by back-room agreements and protected from public scrutiny.

Colin McGrath (Social Democratic and Labour Party, South Down)

Will the Member give way?

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

Yes.

Colin McGrath (Social Democratic and Labour Party, South Down)

I am trying to get some concept of parity here. Did the Member's party leader, who sits in Westminster and was given a pay rise by a board that has a former Member of Parliament on it, take that pay rise without questioning it? What did he do in that situation? Did he disagree with that payment in the House of Commons Chamber or accept it?

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

A Member from the official Opposition speaks. It is great to see some scrutiny of the issue come from the official Opposition. He looks to Westminster. Westminster exercises all the powers —.

Colin McGrath (Social Democratic and Labour Party, South Down)

Answer the question.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

Westminster exercises all the powers that it is given, so you

[Interruption]

cannot compare Westminster to Stormont. The official Opposition, along with the rest of the pan-nationalist front, were happy to give away 300 areas of law to a foreign legislature.

[Interruption.]

That is something that the official Opposition cannot and will not face up to.

[Interruption.]

Chuntering from the sidelines is all that the official Opposition are good at.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

We will return to the debate.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

The people of Northern deserve better. They deserve transparency and integrity in public office. The Bill offers none of that. That is why I have opposed it from the beginning at every stage and in every form in full view of the public, who are footing the bill for it, and it is why I will vote against it again today. Shame on those who will vote for it and who have backed it from the beginning. Self-interest reigns supreme, and the Member from the official Opposition typifies that with his arguments.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

My position on the Bill is clear, so my comments will be relatively brief. Underpaid workers across the North, including those in this Building, would bite your hand off for the chance to have their mates set their salaries and expenses. They are not being given such an opportunity, but, with the vote on the Bill today, MLAs are.

The legislation allows former MLAs to join the so-called independent panel that sets MLAs' salaries and pensions. Níl an coiste neamhspléach.

[Translation: The panel is not independent.]

It also transfers the power to determine allowances and expenses to MLAs, which puts the Assembly out of kilter with other Parliaments on these islands. There was a claim for £4,000 for a year's worth of heating oil. There were mileage expenses of £19,000 for an MLA who did not drive. There were research expenses of £700,000 — almost three quarters of a million pounds — for a non-existent company. Executive parties have proven time and again that they cannot be trusted to oversee their expenses.

It is particularly disappointing that the official Opposition cannot muster the courage or common sense to oppose the Bill. Do Opposition Members really believe that the Executive parties deserve a pay increase?

Stormont has presided over a crisis of its own making. Working-class communities, including in my constituency, where there has been the highest increase, are being destroyed by rising rates of poverty. The health service is in terminal decline. We have stagnant wages, a shortage of school places and ecological collapse. Ordinary people will rightly argue that, rather than get a pay hike, MLAs should probably have their pay cut and that they are paid too much as it is. Members can continue to deny that the Bill will entail a massive pay increase. I say this to them: you are taking the public for absolute fools. Mark my words, months down the line — I will be back to remind people of this — it will be reported that the so-called independent remuneration board recommends a pay increase. The increase might not be the £20,000 all at once, but I guarantee that it will be much bigger than the paltry increases that have been offered to those who prop up our health service, teach our children, clean our buildings and serve the public in retail and hospitality.

It is worth repeating for the benefit of those in the House and those who are listening that almost 70% of respondents to the Ad Hoc Committee's call for evidence disagreed or strongly disagreed that the board should have regard for the much higher salaries that are paid to politicians in other jurisdictions. Did those submissions matter? Did they hell. Contempt for the public has been shown once again by those in this Building and the parties that run it. The majority of people disagreed that powers to determine allowances should be set by MLAs. Did they listen? You can guess the answer to that.

An Act Now petition that opposed any pay rise for MLAs attracted almost 1,400 signatures. Those people, again, were ignored by the Ad Hoc Committee and by the parties in the House and those that dominate the Executive. Public opinion is crystal clear. The Bill is completely tone-deaf and unwanted, and, once again, I will vote against it.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

I call Sinéad Ennis to conclude the Final Stage and make a winding-up speech.

Sinéad Ennis (Sinn Féin, South Down)

Go raibh maith agat, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle.

[Translation: Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker.]

I thank all Members who contributed to the debate. During the Second Stage debate, the Assembly Commission acknowledged:

"there is no good time to deal with issues relating to Members' salaries and pensions" — [Official Report (Hansard), 17 February 2025, p7, col 2].

and that no Member is happy about or comfortable with discussing those issues. However, as my colleague Andy Allen outlined, the Assembly Commission and the Assembly have a responsibility to regularise the legal position through this technical legislation, following the resolution that the Assembly passed in 2020. The Assembly Commission also noted the understandable public attitudes to those issues and the potential that that created for some to play politics with them. The Assembly Commission welcomes the fact that the scrutiny process provided an ability to correct and clarify some of the misunderstandings and inaccuracies about the Bill that have been portrayed. Indeed, we heard some of those inaccuracies and misunderstandings being regurgitated today.

In progressing the Bill, the Assembly Commission focused on the process of determining Members' salaries, not the outcome. At no point has the Assembly Commission ever taken a position on or discussed what the salary of Members should be. If the Bill is passed today, future discussions and decisions on Members' salaries and pensions will shift to the independent remuneration board. That board has independence in deciding what factors it wants to consider before determining its view on the appropriate level of salaries and pensions for Members. That is the appropriate way in which to deal with those matters.

Should the Bill not pass, the Assembly should be clear about the consequences. The Assembly would fail to ensure that there is legal clarity, and inconsistency would remain between the 2011 Act and the decisions that the Assembly has already taken. Voting against the Bill would also mean that no structure would be in place to determine independently Members' salaries and pensions. It is important that we are all clear: a vote against the Bill is not a vote against a particular salary level for Members; rather, it is a vote against having an independent remuneration board in place to set the salaries and pensions of Members independently.

I echo the thanks given by Andy Allen to all those Members and staff who contributed to the Bill as it made its way through the Assembly Commission, the Assembly and the Ad Hoc Committee. I commend the Bill to the House.

Question put.

Some Members

Aye.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

No.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

No.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

The Ayes have it, and the two voices of dissent will be noted.

Question accordingly agreed to.

Resolved:

That the Assembly Members (Independent Remuneration Board) Bill [NIA Bill 09/22-27] do now pass.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

I ask Members to take their ease for a moment.

Ministerial Statements

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

The Speaker has received notice from the Minister of Finance that he wishes to make a statement. Before I call the Minister, I remind Members that they must be concise when asking a question. This is not an opportunity for debate, and long introductions will not be allowed.

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

Thank you for the opportunity to update Members today on the implications of last week's spending review announcement on our public finances.

As Members will be aware, my predecessor, Dr Caoimhe Archibald, secured a commitment from Treasury in May 2024 to review the approach to funding the Executive at the relevant spending review period. Since then, my officials and I have been in intensive negotiations with Treasury on our relative funding methodology. In January 2025, my Department commissioned Professor Gerry Holtham to conduct an independent review of the North's level of need to support that important work. Last Wednesday saw the outworkings of those negotiations, with the publication of the agreement that was reached between the Executive and the British Government to assess relative funding.

I thank Professor Gerry Holtham for his report, which was published last week. It added considerable weight in helping us to make the case to Treasury that the Executive must be funded fairly and sustainably. Professor Holtham's review provided a range of need levels. His estimates include a level of need of 123%, before Agriculture spending is included, and a central estimate of 128%, with Agriculture included.

A major factor influencing the funding provided to the Executive was the agreement that I secured from the Treasury to exclude £329 million in Agriculture funding, which was un-ring-fenced and baselined at phase 1 of the spending review from our relative funding calculation.

The agreement secured with the Treasury has ensured that we receive a 24% uplift on the additional funding provided by last week's spending review announcement, rather than the lower transitional rate of 5%, which would have otherwise applied. That will provide some £600 million more than the original Treasury position. Without that, the financial cliff edge that I previously warned Members about would have become a reality, resulting in damage to our front-line public services.

As a result of negotiations with the Treasury, my predecessor and I have delivered an additional £1·3 billion since the beginning of the mandate. Importantly, the agreement also lays the groundwork for agreeing a full fiscal framework. Discussions on it will begin immediately and will cover a number of areas, including the Holtham review of the Executive's relative need, borrowing powers of the Housing Executive and fiscal devolution.

In my view, the spending review represented a missed opportunity to significantly increase investment in public services and deliver the level of economic stimulus that was necessary. However, by setting the resource departmental expenditure limit (DEL) funding envelope for the next three years and capital funding for the next four years, it has provided the Executive with the opportunity to set their first multi-year Budget in over a decade. That will bring funding certainty, enabling Departments to plan on a longer-term basis, and it creates the conditions to drive real transformational change in our public services.

Over the three-year resource period, from 2026-27 to 2028-29, the Executive will receive £16·3 billion, £16·8 billion and £17·3 billion respectively. While that includes an additional £3·1 billion in Barnett for day-to-day spending over the three-year period, it must be viewed in the context of rising demand and the increasing cost of delivering public services.

For capital, the Executive will receive £2·3 billion in each of the four years covered by the spending review ending in 2029-2030. I believe that there was an opportunity for the Chancellor to have been much more ambitious with capital investment to spur economic growth.

The reality is that the Executive will remain financially constrained, particularly in 2026–27, as the biggest uplifts in day-to-day spending power occur in subsequent years. That is why my focus is to ensure that every pound is used wisely and strategically. The Executive will work together to agree a multi-year Budget that aligns with and supports our Programme for Government priorities, focuses on what matters most to our people and delivers tangible improvements that will be felt across society in the years ahead.

Beyond the direct financial implications, there were other important announcements. I welcome the British Government's commitment to provide £50 million for Casement Park. That funding brings new momentum to a vital project that will deliver a modern sporting venue for generations to come but will also be an economic driver for the surrounding communities and region. I urge all partners to work together to get Casement built. I stand ready to play my part.

I am pleased to confirm that, subject to the final outturn, Treasury has agreed to write off £559 million of debt from the 2024 restoration package. While that should never have been viewed as a debt, that is still a positive outcome that is a direct result of the Executive's hard work in delivering a balanced Budget in 2024-25 and raising the necessary additional revenue by 2025-26.

Since taking up the role of Finance Minister, I have said consistently that I will do everything within my power to ensure that our public services are fairly and properly funded. I will continue to work with the Chief Secretary to the Treasury on a full fiscal framework that ensures that the Executive have the appropriate financial tools, borrowing powers and taxation levers to deliver sustainable public finances and high-quality public services for the people whom we serve. While the spending review has not provided the economic stimulus that it could have, I will work with my Executive colleagues to develop a multi-year Budget that supports families, workers and communities.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

There is lots to unpack. I have only one question. The Finance Committee will be scrutinising this in detail later this week. Specifically on Casement Park, you say that you welcome the additional allocation from the UK Government of £50 million, and you say that you urge all partners to work together to get Casement built, but it is obvious that you are the Finance Minister. What specifically are you doing to find the additional allocation to get Casement Park built, and when will you make an announcement on how that money will be found?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

Do you mean, "What am I doing apart from securing £50 million towards the project?"?

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

So, that is you. Well done.

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

We will start on that basis. It is not a bad basis to start on — securing an additional £50 million for the project. I will work with my Executive colleagues, the GAA and others to ensure that we now move forward and ensure that that project is built and delivered. It will be a huge benefit not only to west Belfast and Belfast but to the entire region.

Jemma Dolan (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

I welcome the Minister's statement. Minister, did the Chancellor announce a replacement for the Shared Prosperity Fund, and how will that be delivered?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

The papers that we received from the Treasury after the announcement state that the Shared Prosperity Fund will continue at around £46 million a year. The exact delivery mechanism has not yet been fully detailed, and I will continue to engage with both the NIO and the relevant Ministers in Whitehall to ensure that that is delivered in a way that aligns with the Executive priorities in the Programme for Government and that respects the devolution powers for this place and allows the Executive and the Assembly to do their work.

Diane Forsythe (DUP, South Down)

Much has been said in the news about the UK contribution of £50 million towards Casement Park, but when I read into the detail of it, I noticed that Treasury has indicated that the Executive will receive £50 million in financial transactions capital (FTC) between 2026 and 2030 for Casement Park. My understanding of financial transactions capital is that it is a loan, not an award of money. Can you confirm whether the £50 million announced for Casement Park is an award of money or a loan that is ring-fenced for that purpose? If it is a loan, who will have to repay it? Will it be the Northern Ireland Executive or the GAA?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

FTC can take a number of forms, and we are continuing to work with the NIO and the Treasury on the form that it will take in regard to Casement. However, I am satisfied that there is £50 million on the table that was not there before. How it will be paid and when it will be repaid is all yet to be worked out, but I am satisfied that the terms, thus far, are satisfactory and will allow the project to move forward.

Nick Mathison (Alliance, Strangford)

Will the Minister outline any representations that he has made to the UK Government in relation to their proposed punitive welfare reforms and policies? Has there been any ongoing engagement on that issue?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

The welfare reforms do not form part of the discussions on the comprehensive spending review, but I am on record with both the Treasury and the Secretary of State in stating my opposition to those reforms. They will do significant harm to people here. As with other measures that the British Government introduced and now have decided to take a different tack on, I encourage them to take a different tack on their so-called welfare reforms.

Steve Aiken (UUP, South Antrim)

Thank you very much, Minister, for your remarks. I notice the £559 million of debt relief from the 2024 restoration package. Does that realign the baseline for the Budget and the Estimates this year?

[Interruption.]

It does not, Jayne? OK.

[Laughter.]

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

As has been indicated, it does not realign.

Declan McAleer (Sinn Féin, West Tyrone)

I thank the Minister for his statement. Minister, you referred to the exclusion of the £229 million of agriculture funding. Can you explain to us why it is important to have agriculture excluded from the relative funding per head methodology?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

That was a vital point of discussion with the Treasury, and it was crucial that it either was not included in the funding for relative need or was included in both sides of the equation — one or the other. The fact that it has now been excluded means that our relative funding need is based on the 124% without agriculture in it, which means that, when you join the two together, you are up at around 127% in Barnett consequentials. I think that we have managed to negotiate a good package. Separating those elements has benefited the Executive and therefore will benefit public services.

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

I want to tease out the point raised by my colleague on FTC. As the Minister rightly outlined, there are a number of options in relation to FTC: either equity or repayment. Is the Minister saying that, despite the announcement last week by the UK Government, details have still not been provided as to whether the UK Government will own part of Casement Park or whether the GAA will be required to make a repayment to the Northern Ireland taxpayer?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

The details of that are still to be finalised. It will involve the GAA as well, because the stadium belongs to the GAA, and whether the Executive or the Westminster Government take a share in it is a discussion that will have to be had, first and foremost, with the GAA. The fact of the matter remains that there is now £50 million that was not there previously on the table to advance that project.

Aoife Finnegan (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

Minister, what are the next steps, following last week's spending review, on setting a multi-year Budget?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

Engagement between my officials and officials in other Departments is already taking place as to how we move that forward, and we are assisting Departments with their five-year plans and strategies. I hope to bring a multi-year Budget to the Executive in December, have a draft agreed in December and then go out to public consultation. I then intend to bring a final document forward in March, in line with the time frames to which we work. As for next steps with the Treasury, I intend to engage with it and my officials will engage at official level on a full fiscal framework, which will involve fiscal devolution and borrowing powers for the Executive, among other things.

Stephen Dunne (DUP, North Down)

I thank the Minister for his statement. There has been only one uplift in the additional security funding budget in the last decade. Does the Minister agree that that simply does not go far enough towards meeting the extra costs facing policing across Northern Ireland? Will he make a commitment to fund the PSNI recovery plan for the duration of the spending review?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

I do not have the figures in front of me that the Member quotes, but I will say this. What police are dealing with in our society has changed over the last number of years, so it is only natural that the funding package will reflect the changes. That is for the better, it has to be said. New challenges arrive, and we saw the challenges at the weekend in relation to street disorder.

Professor Holtham looked at policing in his report, and he was satisfied that the Fiscal Council's equation for policing was satisfactory. My officials have approved the business plan forwarded by the PSNI in relation to policing numbers moving forward. I support that in principle, but, as with any public body coming to me seeking further funds, I want to be assured that those further funds will make a crucial difference to front-line public services and that they are doing everything in their power to reduce their costs. Regardless of the title of the public body that comes to me, I ask, "What are you doing to help yourself?", and I will ask the same question when I meet the Justice Minister on policing.

The police have asked for an additional £5 million in relation to the cost of the operations to deal with the rioting and street disorder over recent days. As part of the June monitoring round, I will recommend to Executive colleagues that that £5 million request be met in full.

Tom Buchanan (DUP, West Tyrone)

Minister, in your statement, you were keen to stress that the settlement avoids a potential cliff edge in future funding restoration. However, we are mindful that your party and Alliance were happy to come here before that certainty was provided. Therefore, can ratepayers have confidence that, as Minister, you will relentlessly pursue a full financial framework that delivers £128 per head for every £100 spent in England through Barnett?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

"Yes" is the answer to the second part of your question, although not to your initial statement, it has to be said. Yes, I will continue to engage with the Treasury on the £123 to £128 range in the Holtham report. One of the key outcomes of the negotiations is that the Holtham report remains on the table. The Treasury is still open to engaging on that report, and it is very important that we still have a comprehensive, detailed analysis of our level of need on the table and that the Treasury is still prepared to talk about it.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

The £50 million loan for Casement leaves a large shortfall. Does the Minister support a clawback clause for money from non-GAA events held at Casement?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

Would the Member support such a clause being introduced to the other projects that the Executive have funded?

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

Minister, you said that an extra £600 million would be made available. How much, if any, of that will be used to address and resolve the housing crisis, and, if there is money, what will those plans be?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

Moving forward, the Executive will have to agree their Budget as part of the three-year budgetary programme; four years for capital. I have no doubt that the need for social and affordable housing will be front and centre in those discussions. I am keen to continue to support the Communities Minister in the delivery of social and affordable housing. I have no doubt that the rest of the Executive are as well.

David Honeyford (Alliance, Lagan Valley)

The £50 million for Casement is really welcome. I welcome what the Minister said and the economic and community benefits for the wider area. The timeline is critical. We have 12 months until the planning permission lapses. Will you meet the Irish Government, the Shared Island Fund and the GAA in the coming months to address the shortfall? Will you give us a timeline for that? Will you work with the Shared Island Fund to get funding into wider sport in Northern Ireland? There is a barrier there, so could that be looked at?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

I have to be careful not to cross into the domain of other Ministers but I will work with the Dublin Government in any regard to ensure continued financial support — indeed, increased financial support — for this place. I will play my part in that.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

That concludes questions on the statement.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

On a point of order, Mr Deputy Speaker. During the last exchange, when I asked the Finance Minister a question, he turned it round and rhetorically directed it back at me. Surely that is not the process for a Minister who comes to the House to deliver a statement. He should be obliged to give a Member, no matter who that Member is, a sensible and respectful answer to the question that he has asked.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

OK, Mr Gaston, thank you. That will be scrutinised to see whether it was a point of order, as will the content that you refer to, and the Speaker's Office will report to you.

Thank you, Members. Just take your ease for a moment.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

The Speaker has received notice from the Minister for the Economy that she wishes to make a statement. Before I call the Minister, I remind Members that they must be concise when asking their question. Hopefully, they will hear that. This is not an opportunity for debate, and long introductions will not be allowed. I call the Minister.

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

Go raibh maith agat, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle.

[Translation: Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker.]

Today is the start of Learning Disability Week, and I will provide an update on the review of education, skills and training provision for young people with special educational needs. Last year, my predecessor, Conor Murphy, advised the Assembly of his concerns over gaps in provision for school-leavers with special educational needs and the inequalities and injustices that those young people face. He tasked officials with reviewing the issues.

My team has since engaged with schools, colleges, community and voluntary groups, training providers, social enterprises, parents, young people and subject matter experts. I put on record my recognition of the way in which officials have embraced that piece of work. It has been done comprehensively and thoroughly, as will become clear in the rest of the statement. My team and I have also met Alma and Dee from Caleb's Cause, a campaign that has done so much to raise awareness of the issues. Moreover, Stranmillis University College was commissioned to carry out a comparative analysis of the different legislative frameworks across Britain and Ireland. I am grateful to everyone who contributed to the review. Now that officials have completed their work, I will outline the key issues and challenges that have been identified, as well as the measures and actions that, with appropriate resources, my Department intends to take. I will also highlight issues that require collaboration across Departments.

Leaving school can be a huge milestone for any young person to navigate. For people with special educational needs and their families, however, there are often additional challenges. The review highlighted many examples of excellent support from colleges, training providers, day opportunity providers and social enterprises. There are many dedicated workers in the service who go above and beyond in order to ensure that our disabled young people are fully engaged, learning and thriving. I have met some of those people during visits to further education colleges and to providers such as Access Employment Ltd (AEL) in Larne, Springvale Training in Belfast and Compass Advocacy Network (CAN) in Ballymoney.

The system is not working for all our young people, however. The challenges that I will outline will no doubt be familiar to many families who have tried to navigate the system. Improvement is needed primarily for school-leavers who come from special schools and from specialist provision in mainstream schools (SPiMS). The challenges for those learners often begin before they leave school, during what is known as the transition process, which starts after they turn 14. The transition process, on which the Education Authority (EA) leads, involves a range of stakeholders. Some of the initial issues arise owing to a lack of capacity in the stakeholder organisations, such as the Education Authority's transition service and the health trusts' children's disability teams.

There are gaps in timely, accurate and comprehensive information on potential options and eligibility requirements and questions about whether there will be sufficient places, the required level of supervision and available supports. There is also uncertainty over transport arrangements. That means that planning for life beyond school can create significant stress and uncertainty for families.

The majority of learners from special schools and from specialist provision in mainstream schools typically progress on to one of two pathways: a Department for the Economy-funded pathway that involves further education or training provision or a Department of Health-funded pathway comprising day opportunities or day care. The feedback that was received did not suggest that those pathways are wrong. Rather, it signalled a need for investment in both. There is simply not enough suitable provision available, and young people are not guaranteed access to the most appropriate pathway for their needs.

Funding and capacity are two of the biggest challenges that are faced across the entire post-school system. The loss of the European social fund and associated provision in the voluntary and community sector has reduced the available offer, and in the provisions that currently exist, there are regional imbalances. The issues have been exacerbated by a 29% increase in the number of learners with special educational needs over the past 20 years, a 134% increase in the number of pupils with a statement of SEN and the growing complexity of needs. The consequences of not ensuring that the right supports are in place are stark. There are far too many young people who are not in education, employment or training (NEETs). If a young person with SEN is in that category, it is highly likely that their parent or carer also faces leaving work or reducing their hours to meet the care needs of their disabled young adult. My officials spoke to many people who are in that situation. It is damaging to the well-being, mental health and household income of those families, and it is damaging for our economy to lose skilled and experienced workers in that way.

I am committed to driving forward a significant programme of reform to my Department's education, skills and training offer for learners with additional educational needs. My reforms sit under three broad themes. The first is improved provision. There are excellent examples of our six further education colleges providing support to learners with a disability. In the review, my officials received some inspiring feedback about lives that had been changed. A young woman at the North West Regional College (NWRC) completed her HND in childcare, and she hopes to continue her education up to degree level. A young man received tailored support at the Southern Regional College (SRC) so that he could fulfil his ambition of studying animation at Ulster University. A student in the north-west had a fantastic college experience and is now on a placement with Translink. He is now doing a level 3 extended diploma and has won an NCFE Aspiration award. A young woman with complex medical and learning difficulties has been supported to achieve her level 3 qualifications, and she has secured employment as a classroom assistant.

My officials also received very positive feedback about the various training providers that deliver my Department's Skills for Life and Work programme, with half the participants on the programme having disability-related support needs. However, funding for further education provision for students with learning disabilities and difficulties has not increased for many years. That has constrained the growth of capacity and subjects at our colleges. The entry level provision for SEN learners has not always been refreshed to ensure access to newer programmes, such as digital arts and creative media.

I want to see investment in the colleges to enable them to update and expand their offer; to improve physical accessibility, particularly in our older buildings, some of which lack lifts, ramps or Changing Places toilets; and to ensure that their staff can refresh their knowledge and skills to deliver high-quality programmes and support to all learners. I want a more consistent offer across the college network so that people who are in rural areas have the same level of provision as people who are in urban areas. I want the continuation of a strong part-time offer.

That pathway is often accessed as part of the health-based day opportunities programmes for adults with a learning disability, and it enables lifelong learning. To help us build on existing best practice and inform the shape of our future expansion, my Department has asked the Education and Training Inspectorate (ETI) to undertake an evaluation of the existing further education provision. That work commenced last week, and the inspectorate will report in the autumn. Once complete, the evaluation will also help ensure that the funding bids that I bring forward are evidence-based and focused on excellence.

Apprenticeships are a fantastic pathway for many people, and in-training disability support is available for apprenticeships. In addition, through my apprenticeship inclusion challenge fund, two dedicated disability projects are testing approaches to improve participation and outcomes for people with disabilities. The projects are piloting new pathways that enable individuals with disabilities to thrive and reach their full potential. We know that learners with special educational needs can flourish in work-based environments. Our aim is to partner with employers in order to create sustainable, long-term employment opportunities. Therefore, an action identified in my three-year apprenticeship action plan is to co-design a pilot approach to a new model for apprentices with special educational needs.

Social enterprises provide opportunities for disabled adults to engage in training and employment initiatives, often as a core part of the health and social care trusts' day opportunities programme. The work to strengthen the social enterprise sector through our social enterprise action plan therefore also has a contribution to make. The review highlighted, too, the unrealised potential for higher education-based provision for learning disabled students, and I have asked officials to examine how we might give effect to that. Stranmillis University College recently carried out a feasibility study, funded through our Step Up programme, on the possibility of higher education opportunities for learning disabled students, informed by the model at Trinity College Dublin. I can see real value in enabling inclusive pathways of that nature for raising aspiration and opportunities for all our young people.

The second theme is enhanced learner support. If our further education colleges are to become a destination of choice for a greater number of learners with special educational needs, provision must be accompanied by the right learner support. We have had feedback about the challenges of accessing support at college being exacerbated because the statement of special educational needs does not continue beyond school. Students and their families report being nervous when choosing a college, because they do not know in advance of starting what support a young person will receive, and colleges report spending significant time at the start of an academic year on duplicating assessments that will have been carried out at school to assess support needs, exam support requirements and so on. Those systems should be more integrated so that the transition from school to college is more seamless.

To that end, I have asked my officials to develop a statutory assessment and support model for students with learning support needs in further education. We anticipate that building on the current special educational needs statement approach through schools but being tailored for the further education environment. The new assessment and support model will be underpinned in legislation. Having approved that approach, I have tasked my officials with working up a costed plan to design and deliver the new model. The assessment and support model will give clarity and assurance as to the support that a young person will receive in college, with appropriate mechanisms to raise and resolve any disagreements.

In the short term, I have asked my officials to explore with the colleges, the Education Authority and the Department of Education administrative mechanisms that can give greater certainty to young people aged 16 to 18 who had a statement in school and are moving to college. That interim measure is aimed at ensuring that those young people do not lose support because they have to leave school at 16 years, often because their school does not have appropriate post-16 provision. Of course, the best possible solution is that schools provide specialist provision, and I will work with the Minister of Education on that issue.

Another concern is that families often do not know who to ask for guidance when they face challenges during the transition from school to college. The Education Authority transition team is closely involved with all young people from the age of 14 who have statements in planning for their next destination after school, yet the Education Authority's role ends the minute that the young person leaves school. The young person and their family can quickly feel lost if, a few weeks into a college course, they decide that it is not the right fit and that they instead want to look at training, a different college or Health-based options. The Education Authority is no longer able to guide or support them. Furthermore, sometimes, they need extra support to plan for their transition onwards at the end of their college programme. I have therefore asked my officials to bring forward proposals for creating a new transition support function for learners in my Department's education and training provision. We want to provide learners with the information, guidance and practical support that are needed to ensure a more seamless transition from school, and we want those learners to feel suited to their chosen pathway, make progress, enjoy their learning and flourish in their new environment.

Our third theme is strengthened foundations. Better provision and enhanced learner support need to be underpinned by improvements in other areas. More effective and timely data-sharing among Education, Health and Economy will help to improve understanding of the type of demand that is coming into our systems and to facilitate better forward planning. There is not a direct read-across between the categories such as special education in schools, to learning disability in Health, to disability in our system. That creates confusion and increases the risk of people not being identified and their needs not being met.

We need to improve our understanding of which pathways and provision are most effective in supporting learners to progress and achieve positive outcomes. The ETI evaluation will contribute to our knowledge in that area. Stranmillis University College recently secured funding through the EPIC Futures partnership to take forward some provision-mapping work, and we have launched a research and innovation policy fellowship to undertake SEN-focused research, using the longitudinal education outcomes dataset. That type of work is crucial to ensuring that evidence, data and best practice underpin all that we do.

Our Careers Service also has a key part to play. That is recognised in the new DFE and joint-DE careers action plan, which will be published in the coming week and sets out a range of measures that will strengthen support for people with disabilities and special educational needs. The measures include, for example, professional development for careers advisers so that they are better placed to understand and adapt to their clients' needs. It involves the development of innovative software solutions for autistic clients and the new careers portal will provide inclusive and equitable access to careers information, tools and resources for people of all ages and backgrounds, including young people with special educational needs as well as their parents and guardians.

My Department's actions alone will not meet the needs and aspirations of all school-leavers with special educational needs. Many issues were raised with my officials that are outside our remit but which I intend to bring to the attention of the Executive because they have an impact on so many young people and their families. Young people and their families want choices. While many young people with special educational needs aim to progress to skills- and training-based pathways after school, a very substantial number of special-school-leavers want to progress to a Health-based pathway, usually day opportunities, as they feel that they are the most suitable destination. A smaller number want a work-focused route such as supported employment. Those pathways also need significant investment to be able to respond effectively to the level of need.

I would like to see a model here that gives all young people the opportunity to progress to the pathway that is right for them and will best enable them to thrive. My proposed changes to the assessment and support model for further education will, hopefully, encourage and enable more young people to choose our colleges for their next step beyond school. However, we know that it is not the right destination for everyone, and for those young people who are more suited to a Health-based pathway, I would like to see similar assurances in relation to their entitlement, access and support. That is an issue that I intend to raise with the Health Minister.

Many school principals highlighted the situation of a particular group of school-leavers who have attended a special school from the age of four to 19. They have evident additional needs. Those young people and their families do not consider that further education and training options are right for them. They want to access day opportunities. However, access to those Health pathways is determined by a learning disability assessment. Every year, a group of special-school-leavers are assessed and deemed not to meet the relevant learning disability threshold, meaning that they are ineligible for Health-funded pathways despite their evident vulnerability. That closes off the Health pathway and it can it can prevent them from accessing college too if, for example, they need a direct-payment-funded support worker to help meet their personal or other care needs. Without access to Health or further education pathways, those young people and their families often feel in limbo. We may be able to explore the development of collaborative and co-funded cross-departmental pilots to try to provide pathways for those young people for whom our existing systems do not work. There may also be a need to revisit the existing learning-disability eligibility arrangements, especially in relation to autistic young people, as the feedback suggests that those are the vulnerable young people most affected by this issue.

Many schools have also raised an issue in relation to the requirement to leave a special school at 19 years. It was flagged that there are flexibilities —

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

Minister.

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

— in deferring starting school and transition from primary 7 into year 8.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

Minister, I am afraid that I have to interrupt your statement as we are about to commence Question Time. Members, we will continue the Minister's statement after Question Time, and questions on the statement will follow that. In the meantime, Members should take their ease while we change the personnel on the Table before questions to the Education Minister commence.

The business stood suspended.

(Mr Speaker in the Chair)

Oral Answers to Questions — Education

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Questions 5 and 9 have been withdrawn.

Alan Chambers (UUP, North Down)

1. Mr Chambers asked the Minister of Education for a progress report on a new build for Bangor Central Integrated Primary School. (AQO 2139/22-27)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

On 23 May 2025, Ards and North Down Borough Council accepted proposals to treat amendments to facilitate the inclusion of enhanced learning support provision at the school as a non-material change to the existing planning permission. Therefore, it is anticipated that construction will commence in early 2026. However, that will be dependent on the relevant approvals being obtained.

Alan Chambers (UUP, North Down)

Thank you, Minister. I am absolutely delighted to receive that update, and I certainly look forward to work commencing on that much-needed new build. Does the Minister have any concerns that a brand new primary school in that area could have a negative impact on the enrolment numbers for nearby Bloomfield Primary School?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I understand that, in every new build, there could be implications for neighbouring schools. We have been carrying out significant investment in the North Down area. Crawfordsburn Primary School is another one for major construction works, which are due to commence next month. There are school enhancement programmes as well and minor works programmes that we want to take forward. All of those are there to try and improve the school estate.

Ultimately, supporting all schools is what I want to do as Minister, but it is a good news story that we can move forward with the new build at Bangor Central Integrated Primary School. It is where I went to announce a series of major new builds. There have been some issues that we had to look at, but we are now able to make progress.

Stephen Dunne (DUP, North Down)

I thank the Minister for his commitment to that school and other schools in North Down. He visited the school with me last year. Can the Minister advise why there has been a revision to the technical design of the project for Bangor Central Integrated Primary School?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I thank Mr Dunne for his question. He has advocated investment in that school and other schools in North Down. As part of the announcement to take forward the new build, officials identified a steady decline in pupil numbers that was more in line with a 17-class enrolment band rather than the 22-class school that had been approved. Having engaged with the school, we identified the best way forward to rightsize the school on the basis of the need in the community, and that is to deliver a 17-class primary school. However, we will include the provision of four classrooms for pupils with special educational needs (SEN), as there is a need for SEN accommodation. Therefore, the school can go ahead as planned but with the adaption to accommodate children with special educational needs. I know that the Member will welcome that.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Will the Minister give an update on the schools that lost Fresh Start funding about 15 months ago when the Executive first returned? I declare an interest, as my child is a pupil at one of those schools. It would be helpful to have an update on what is happening.

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I thank the Member for that question. Obviously, a number of schools were announced that we were taking forward with regard to construction. Sorry, I just do not have the particular information to hand.

Millennium Integrated Primary School is one where the construction contract has been entered into, and works are expected to commence next month on that school. We moved forward with Millennium Integrated. I know that other schools were part of that Fresh Start funding, and I was able to provide them with assurances that they are part of my overall departmental capital programme, which has allowed them to continue to progress. In particular, in the Member's constituency, I was able to move forward on Millennium Integrated Primary School, and construction will commence imminently.

William Irwin (DUP, Newry and Armagh)

2. Mr Irwin asked the Minister of Education for an update on the progress of a new build for Tandragee Junior High School. (AQO 2140/22-27)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

A technical feasibility report has been completed by the integrated consultant team that has identified options and costs to provide suitable accommodation for Tandragee Junior High School. A review of the options identified in the report was completed by the Department’s technical advisers in September last year. A business case to identify the preferred option to be taken forward in design is being drafted.

William Irwin (DUP, Newry and Armagh)

I thank the Minister for his response. Are there other ongoing works at the school, given the length of time for which the school will remain in its current premises?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I thank the Member for that question. He has advocated for Tandragee Junior High School and other schools in his constituency, and I will meet him later in respect of Markethill High School, for which he has been an advocate of work and support.

The fact that we are moving towards bringing the business case phase to a conclusion is progress, but, as the Member understands, we still need to progress through a number of stages to the point at which the works will be subject to capital funding being made available. In the interim, we will continue to support Tandragee Junior High School. Since April 2022, we have responded to 177 tasks and spent around £55,000. We will take forward 19 planned tasks, with the work that we will provide to the school estimated to be worth in the region of £150,000. As we make progress through the stages for Tandragee Junior High School, it is important that we continue to provide support through ongoing maintenance works, and that is what we intend to do.

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

My question is on another Armagh education facility. Minister, I have written to you about Tiny Tots in Clady. After a health and safety inspection, its premises were deemed not fit for purpose. The neighbouring school, St Michael's, wants to accommodate the new premises. The GAA club has accommodated Tiny Tots for the past 25 years. It provides a wonderful service.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Can we get to the question, please?

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

Will you pull out all the stops to ensure that Tiny Tots has appropriate accommodation ready by the start of the new school year in September?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

A response on that matter will issue to the Member today. I absolutely understand the dilemma that Tiny Tots is in. In that particular situation, however, it is not a legal obligation on the Department of Education to provide support for preschool provision in that respect. I suggest that the Member engage with the Education Authority (EA) and seek its support, if there is an opportunity for it to intervene, because preschool provision is important, and working with the providers is an important role that the Education Authority has. I direct the Member there.

Alan Robinson (DUP, East Londonderry)

3. Mr Robinson asked the Minister of Education for an update on the curriculum-led capital investment programme. (AQO 2141/22-27)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The purpose of the programme is to target investment in priority areas that will support and enhance the delivery of the Northern Ireland curriculum. The programme's initial focus in 2024-25 has been the refresh of desktop computer equipment in post-primary and special schools, with expenditure of £5·9 million, and provision of outdoor play equipment and resources at all preschool, nursery and primary schools, with, to date, expenditure of £2·4 million. Procurement has also been completed for the provision of defibrillators to all schools in Northern Ireland that are currently without them. I expect roll-out of those to commence in the coming weeks.

In regard to physical education provision, under the programme, a survey was undertaken of post-primary schools. It received 125 responses and identified 31 schools without a sports hall and 71 without a synthetic pitch. My officials are working on the selection, procurement and delivery of an initial tranche of pitches and on the selection of an initial tranche of sports halls to advance to planning.

With regard to the pilot exercise for covered sports, my officials are working with professional colleagues on the range of provision that is available and will move shortly to a call to primary schools for nominations for inclusion in the initial pilot programme at 20 schools.

Alan Robinson (DUP, East Londonderry)

I am grateful to the Minister for that response. Will he provide additional information about the current position on synthetic pitch provision?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I thank the Member for that question.

He has been an advocate of investment in schools in the East Londonderry constituency that I hope will be able to avail themselves of funding from the capital investment programme. Currently, there is work being done with colleagues in the EA and in Construction and Procurement Delivery (CPD) on selection, procurement and delivery of the initial tranche of pitches. Seventy-one post-primary schools had been identified as not having a synthetic pitch. Although the capital budget that I have will not permit me to address the need at all 71 at the one time, my officials are working to group the identified schools into tranches. That will ensure that the need is addressed in a managed way over a number of financial years within the capital budget that is available to me.

Michelle Guy (Alliance, Lagan Valley)

Only 8% of primary-school pupils and 20% of post-primary-school pupils receive the recommended 120 minutes of PE a week. What difference will the curriculum-led capital investment programme have on those figures?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The Member rightly points out the need when it comes to 120 minutes — two hours — of PE. Unfortunately, there are many examples of schools not meeting the required two hours that we want them to provide. Part of the reason for that has been the lack of facilities. When we were choosing which part of the curriculum to prioritise — for example, a case could have been made for home economics equipment or science labs — why did we choose to provide synthetic pitches, sports halls and covered outdoor play areas? We chose that area because we identified a lack of provision right across Northern Ireland. Rolling out that programme will undoubtedly enable schools to have the kinds of facilities that they need to enrich their PE offering. I want to drive up the number of schools that are reaching the two-hour target. That is why there is a focus on that particular aspect of the curriculum-led capital investment programme.

Patsy McGlone (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Mid Ulster)

Minister, can you clarify how the curriculum-led capital investment programme will address some of the long-standing infrastructure inequalities among sectors, especially in Irish-medium schools, which have failed to achieve enough capital investment despite growing enrolment and demand?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The scheme is applicable to every sector. The amount of funding that is being allocated to the curriculum-led capital investment programme is limited. It is in the region of £10 million. There are other capital works planned, including for major new builds, school enhancement programmes and minor works, all of which continue to face significant demands, with a lack of resource to meet the need that I want to see met. The curriculum-led capital investment programme is designed to place a specific focus on that element of the curriculum. It will be available to all schools to make an application. One of the Irish-medium schools that I was able to take forward was Scoil an Droichid in south Belfast. It was one of the seven schools that I announced for a new build in order to meet its particular needs. I will continue to apply that approach in future.

Michelle McIlveen (DUP, Strangford)

4. Miss McIlveen asked the Minister of Education to outline any plans that he has to review current approaches to assessing pupils to ensure that they support effective learning. (AQO 2142/22-27)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

Earlier this week, I was pleased to launch an independent review of assessment. The panel is chaired by Tim Oates CBE, former director at Cambridge Assessment, who sits on it alongside Garry Matthewson, the former principal of Holy Family Primary School, and Dr Mick Walker, former director of the Qualifications and Curriculum Development Agency (QCDA).

It is critical to ensure that our assessment system is fair, reliable and aligned with international best practice, providing clear insights into student outcomes. The review will examine assessment throughout primary school and at Key Stage 3 and will engage with education stakeholders across Northern Ireland over the coming months. The review will look at best practice within and beyond the United Kingdom and undertake a strategic assessment of current arrangements, identifying strengths and areas for improvement, in order to make detailed proposals about the future purpose, nature and design of assessment in Northern Ireland.

The review is a vital step towards having an evidence-informed, world-class education system in Northern Ireland that is excellent, equitable and responsive to the needs of all our young people. While the review is being carried out, it is important to have consistent and reliable interim arrangements. Therefore, on 19 March, I announced interim arrangements for statutory Key Stage assessment for the three-year period from the 2025-26 academic year. The new system-level sample assessments will evaluate pupils' literacy and numeracy at the end of Key Stages 1, 2 and 3. The assessments will be developed and delivered by the Council for the Curriculum, Examinations and Assessment (CCEA). They will provide insights into learning outcomes across the education system and play a vital role in shaping educational policies and interventions. The assessments will be taken by a sample of pupils and will be used to identify national trends in education performance.

Michelle McIlveen (DUP, Strangford)

I thank the Minister for his very full answer. What level of participation did this year's statutory assessment have, given that industrial action and the Department's decision came after teacher-directed time budgets had already been agreed?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I thank the Member for that question. Industrial action has had a varied impact on conducting assessment in the context of the interim arrangements for the 2024-25 academic year. However, given that assessment is a statutory requirement and should be an integral element of teaching and learning, it was still reasonable to ask teachers to comply. The information that the schools returned for this year will be extremely useful for comparing the teacher-assessed outcomes this year with the outcomes of next year's system-level sample assessment.

I put on record my thanks to those schools that participated. The participation was on a much more significant and higher level than we anticipated, which was a demonstration of a willingness in our education profession to move forward as we emerge from that long and protracted period of industrial action.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

6. Mr Blair asked the Minister of Education for an update on the review of the supporting pupils with medication needs guidance being undertaken by his Department, with specific reference to the management of food allergies. (AQO 2144/22-27)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

My Department is progressing an update to the guidance on supporting pupils with medication needs in collaboration with the Department of Health and the Education Authority. Officials have met parents and organisations representing pupils with allergies, including Food Allergy NI and the Benedict Blythe Foundation. The information that is shared at those meetings is being considered as part of the review of the current guidance.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

I thank the Minister for that reply. Further to that, what changes, if any, will the EA implement in time for the new school year?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

It is a hugely important area and one that lacks data. From census figures, we know the number of young people who have anaphylaxis, for example, but that is not properly captured in the education data. Schools, particularly through their catering services, ensure that meals and menus, for example, are screened for allergen content before being used. Obviously, when it comes to the various special dietary needs, when catering staff in the Education Authority and schools consider their policies, they take them very seriously. We are doing an important piece of work to update the current procedures to make sure that the right support is made available.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

7. Mr Carroll asked the Minister of Education to outline any education provided by schools to make pupils aware of endometriosis. (AQO 2145/22-27)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I recognise that this is an important health issue that is clearly of concern to many young women and that should be dealt with in a respectful and inclusive manner. Well-being and health are core to the Northern Ireland curriculum, which aims to:

"empower young people to achieve their potential and to make informed and responsible decisions throughout their lives".

The Northern Ireland statutory curriculum statements of minimum entitlement ensures that schools are able to respond to important updates in health messaging and priorities by adapting and including resources to best meet the needs of their learners. My Department is committed to supporting the development of young people's health literacy, including the understanding of menstrual conditions, in a sensitive and age-appropriate manner. Endometriosis falls under the umbrella of period dignity, and from Key Stage 2, which is ages 8 to 11 onwards, all pupils should be learning age-appropriate and accurate scientific facts about periods and be having open conversations about them. That can help to break common taboos about periods, prevent stigma and reduce negative perceptions and behaviours.

CCEA has published a number of resources for primary, post-primary and SEN pupils on period dignity and menstrual well-being that are available to download on the period dignity hub. There are accompanying films and posters for primary and post- primary pupils on period dignity and menstrual well-being. On endometriosis specifically, unit 5 in the post-primary suite of resources covers endometriosis and polycystic ovary syndrome (PCOS). It can be accessed via the CCEA website.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

I thank the Minister for that answer. I hope that he agrees that there is a lack of services. There is no NHS-funded centre for endometriosis treatment despite the efforts that have been made by campaigners. Do the Department, the EA or schools have a database on the number of days that are missed by people suffering from endometriosis? Would he support more work being done to try to get endometriosis advocacy groups into schools to talk about the unit 5 resources and other resources to make people more aware of the condition?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

It is an area that I know that the Education Authority takes seriously. I have outlined in detail the level of support and resources that are being made available by CCEA. When it comes to collecting data and information, it is area on which we need more information; I do not believe that we have sufficient information. However, we are working towards providing better support in the area so that we can deal with the issues more effectively than they have been dealt with to date.

Peter Martin (DUP, North Down)

8. Mr Martin asked the Minister of Education to provide an update on the progress of the new controlled schools unit, including the associated timescales. (AQO 2146/22-27)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I am able to confirm that work to create a new controlled schools unit (CSU) within the Education Authority is under way. It is anticipated that the unit will be operational for September of this year — the start of the new school year.

Peter Martin (DUP, North Down)

I thank the Minister for his answer and ongoing support for controlled schools across Northern Ireland. Does the Minister believe that the new controlled schools unit will deliver greater equity for the 150,000 children in those schools?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

This is the start of a process of providing the support to the controlled sector that has been absent for many years. The first phase is the establishment of the controlled sector unit within the Education Authority. The second phase is to introduce legislation in the Assembly to allow for the provision of a managing authority for controlled schools. I have issued Executive colleagues with an Executive paper on that for their consideration.

The basis upon which that is considered to be necessary and required is very much grounded in the independent review of education. That report highlighted:

"complicated systems for school management, which are, in particular, suboptimal for the Controlled sector"

and proposed:

"sectors should be supported with greater consistency and equity."

It outlined the perception of controlled school leaders:

"the EA is stretched too thin and is conflicted by servicing all school types, leaving Controlled schools relatively unsupported."

Therefore, in September last year, I established a controlled schools task force to provide a model for a dedicated managing authority for controlled schools, alongside the identification of key performance issues and required improvements for controlled schools under the current model. That is a welcome development, and one that is long overdue. Other sectors have their own stand-alone managing authority. The Council for Catholic Maintained Schools (CCMS), for example, provides that support to the Catholic maintained sector. The controlled schools do not get the same treatment when it comes to equity, and they do not get the same services. The controlled sector is a diverse group of schools across Northern Ireland, including nursery schools, special schools and Irish-medium schools, and it requires better support than it has received.

Nick Mathison (Alliance, Strangford)

I declare an interest as a governor of a controlled primary school. Will the Minister confirm whether he will, in this mandate, start progress towards the establishment of a single management authority for all schools in the system in Northern Ireland, as recommended by the independent review of education?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

That is certainly something that I would be supportive of, but the starting point has to be addressing the inequality that exists. There is not equity for controlled schools; it is suboptimal. Those are not my words; they are the words of the independent review of education, which was informed by principals in controlled schools. Those who engage with the controlled sector will know that its schools do not receive the support that they should receive, because the EA is there to provide services to all schools but has a unique function to be the managing authority for controlled schools. That has been diluted and not given the requirement and support that it has needed. That is why controlled schools have been left behind. I do not believe that those who advocate for equality and fairness in our education system would be opposed to addressing that inequality. It could create the opportunity for more consistency. Were the Catholic maintained sector, the grant-maintained integrated sector and the controlled sector all willing to create a single managing authority, I would certainly support that. However, we cannot leave behind one particular sector with a current inequality in pursuit of a single authority. Let us address that inequality and then move to the next phase, which is a single managing authority. Although that would have my support, all the stakeholders in education from all sectors would be required to support a single managing authority for all schools.

Andy Allen (UUP, Belfast East)

10. Mr Allen asked the Minister of Education to outline the buildings and land surplus to requirement within the ownership of his Department or arm's-length bodies. (AQO 2148/22-27)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

My Department does not own any surplus sites, but the Education Authority owns 10 sites that have been declared surplus to requirement. They are planned for disposal within this financial year and the 2026-27 financial year.

Andy Allen (UUP, Belfast East)

The Minister said that his Department does not directly own any land or buildings that are surplus to requirement, but will he outline to the House whether he supports land or buildings that are no longer required for educational purposes being utilised to tackle our social and affordable housing crisis?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I absolutely believe that, where there is no longer an educational purpose, which is the starting point for any surplus buildings, they should be disposed of. That process includes, before putting such sites on the open private market, highlighting their availability to other Departments. If there were a need for social housing, for example, we would ask the Department for Communities whether it wishes to avail itself of such sites. After that process, you make them open to the private market.

It is not in anybody's interests for the state to continue to retain ownership of buildings that are surplus to requirement. Part of the reason why few former school sites become available for disposal is the increasing need for special educational needs facilities and the potential to repurpose some of those vacant buildings to fulfil that requirement. I certainly share the Member's sentiment.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

Minister, quite often, those buildings could be put to really good use for local communities. I have engaged with your Department, albeit through the EA, on a number of examples. It is a sad reflection on the EA that, sometimes, the length of time taken means that those buildings fall into significant disrepair. Does he agree that there is a need to speed up the process?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I share the frustration that the Member has highlighted. A setting in my constituency — the former Ravarnette Primary School site — is one of the 10 schools that are listed for disposal in the 2026-27 year. It has taken many years to get to the point at which it will be available for disposal. In the meantime, it has become an eyesore in the community. That is replicated in many other areas across Northern Ireland. The process for identifying an educational purpose or another public-sector purpose needs to be improved, and, following that, you need to be able to move to disposal and allow the private market to acquire those sites so that they can be used for another purpose.

Patsy McGlone (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Mid Ulster)

11. Mr McGlone asked the Minister of Education to outline any action that his Department is taking to reduce delays in educational psychology assessments. (AQO 2149/22-27)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

My Department has invested in the educational psychology work force and is currently funding 40 places on the doctorate in educational child and adolescent psychology course at Queen's University Belfast. Fourteen of those students will graduate this year and join the staffing complement in the Education Authority's educational psychology service. In addition, the Education Authority has removed educational psychology service gatekeeping for access to support services, which will allow more time for psychologists to complete statutory work, capacity building and early intervention.

Patsy McGlone (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Mid Ulster)

Thanks very much, Minister. That is welcome news. Do you have any idea of what the waiting lists are and when those new appointees will make a meaningful impact on them?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The time that it takes for assessments to be carried out is unacceptably long. That is why we have invested in getting more people into the workforce through the doctorate scheme for which we have provided support. That is also why I made an application to the transformation programme around SEN reform and a delivery plan. We secured just over £27 million to take that forward. That will allow us to stand up more support in the form of educational psychologists to meet current demand and to set up local impact teams. That is all designed to improve the current performance, which is inadequate. It is young people who suffer because of that. It will take some time before we see the benefits of the investment that we are putting in.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

We move to topical questions.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

T1. Mr O'Toole asked the Minister of Education, in the context of society here having been shamed over the past week by an attempted pogrom in Ballymena and violence erupting throughout Northern Ireland in which children have been on the front line as victims and perpetrators and which resulted in children who were born here being made homeless and put in fear of their lives, what inquiries his Department has made into those children's well-being and whether they missed school, what the situation is for them now and what assistance his Department is giving to them. (AQT 1411/22-27)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I absolutely share the sentiments expressed by the Member. It is outrageous that, over the past week, we have been dealing with children who have come into school traumatised, showing all the signs of trauma as a result of what has happened on our streets. Alarmingly, we have also been dealing with children who engaged in the rioting and attacked the houses of children who are in their class. It is an appalling and complicated situation that requires intervention. My team has engaged with a number of schools as a result of the picture that we have had to deal with. We have engaged the Education Authority's emotional health and well-being unit and its intercultural education service to try to provide support for those schools.

I will give an example. Last week, at a number of schools, including Harryville and St Patrick's Primary Schools in Ballymena, attendance has been less than half of the school. That is a clear problem, complicated by the fact that we are dealing with children in both schools who were engaged in the trouble and children in both schools who were the victims of it. It requires a concerted effort. I assure the Member that my team and I are very much engaged in trying to provide that support.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

I acknowledge and welcome the fact that the Minister offered no equivocation or context for the trauma that has been visited on children. In that context and given that his Department has been engaged in a review of the curriculum, will he look at the curriculum to ensure that children in Northern Ireland at both primary and secondary school understand that difference is something to be respected? When we have an issue with people going out on the streets to commit acts of hate, surely the education system needs to take real action to counteract that.

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

As I have gone round schools — controlled schools, Catholic maintained schools, integrated schools — I have been hugely impressed to see the many newcomers in school settings and the work that the school leaders and teachers do to ensure that there is an inclusive environment in which diversity is respected and, indeed, celebrated. Often, our schools have been the safe haven in their communities when there have been challenges outside the school walls. I have found what has happened in a number of those schools to be particularly alarming. That is why there needs to be support. My team have engaged on that at senior levels.

I take a simple view. There is a time and a place to debate immigration policy, but someone who is in Northern Ireland, particularly a child, whatever their background, has to be treated with respect. They have to be supported and protected. That has not been the case over the past week, and that is wrong. I absolutely condemn what has happened in respect of these issues.

I will do all that I can to support those in our school environments who need support. Some of these young people have fled a war-torn area. My family provided support to a Ukrainian family with three children, who were housed in my parents' home and went to school in Lurgan. Both of the schools that they went to went out of their way to make them feel welcome. They regard Northern Ireland as their home, they will be here for many years to come, and they should be welcome in Northern Ireland.

Aoife Finnegan (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

T2. Ms Finnegan asked the Minister of Education whether he, having heard that the premises of Clady Tiny Tots preschool have been declared unfit for purpose by the environmental health department, will convene an urgent multi-agency meeting on-site with representatives of Tiny Tots in Clady, Armagh. (AQT 1412/22-27)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

When Mr McNulty addressed the issue at Question Time, I said that the Department of Education did not have statutory responsibility for provision in that kind of situation. Where there are financial difficulties in preschool settings, the Education Authority can avail itself of emergency funds. I very much encourage the providers in that setting to engage with the Education Authority, which has responsibility for providing support.

Aoife Finnegan (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

I thank the Minister for his answer. Tiny Tots has requested to be relocated to St Michael's Primary School. Can his Department do anything about that?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

When Mr McNulty raised the issue with me, my officials engaged with the Education Authority, and, absolutely, I am sympathetic to the position of Tiny Tots. However, the Department of Education does not provide financial support in that situation. The Education Authority is there to provide assistance, and I encourage the group to engage with it on that issue.

Nick Mathison (Alliance, Strangford)

T3. Mr Mathison asked the Minister of Education for an update on placements for children with special educational needs who are in key transition years and require a placement for September 2025. (AQT 1413/22-27)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

Where we have identified a particular need, I have personally engaged with schools. About 300 children, we believe — the figure changes as we bring more settings online — need provision in September. When I spoke in the Assembly on the issue this time last year, about 450 children needed placements. We set about a programme of capital works for specialist provision and have stood up a significant number of classes across the school estate, but more work is needed to meet the current need for September, and the Education Authority has been working with my Department to identify the areas and schools that require support. I have engaged with those schools to encourage them — a system-wide level intervention is needed, and I need schools to work with me — and reassure them that, when they open their schools for additional capacity, support will be provided.

Nick Mathison (Alliance, Strangford)

I thank the Minister for his response. We are in a marginally better position than last year, but 300 pupils without a placement is 300 too many. Can the Minister confirm what support will be provided to those pupils and their families, who may face a scenario in which no placement is available for them in September? How will the Minister assure the Assembly that we will not face the same scenario in the academic year ahead?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I agree with the Chair of the Committee, Mr Mathison, on the issue. We have provided hundreds of additional places, but that does not diminish the fact that, as we stand here, there are still several hundred children without a place who need to be provided with one. We were able to do this last year: the system responded, and I thank the schools that engaged with my Department and indicated a willingness to provide places. We will invest upwards of £70 million this year on top of the £50 million that was spent last year to meet the needs.

Special education provision is the first priority for a capital call in my Department. It is the first priority for all the teams in the EA in taking forward the relevant procurement business cases and feasibility studies. Other, conventional programmes are not moving at the same pace because of the increased demand. I assure the Member that this is the priority for me, my permanent secretary and the chief executive of the Education Authority as we seek to meet the needs that are being presented.

Michelle McIlveen (DUP, Strangford)

T4. Miss McIlveen asked the Minister of Education to provide an update on the Northern Ireland childcare subsidy scheme (NICSS). (AQT 1414/22-27)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

We have been able to take forward the childcare subsidy scheme. The 15% subsidy, which links with the UK tax-free allowance, has drawn in around £18 million since we started the scheme. It has reached 16,000 children. That is how many have been registered. We have been able to expand the scheme because of the funding that we were able to secure as part of the Executive Budget process. The Executive endorsed the paper, and the subsidy scheme will now be available to all school-age children up to the age of 11. That is a 60% increase in who, we believe, will be eligible. It should take us up to around 24,000 children who will be able to qualify. I encourage people to avail themselves of the support, because it has a real and meaningful impact on meeting childcare costs. The support that we are providing enables people, particularly mothers, to take decisions on increasing their hours or on returning to the workforce, if they wish to do so.

Michelle McIlveen (DUP, Strangford)

I thank the Minister for his response. He said that 24,000 children will be eligible for the scheme in the incoming year. Will he give some detail on the impact that that will have on families?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The impact is already being felt. I have heard that directly from parents who have expressed their appreciation at the fact that the scheme is available, but we have much more work to take forward on it. People had called for a comprehensive early learning and childcare strategy. We are rightly taking one forward. I will present a comprehensive strategy to the Executive in the autumn.

We also felt that it was necessary to take immediate action, given the urgency around the issue. That is why we stood up the childcare scheme and intervened to support programmes such as Sure Start. We are also implementing the standardisation approach in preschool settings so that all children get a full-time nursery place. Currently, the majority of children get part-time places of 12·5 funded hours a week, compared with full-time places of 22·5 funded hours a week. From this September, we will have equalised that, so there will be a 50:50 split. The Executive have now agreed to bring 100 more settings into scope for September next year. A majority of children will therefore be in full-time places then, but I want every child to have a full-time nursery place, because that has a real impact on children's education outcomes.

People talk in theory about early intervention, but we often do not put it into practice. We are now doing so. Full-time nursery places also enable families to take decisions about re-entering the workforce, and, financially speaking, that is when the highest pressure points in cost start to reduce. We need to do more, however. I am not content with what we have achieved, but it is a good start. There is much more that we need to do to support our hard-working families, however.

Paula Bradshaw (Alliance, Belfast South)

T5. Ms Bradshaw asked the Minister of Education, having noted that she is picking up on the same thread as Matthew O'Toole's question, to outline the degree to which his Department or the Education Authority records the level of absenteeism across the Province following the fallout from the riots and disturbances. (AQT 1415/22-27)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

There is a recording of absenteeism that occurred as a result of what happened last week. I have the precise figures for the schools in the Ballymena area. For example, 84 newcomer children in Harryville Primary School have not been at school. The figures for St Patrick’s College show that attendance levels are sitting at around 65%. We therefore have that information. It will drive the interventions that we feel are necessary in order to provide support to those schools. We have that information about not only Ballymena but other areas. We will certainly use it to inform the approaches that need to be taken to provide support to schools.

Paula Bradshaw (Alliance, Belfast South)

Thank you, Minister. Are you minded to provide any additional resources to the Education Authority's intercultural education service (IES) so that it can better support pupils and their families?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The intercultural education service is one area with which we have been engaging, but there are also emotional well-being services to consider. We will engage with the principals of some of the schools that have been impacted on, and if support is needed in those two areas or, indeed, in others, we will make sure that it is provided to them. We have not quantified what that support may be. At this stage, we are engaging with the schools. There are only a couple of weeks left in this academic year, and, following the conversations that we have been having, it has been flagged up that that support will be available in September when the schools return after the summer break. Where support needs to be provided, I will respond to the Education Authority positively to make sure that we can support people who are in that situation.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

That concludes questions to the Minister of Education. I am marking Ministers' homework. The Communities Minister answered 27 supplementary questions last week, the Economy Minister answered 16 and the Education Minister answered 16. We will see whether the Finance Minister can do any better.

Oral Answers to Questions — Finance

Doug Beattie (UUP, Upper Bann)

1. Mr Beattie asked the Minister of Finance why funding within the Department of Justice budget allocation for PSNI recruitment was not ring-fenced, similar to funding within the Department of Health budget for waiting lists. (AQO 2153/22-27)

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

The final Budget provided earmarked funding to the Department of Health for reducing waiting lists, reflecting the Programme for Government commitment. Funding for the PSNI is primarily a matter for the Minister of Justice. Including the indicative June monitoring allocations, Budget 2025-26 provided the Department of Justice with a resource budget of some £1·425 billion, which is the highest budget settlement that it has ever received. Of that, some 95% was un-ring-fenced, providing significant flexibility in the management of the Department's budget. The PSNI also benefited from £37·8 million of Treasury earmarked funding for national security. It is now for the Justice Minister to determine how best to use the budget that was provided for her Department against the competing priorities that she faces.

Doug Beattie (UUP, Upper Bann)

Thank you, Minister, for your answer. We know that Health was in a desperate position, so you ring-fenced money for waiting lists. The PSNI is in a desperate position, and I welcome the £5 million that you have given to it for the riots, but will you take proactive steps to fund the PSNI properly in the absence of the Justice Minister having it as a priority?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

I thank the Member for his question. As I said, that is, first and foremost, a matter for the Justice Minister. I am hoping to meet the Justice Minister tomorrow to discuss the recent business case that the PSNI submitted to her Department and then on to my Department. That business case has been approved, but there are still affordability issues.

I believe that the matter is best dealt with as part of the three-year Budget period that I am now entering into and am in discussions on with all Departments. I accept that, in principle, there is a case for further funding for the PSNI, particularly for recruitment and retention, and I will do everything that is within my power to provide that. However, as I said in my statement earlier, the first question that I ask anyone who is coming looking for money off the Executive is this: what can you do to help yourself? I will ask the same question of the Justice Minister and the PSNI.

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

I thank the Minister for his update. The Minister of Health made a bid for ring-fenced funding to tackle waiting lists. Can the Minister confirm whether the Department of Justice, through the Justice Minister, has put forward a business case requesting ring-fenced funding for the PSNI?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

The history to the ring-fencing of funding for waiting lists is that it was as a direct result of a commitment in the Programme for Government by the Health Minister. I can confirm that the Minister of Justice has brought forward a bid for ring-fenced funding for the PSNI. That may well happen as part of the three-year budgetary programme that the Executive are entering and the discussions that are ongoing at official level. We will be around the Executive table in the near future. As I said, in principle, I support more funding for the PSNI, but this question remains: what can it do to help itself?

Mark Durkan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

Last week's violence showed us just how quickly our Police Service can be strained to breaking point. We know that the Chief Constable was pretty critical of the budget, and I welcome the fact that you are meeting the Minister of Justice tomorrow on the issue, but will you also commit to meeting the Chief Constable to hear from him or suggest to him what he could do better to make the Police Service's money go further?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

It is not normal practice for me as Finance Minister to meet the chief executives of the various arm's-length bodies and public bodies that other Ministers have responsibility for. I have committed to meeting the Justice Minister, and I will sit down with the Justice Minister and will discuss that. If the Justice Minister suggests that I should meet the PSNI Chief Constable and is comfortable with that, I will be comfortable with that as well. First and foremost, we have to respect the role of the Justice Minister in the matter.

Eóin Tennyson (Alliance, Upper Bann)

Minister, in your discussions with Treasury, was there any specific discussion of the issue of funding for policing and justice in Northern Ireland?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

The Holtham report examined the issue of policing and justice here and the weight that it carries in our overall level of need. That formed part of our deliberations with the Treasury and the settlement that we reached with it.

Pat Sheehan (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

2. Mr Sheehan asked the Minister of Finance for an update on dormant assets funding. (AQO 2154/22-27)

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

I am delighted that over £25 million has been awarded from dormant assets funding, under the policy directions set by my Department to increase capacity, grow resilience and encourage sustainability in the voluntary and community sector. Earlier this month, I attended the launch of the Digital Futures report, made possible by dormant assets funding and delivered through the National Lottery Community Fund. Voluntary, community and social enterprises are at the core of our communities, doing incredible work to improve the lives of some of our most vulnerable people. Equipping them with the right digital skills and support to enhance the valuable services that they provide, particularly in improving the health and well-being of people, can only be welcomed.

In February 2025, I approved the development of the third phase of the fund, which will be announced tomorrow. It will support voluntary and community organisations across the North to be stronger and more resilient to deal with future challenges.

Pat Sheehan (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

Gabhaim buíochas leis an Aire as ucht a fhreagra.

[Translation: I thank the Minister for his answer.]

Has that fund been successful so far?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

I think that it has been. The independent evaluation of phase 1 of the dormant assets grant programme has been ongoing since November 2023. An interim evaluation report was published in July 2024, and a second interim evaluation report was published in January 2025. The evaluations to date confirm the continuing success of the grant programme in strengthening third-sector organisations. Many reported outcomes and impacts are directly attributed to the grant funding. Grant holders reported either that they would not have achieved the outcomes at all without the grant or that they would not have achieved the same quality, pace and scale. That highlights to me the fact that the funding programme has been successful.

Patsy McGlone (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Mid Ulster)

3. Mr McGlone asked the Minister of Finance for his assessment of the Northern Ireland Fiscal Council's ‘Sustainability Report 2025: special focus – Water’, due to be published on 10 June 2025. (AQO 2155/22-27)

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

I welcome the sustainability report from the Fiscal Council and thank it for its work on this. While the report is very comprehensive in its coverage of the history and current funding model of NI Water, the options provided to support greater investment are limited. Indeed, the report highlights the complexity of the issue. In my previous role as Infrastructure Minister, I was clear that the challenges with water infrastructure are a consequence of underfunding for basic public services over many years and that the solution does not lie in introducing water charges and charging hard-pressed workers and families for an essential public service.

The Executive's Budget 2025-26 recognised the importance of NI Water by providing it with £105·7 million from reinvestment and reform initiative (RRI) borrowing. Following the Chancellor's spending review announcement on 11 June, I will bring proposals to the Executive on a multi-year Budget, covering three years for resource departmental expenditure limit (DEL) and four years for capital DEL. That will allow for more long-term and strategic planning.

Patsy McGlone (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Mid Ulster)

I thank the Minister for that. Minister, I heard your recent interview. The absence of adequate investment in infrastructure is causing serious problems with the new-build programme for social housing and for private housing new build. Indeed, it is affecting the market in that it is putting up the prices of existing houses. When will we see your proposals for a developer's charge, Minister?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

The Member will appreciate that those are no longer my proposals and that the current Infrastructure Minister is making those proposals. I understand that the consultation ends towards the end of June and that, at some stage beyond that, the Infrastructure Minister will bring the relevant information to, I assume, the Assembly and the Committee.

Nick Mathison (Alliance, Strangford)

Will the Minister outline the discussions that he has had with the Infrastructure Minister on the need for a new funding model for NI Water?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

I have had no discussions with the Infrastructure Minister about a new funding model, but I have had discussions with the Infrastructure Minister about increased funding for NI Water and engagement with me on how the Executive can support her and her Department in bringing that forward.

Cathal Boylan (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

Minister, what steps are being taken to provide NI Water with multi-year funding?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

As with all arm's-length bodies and government companies, we can only provide multi-year funding when the spending review allows us to do so. The announcement on Wednesday by the Chancellor in Westminster allows the Executive to bring forward a multi-year funding package. That will allow the Infrastructure Minister to provide NI Water with a multi-year budget as well. Across our budgets, we are still in a constrained period, but the advantage of a multi-year budget is that you are able to plan in a more strategic way rather than from year to year, and that benefits organisations such as NI Water.

Deborah Erskine (DUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

4. Mrs Erskine asked the Minister of Finance for an update on his discussions regarding banking hubs in rural areas of Northern Ireland. (AQO 2156/22-27)

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

I visited Warrenpoint banking hub on 10 April to see at first hand how the services that it provides are supporting the local community there. At the visit, I met local banking representatives, who operate out of the Warrenpoint hub, and representatives from Cash Access UK, which oversees the hub roll-out. I pressed them on the need to urgently increase the roll-out of those hubs to other areas that have been impacted on by bank closures. I also highlighted the disparities in the locations of the hubs, especially for rural areas such as Fermanagh and Tyrone, where there are currently none.

Last week, I addressed the Financial Conduct Authority's reception in Belfast to mark the launch of its new five-year strategy and raised the importance of maintaining access to cash in rural areas. I am deeply concerned about the impact of bank branch closures on local communities, particularly in our rural towns and villages. While I do not support bank closures, and they should only take place as a very last resort, the banking hubs ensure that there is still some level of banking presence in rural towns and villages for customers while also bringing people into our local town centres. It is important that the banking sector rolls out the hubs at speed in affected areas, and I encourage communities to request a cash access review directly with LINK if they face difficulties accessing cash locally.

Deborah Erskine (DUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

I thank the Minister for his answer. It is really important for rural areas. I was disappointed in LINK. It did a reassessment in Lisnaskea, which is an area that I have raised a number of times in the Chamber. That area is without banking services and needs a banking hub. Unfortunately, on Friday, I got news that LINK has not changed its decision, so I ask the Minister to step in. There is a crisis in access to banking services in Fermanagh and South Tyrone. Will the Minister step in and support the calls for Fermanagh and South Tyrone to be treated as a special case to ensure that we receive that equality of banking services in our area?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

The Member will be aware that the Executive and, indeed, the Assembly have no direct locus over banking services, but I am more than happy to make representations to LINK on that matter. I heard the news about the second call being turned down, and that is hugely disappointing. I will make representations to LINK on that and call on it to ensure that areas such as Fermanagh and South Tyrone are represented and have access to cash equal to other areas.

Aoife Finnegan (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

Minister, how does an area qualify for a banking hub?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

Areas make an application through LINK, and it will assess the needs of the area, including what access there has been previously, to ensure that communities have access to cash. However, as the Member who asked the previous question said, when you have large rural communities such as that in Fermanagh, which was turned down for a hub, and in Tyrone, that is disappointing. I will raise that issue with the banking sector.

Colin McGrath (Social Democratic and Labour Party, South Down)

Will the Minister accept that there can be a problem where these hubs can be in towns where there is no banking provision? If there is one bank left, it means that, disproportionately, it is having a bigger slice of the pie of local people, and that is not good for competition. Might the Minister raise in discussions that there might be an opportunity for some hubs in bigger areas where there is only one bank remaining?