Northern Ireland Assembly, 27 May 2025

291 contributions from 60 members. The official report.

Members' Statements

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

As we speak, John Finucane MP is convening a multi-agency meeting in North Belfast to try to give support to the residents in Annalee Street and Alloa Street who, last week, were subjected to attacks. In case people do not know, a mob of masked men attacked houses with bats and masonry, shattering the windows of rooms where small children were sleeping and residents were watching TV. There was no warning, no provocation and, certainly, no justification. I put on record my thanks to Brian Kingston, who visited the families. He has made his apologies for not being able to be here today. I ask that, collectively, as North Belfast representatives, we stand together to call those attacks out. As if one instance of attacks was not bad enough, the second was reprehensible. We learned at the weekend that at least two other families have been intimidated into leaving their homes. Nearly all those residents have small kids. The news reported that one of them had been waiting for a home for eight years and had moved in last November. All of this came out of the blue.

There is no place for hatred, bigotry or sectarianism in our society, regardless of where it emanates from. In North Belfast, we have done, and continue to do, our level best to work together to ensure that we keep the peace. However, when attacks happen, they need to be called out and the residents need to be supported. Such actions, particularly in an interface area, undermine that work. They undermine peace. More importantly, they strike fear and terror into the lives of families. The PSNI have confirmed that they are treating the incidents as sectarian attacks. I appeal to everyone to, at some stage this week, stand together, shoulder to shoulder, to condemn those attacks, to call them out and to give support to the residents, who are living in absolute terror.

Trevor Clarke (DUP, South Antrim)

I rise following what many of us hope is the closure of the "Sean" saga within the tactical support group (TSG) in the PSNI. For weeks, many people have pushed the narrative of sectarianism within the PSNI. The closure would not have come had it not been for the efforts of retired police officer John Burrows and the 'News Letter', which continued to campaign to try to clear the besmirching of the PSNI and the officers, Catholic and Protestant, who continue to serve on a daily basis without fear or favour. It is disappointing that some decided to continue to back one individual, when, as I said, others from Catholic and Protestant backgrounds in the TSG, current and retired, came out to condemn those words and said that they were a falsehood. If it had not been for John Burrows's continued pushing, the allegations of a sectarian police force would have stayed on the record. I am glad that, eventually, "Sean" withdrew the comments and cleared the names of his former colleagues and, indeed, those who continue to serve. Many in the Chamber should apologise for continuing to appease that narrative and keeping it in the public domain. They should be ashamed of themselves.

I see that the Chief Constable made efforts to bring the issue to an end. I do not think that he did enough; he should have been clearer and firmer in what he said. Last week, at the Policing Board, he indicated that "Sean" is a decent man — I am sure that he is — but more could have been said to stand up for the officers. There should have been an investigation at the time to clear the names of those serving officers. Whilst it was a sorry saga that "Sean" continued to push out the allegations, supported by a law firm, I am glad that he has withdrawn the comments. I am equally glad that he is receiving support for whatever he is going through as an individual. I wish him well, and I am sure that the officers that he worked with wish him well and will be glad that the whole saga has been brought to an end. Considering all the changes that have been made in the police, it is disappointing that sectarianism was ever brought to the fore. I am glad that this has been brought to an end.

Mr Speaker, I am sure that you will give me a degree of latitude to introduce another topic. There is a big birthday in the Building today; someone is celebrating 60 years. Of course, that is you. I wish you a very happy birthday, Mr Speaker, and many more.

Some Members

Hear, hear.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Thank you, Mr Clarke. I will show some leniency on this occasion.

Diana Armstrong (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

Mr Speaker, I offer birthday wishes to you, too.

I wish to celebrate the remarkable achievement of one of our outstanding young farmers from Fermanagh and South Tyrone. Earlier this year, James Morrison of Maguiresbridge applied to the Aberdeen-Angus Cattle Society's youth programme to represent the UK and Ireland. Despite being the youngest applicant, James was not only selected to the team but appointed captain. That team went on to compete in the global youth competition at the World Angus Forum in Australia — a prestigious event for Aberdeen Angus cattle breed enthusiasts from around the world. Under James's leadership, the team won the group debating competition and was placed third overall. That is an extraordinary accomplishment for a young man from County Fermanagh. Throughout the competition, participants were assessed by unannounced judges on their leadership, teamwork, integrity and engagement. James distinguished himself in every aspect and was awarded the Spirit of Angus award — the highest individual honour in the competition. That accolade is testament to his character, dedication and passion for agriculture. James's deep-rooted knowledge and enthusiasm for the Aberdeen Angus breed is a proud family legacy. His father, Alan Morrison, serves as chairman of the Aberdeen-Angus Cattle Society, and his grandfather Edwin instilled in him the highest standards of pedigree cattle keeping. Alan and his wife, Naomi, also attended the World Angus Forum. It was a moment of immense pride for the Morrison family when James received the prestigious award.

James is not only a skilled young farmer but a committed member of the young farmers' movement. Since joining Lisbellaw young farmers' club in 2017, he has taken on several leadership roles, including assistant club leader, junior coordinator and vice chairman for County Fermanagh. When I spoke with James recently, I was struck by his optimism and determination. He is passionate about the future of farming in Northern Ireland and is calling for more opportunities and a stronger voice for his generation so that it can build its future here, not abroad in such places as Australia or New Zealand. James Morrison represents the very best of our next generation of farmers. His success is not just personal; it is symbolic of the intergenerational excellence that drives Northern Ireland's agriculture sector forward.

I congratulate James on his outstanding achievement at the World Angus Forum. His story is a shining example of what can be accomplished when tradition, talent and tenacity come together.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Today, I want to reflect on an incident that happened in Belfast city centre over the weekend: two peaceful protesters outside Barclays bank on High Street were arrested by the PSNI. It is important to say that there is no more profound right in a democracy than peaceful protest. Over the weekend, dozens more innocent people lost their lives in Gaza as a result of bombardment by the Netanyahu regime. We are witnessing an ongoing genocide in Gaza. People from all over this region, from all backgrounds, of all ages and from all perspectives are, frankly, in complete disbelief at what they see on their screens. They want some way of registering protest and dissent and of challenging what is happening in the Middle East. One means is through peaceful protest.

One of the people arrested is a woman named Sue Pentel, who is in her 70s. She also happens to be Jewish. She will be known to people here because she is often here peacefully and respectfully engaging with MLAs and others on the Middle East. Sue was standing peacefully next to an ATM. She put a sticker around that ATM, I believe, and was arrested for her trouble. I understand that the PSNI has a difficult job to do. I do not trivialise the fact that, sometimes, in fast-moving situations, there are judgements that have to be made by police officers, but I do not think that anybody, certainly not the dozens upon dozens of my constituents who are, frankly, appalled by what is happening in Gaza and have emailed me in the past few days to ask, "What the hell's going on in our society when peaceful protest is met with the arrest of pensioners?", would see that as a legitimate or proportionate response.

I do not want to demonise individual police officers, who have a tricky job to do, but we are in the midst of witnessing a genocide. People in our society want to register peaceful protest. They also want their public representatives, whether at Westminster, at Stormont or on any platform that they have, to register opposition to what, many of them feel, will define their generation's response not just to human rights abuses but to ethnic cleansing and genocide. Peaceful protest in Belfast city centre, even if it is a minor inconvenience, should not be criminalised. I respect the fact that people may have different views, although I do not know how people could have a different view on what we are witnessing in Gaza, which is, transparently, a crime against humanity. That is legitimate, peaceful protest. Police officers have a job to do in all these circumstances — I respect that — but let us, please, be proportionate and respect the rights of ordinary people to register dissent and protest.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Before we move on to the next Member, I want to make it clear that the police have a role to play, and it is not our place to second-guess that role. A number of Matters of the Day and questions for urgent oral answer that were submitted question the action of the police at different events. We need to be very careful. When there is a live investigation — it has not reached the stage of there being charges and may never get to that stage — it is not our role in the House to influence police decisions on investigations. They have to run their course. It goes to the Public Prosecution Service (PPS), and there is a due process. It is not for us to seek to influence that. I caution Members on that issue.

Pádraig Delargy (Sinn Féin, Foyle)

I raise a matter of pressing concern in my constituency. We all know that waiting times in Altnagelvin hospital and in emergency departments across the North have been continually rising, but, on 15 May, the waiting time to be seen in Altnagelvin was 581 minutes. People had to wait for nearly 10 hours to be seen in our emergency department. That is absolutely disgraceful, nothing short of disgraceful. The average across the North was 190 minutes. The waiting time at Altnagelvin is consistently at least twice the average waiting time of any other emergency department across the North.

It is not just about numbers or statistics. The patients and staff at Altnagelvin are our families, neighbours and members of our communities, and they will not be treated as second-class citizens. We consistently hear from constituents who come into our office about people waiting in corridors and being left there for a long time. People are leaving the hospital having not been seen after nine or 10 hours. That, in turn, increases the pressure on primary care and on out-of-hours services.

The physical infrastructure at Altnagelvin has a key role to play in addressing the situation. The Department of Health needs to step up and do better for the patients and staff there. In January, we had an Adjournment debate on the need for Altnagelvin's emergency department to be adequately sized and resourced, on which there was consensus from all sides of the House, yet nothing has been done about it. I understand that the building of a new emergency department is a lengthy process, but, during the debate, I outlined three aims and objectives that the Department of Health could implement at Altnagelvin on that day. That debate, as I said, took place in January, yet none has been implemented. The Department has failed to commission more inpatient beds, to provide any additional staff training or bring in consultants or to tackle any issues that we raised about domiciliary care packages.

This is about the pressure that is being placed on front-facing staff, who are bearing the brunt of lengthy waiting times. It is about low morale and high staff turnover. I therefore again send a message to the staff in Altnagelvin hospital that we in the Chamber have their back and will continue to be their voice to the Department of Health. Excuses about the situation being related to winter pressures do not cut it. It is nearly the summer. It is now a 365-days-a-year crisis. The Department of Health needs to step up and introduce proper procedures to support patients and staff at Altnagelvin.

Harry Harvey (DUP, Strangford)

I pay tribute to the incredible work of so many Christian youth organisations and Church-led initiatives that engage daily with our children and young people, particularly those that provide content for or conduct school assemblies, RE classes and Scripture Union meetings in schools across Northern Ireland. Members will be aware of an attempt to undermine or remove altogether the Christian ethos in our schools by way of litigation. The Christian ethos has been part of the very fabric of our schools for generations. The fact that the matter was before the Supreme Court last Wednesday demonstrates that, despite pupils having the ability to opt out of RE and assemblies in schools, there are those who are determined to impose their position on the majority of parents and pupils in every school sector in Northern Ireland, who wish to maintain their school's Christian ethos. That is deeply concerning.

Teachers, priests, ministers and youth organisations in the sector seek to instil in our young people the core Christian values of love, compassion, respect for themselves and others, respect for authority, justice and the rule of law, and the importance of moral guidance in carrying out our duty as individuals in society. Our children and young people have benefited greatly from exposure to and instruction in the central tenets of the Christian faith, which is the faith of our nation and of the overwhelming majority of our citizens. It is only right that those who seek an education that exposes them to the central tenets of, for instance, the Catholic faith be permitted to do so. Equally, those who do not wish to avail themselves of such expression of faith are well within their rights to remove themselves from lessons, and they have been able to do so freely and ably in the past.

I trust and pray that the autonomy of local schools, under the direction of boards of governors, will be permitted to continue so that education can be delivered in an environment that is acceptable to the overwhelming majority of parents and pupils and that the Supreme Court acknowledges as much.

Andrew McMurray (Alliance, South Down)

My thoughts are with those who were caught up in the incident at the victory parade in Liverpool last night, which included a large number of Northern Ireland-based Liverpool fans. I turned on the news channels to see and enjoy the parade, only to be confronted by the breaking news of the unfolding situation. It was saddening, to say the least. What was supposed to be an evening of celebration quickly turned into one of horror. It was particularly shocking not only for the four children who were involved but for all those who bore witness to it. No football fan, or, indeed, any sports fan, should go somewhere to show support for their team and return injured. I hope that the people — the fans — who were involved have a speedy recovery.

Pat Sheehan (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

As those with the power to act enabled Israel to carry out a genocide against the Palestinian people, Kneecap and others such as Sue Pentel shone a light on the atrocities that were being committed. While defenceless men, women and children were murdered in their sleep by Israeli bombs, and homes, mosques and schools were destroyed with impunity, Kneecap never wavered in their steadfast support for the Palestinian people and utter condemnation of the Israeli war machine. Kneecap have used their platform for good while Benjamin Netanyahu, his Israeli Government and the Israeli occupation forces continue to break international law and commit war crimes on a daily basis.

Gaza is on the brink. Famine, disease, devastation and death, caused entirely by Israel, are the daily experiences of the Palestinian people as the world's so-called powers turn a blind eye. While Netanyahu and Yoav Gallant avoid the arrest warrants for war crimes and crimes against humanity that were issued by the International Criminal Court, Kneecap are being dragged through the British justice system. That is the same British justice system that says nothing about the British Government's complicity —.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Mr Sheehan, take your seat for a moment, please.

Members will be aware that charges have been brought in this case. There are now active legal proceedings, and the matter is therefore sub judice. The House offers you no protection in respect of sub judice, so I caution you to ensure that, in your remarks, you do not go into matters that are sub judice; you are venturing very close.

Pat Sheehan (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

The same British justice system says nothing about the British Government's complicity in Israel's path of murder and destruction. Tens of thousands of people have died since the Israeli onslaught began in October 2023, but the people who are being hounded and dragged through the courts are an Irish language hip-hop group from west Belfast. I commend Kneecap on their unwavering determination in the face of a campaign to silence them. Kneecap are not the story. Genocide is the story, and it should stop now.

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

As the DUP economy spokesperson, I take this opportunity to recognise that this is Manufacturing Month in Northern Ireland. Manufacturing Month is an annual initiative led by Manufacturing Northern Ireland that celebrates and supports the vibrant manufacturing and engineering sector here.

Manufacturing is a powerhouse of the Northern Ireland economy, driving innovation, developing talent and leading the green growth agenda. Northern Ireland manufacturers are rightly recognised as global leaders in delivering cutting-edge solutions and sustainable, high-quality jobs. It is only right that I celebrate their role and the economic impact that they have on every corner of our country. The Manufacturing Month programme of activities will culminate in the annual Anchor High Leadership Summit, which will take place in my constituency on Thursday.

During this month, Manufacturing Northern Ireland launched the report 'Manufacturing and the Northern Ireland Economy', which highlights the vital contribution that the sector makes to our economy, accounting for almost 14% of all economic output in Northern Ireland. Its output, worth over £6 billion, makes it the second most important sector to the economy in jobs and value. The report also found that the sector accounts for 17% of private-sector jobs and 21% of all turnover despite accounting for just 6% of the total private business population.

We in this party have been champions for our manufacturing sector for many years. We are hugely proud that we delivered the industrial derating policy, which ensures that manufacturers across Northern Ireland benefit from the rate relief that they deserve. As a result of our championing that economic opportunity across Northern Ireland, tens of thousands of people remain in jobs in vital sectors. This party will continue to champion and stand up for the manufacturing sector across Northern Ireland.

Daniel McCrossan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, West Tyrone)

Over the weekend, another serious collision occurred on the A5, just next to the Ulster American Folk Park. As most of us do at various times to go about our business, Bernie Cranley, aged 82, left her home in Lifford. She travelled on the A5 and, sadly, did not return home. She died a short time later as a result of that accident. Another lady, who was in the other vehicle, remains seriously ill in the Royal Victoria Hospital in Belfast. Once again, we are seeing the worst possible consequences of travelling on the A5. First and foremost, it is vital that we send our thoughts and prayers to Bernie Cranley's family and to the family of the lady who, hopefully, continues to recover in hospital.

The A5 continues to put people at risk on a daily basis, and our public's patience is wearing thin. Last week, I witnessed a number of accidents. This week, we witnessed a serious accident that claimed another human life. Fifty-seven people have died on that road since 2007. How many more deaths will there be on the A5 before the upgrade is delivered? No section of the road is safe; unfortunately, every part of it has now claimed a human life. It is the most dangerous road on these islands — there is no other way to describe it. I understand that, across my constituency, those whose land and businesses are affected have concerns about the development of the A5, but none of that really matters when it comes to the loss of human life. The knock on the door of every one of those families is devastating beyond all words. It is unexplainable. Sadly, it continues. Every time that there is an accident or a death on the A5, it re-traumatises the families who have gone through the dreadful, terrible, painful, devastating loss of life when mothers, fathers, sons, daughters, grandparents, neighbours and friends have not returned home.

The A5 was closed for 10 hours on Saturday. The bluegrass festival in the folk park was cancelled on Saturday night. The Tyrone and Donegal game was delayed. The road impacts on every part of our life. We need the upgrade, we need to protect people who travel on the road and we need to ensure that no one else dies on the A5.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

I thought that some Members had come to their senses in understanding the plight that faces family farms, yet months after the hammer blow of Starmer's farm death tax, we again stand at a crossroads, facing yet another assault on our farmers, our rural communities and the very way of life that has sustained this land for generations.

The nutrients action programme (NAP) from the Alliance Party's Minister, Andrew Muir, is not just a set of rules; it is a battering ram that is aimed at the heart of our agricultural heritage. Let us be clear: farming is not just a job; it is an essential service. Our 48,000 farm workers feed the nation, manage 75% of the land and pour their blood, sweat and tears into keeping our rural communities alive, yet Minister Muir's NAP treats them like villains, blaming them for 62% of phosphorus pollution on the basis of shaky computer models, not hard evidence.

Where is the scrutiny of Northern Ireland Water's leaking water systems? Why are farmers the scapegoats whilst others dodge responsibility, Minister? It is a targeted attack, plain and simple.

Members across the Assembly, is it not now time that we called time on the Minister's environmental extremism? He is a man who appears to be fixated on finishing our rural way of life. Does the Alliance Party think for one moment that it is in any way bluffing farmers with its warm words and pictures of wellington boots at the Balmoral show and on departmental Twitter feeds? They are long used to the smell of manure that comes from the Minister's media commentary. They know that the Minister would not know the difference between salad and silage and that it is time he left the field before he ruins the entire crop.

The NAP demands are a death sentence for many farmers. A phosphorous limit of 10kg per hectare is not a regulation; it is a guillotine. Farmers face slashing their herd size or halving the land that they cannot afford because they are already being squeezed out by high prices. Requiring low-emission slurry equipment by 2030 sounds green, but it is a financial noose, which will cost farming families thousands —

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

The Member's time is up.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

— and we must put an end to it.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

I call Cheryl Brownlee. You have two minutes.

Cheryl Brownlee (DUP, East Antrim)

Thank you, Mr Speaker. I send my congratulations to Graham Fergus: a Carrickfergus man and a veteran of the Irish Guards. We are also proud that he is an East Antrim DUP member.

Graham has just completed a gruelling 10-day challenge to raise awareness of homelessness and to support three incredible organisations in the process. Graham began 'Operation Home' on Friday 16 May, when he set off into the Mourne Mountains with nothing more than a one-day supply of food. He had no tent, rations or home comforts. He relied on the kindness of strangers to meet his daily food needs. That symbolic gesture reflected the uncertainty faced by many who are without a permanent home.

It was a solo challenge. He carried 20kg and covered 93 miles over 10 days. Graham has hailed the kindness of the strangers whom he met. On average, he met eight people a day, and kind strangers donated food to him every day. He summited five of the seven peaks of the Mournes. People welcomed him with open arms, listened to his story and supported him in so many ways, whilst he endured that challenge. He met many from Northern Ireland and further afield.

To date, Graham has raised £5,700 for three fantastic charities: Blesma, the Welcome Organisation and Andy Allen's Veterans Support NI. Those are amazing charities, and they are all close to his heart. Graham will also be on the Veterans Commissioner podcast on 2 June to talk about his challenge. I say a huge, "Well done" to Graham. We are incredibly proud of him and all those who served and continue to serve. The veterans in Northern Ireland should receive the recognition and support that they very much deserve.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

That concludes Members' statements.

Ministerial Statement

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

I have received notice from the Minister of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs that he wishes to make a statement. I call the Minister.

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

With your permission, Mr Speaker, I wish to make a statement in compliance with section 52 of the Northern Ireland Act 1998, regarding the seventeenth British-Irish Council (BIC) environment work sector meeting, which was held in Kew Gardens in London on Thursday 8 May of this year. Junior Minister Aisling Reilly MLA, junior Minister Pam Cameron MLA and I represented the Northern Ireland Executive at the meeting. The report has been endorsed by junior Ministers Reilly and Cameron, and they agreed that I should make the statement.

The British-Irish Council was established in 1999 and is a forum for its members to discuss, consult and use best endeavours to reach agreement and cooperation on matters of mutual interest within the competence of its member Administrations. The British-Irish Council environment work sector is led by the UK Government and has proved to be a constructive and unique forum for facilitating evidence exchange and practical collaboration since the Council was established.

During the meeting, Ministers discussed and reviewed the work of the environment work sector from 2020 to 2024. The meeting also focused on restructuring the environment work sector. It was chaired by Mary Creagh MP, Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State and Minister for Nature, and involved Ministers from Ireland and the devolved Administrations of Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland as well as the Governments of the Isle of Man, Jersey and Guernsey.

Ministers discussed and reviewed the environment work sector 2020-24 policy report and the activities of its subgroups — the invasive non-native species; the Asian hornet task force; marine litter marine environment; and climate adaptation — across the period. We commended the work undertaken and the value of shared cooperation on each of those areas. Ministers agreed that the 'Environment Work Sector Policy Report 2020-24' would be published. Ministers also agreed to the streamlining of the environment work sector, confirming the closure of the marine litter, marine environment and climate adaptation subgroups following the conclusion of their work plans and the mainstreaming of climate action across the British-Irish Council thematic programme.

Ministers affirmed the importance of continued collaboration across Administrations to combat the growing threat of invasive species. We agreed that the invasive non-native species and the Asian hornet task force subgroups would combine and be elevated into a separate invasive species work sector led by the UK Government. Ministers reviewed and endorsed a new work plan for the invasive species work sector, with a focus on the following priority areas: monitoring and surveillance technology; priority pathways — exotic pets; awareness raising; alerts and rapid response; and Asian hornets, which are yellow-legged hornets.

Ministers also considered future priorities for the environment work sector, with agreement to make the circular economy as the immediate topic of focus led by the UK Government. Ministers tasked officials to develop a work sector plan on the circular economy for future consideration in the second half of 2025.

I commend the statement to the Assembly and welcome any questions.

Patsy McGlone (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Mid Ulster)

Gabhaim buíochas leis an Aire as a ráiteas.

[Translation: I thank the Minister for his statement.]

Minister, I have read your statement, and, to be honest, there seem to be plenty of titles, but it is short on detail. For example, the 'Environment Work Sector Policy Report 2020-24' is to be published. Can you give us any idea when that will be published? Secondly, paragraph 11 states that you:

"discussed future priorities for the Environment Work Sector going forward, with agreement to make the circular economy as the immediate topic of focus".

Presumably, that discussion lasted for a while. Can you give us some detail on those priorities?

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

The publication of that sits with the British-Irish Council, but I will follow it up and request that it is promptly published, because that is important.

The circular economy was considered to be a relevant topic for future work. England, Scotland, Wales, the Republic of Ireland, Northern Ireland, Jersey, Guernsey and the Isle of Man face similar challenges in regard to that, so it was felt that it was important that we should take that forward, and the UK Government are happy to do that. I said at the meeting that we also need to take into consideration the unique position of Northern Ireland in respect of the Windsor framework and how that fits in to it all.

There are opportunities from the circular economy. There are great examples of businesses in Northern Ireland showing that in action, and, hopefully, we can learn from one another and drive forward more work on it. An element of the circular economy sits with the Department for the Economy. Obviously, it will be invited to future British-Irish Council meetings, if those topics are on the agenda.

Aoife Finnegan (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

Minister, thank you for your statement. We have an ecological crisis happening in Lough Neagh. Are other Administrations facing similar problems?

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

We face an environmental catastrophe in Lough Neagh. It is a serious issue not just in respect of its impact on the environment but because 40% of our drinking water comes from Lough Neagh, so it is important that we face up to the actions that need to be taken around that. One of the specific issues that were discussed at the British-Irish Council in regard to Lough Neagh was zebra mussels. They are an invasive species and contribute to the issues that we face with Lough Neagh. The interventions that we can provide regarding that are rather limited. It is key that people ensure that, in any maritime operations, due diligence is taken to ensure that we do not spread the zebra mussels. The matter of invasive species is on the agenda of the British-Irish Council because it affects not just Northern Ireland but the South. We will continue to collaborate on that.

Additional research on Lough Neagh has been published, and I will lay that in the Assembly Library for Members to access. The research is about the contribution to water quality, and hopefully it will aid consideration of the issues affecting Lough Neagh.

Tom Buchanan (DUP, West Tyrone)

Minister, your statement talks about the "value of shared cooperation". What cooperation do you and your Department have with the farming community here on your nutrients action programme (NAP) proposals, which have the potential to put many farmers to the wall and are creating huge concern in the agriculture industry?

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

The statement is about the British-Irish Council environment sector, and I am glad to say that that cooperation occurs across all the member organisations of the British-Irish Council. We work collaboratively, which is good.

On your question about the nutrients action programme, that is out for consultation. I took a decision to extend it by four weeks, and I encourage people to feed back alternative solutions to tackle the challenges that are in front of us or to raise any concerns about that. The consultation is just that: a consultation on proposals. I understand that it is complex, and that is why I agreed to extend the consultation by four weeks.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

I am pleased to hear that the British-Irish Council has commended the work that is being done on marine litter and the marine environment more generally. Minister, what action is being taken to protect blue carbon habitats and the wider marine environment?

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

Thank you, John. My Department has worked with stakeholders to co-design policies, strategies and action plans that are needed to address the dual climate and biodiversity crises that face the marine environment. They include a revised marine protected area strategy and a blue carbon action plan. I launched the blue carbon action plan on 23 April, and the revised marine protected area strategy will be published later this year. That will be followed by the seabird and elasmobranch strategies.

Áine Murphy (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

Minister, when do you expect the environment work sector policy report to be published?

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

I will follow up on that. That sits with the British-Irish Council, and I will seek to have it published as soon as possible.

Michelle McIlveen (DUP, Strangford)

I thank the Minister for the short statement; I am not sure whether that reflects the fact that it was a short meeting.

In an answer to a tabled question last month, the Minister informed me that there were 55 exotic pets or, as he referred to them, "dangerous wild animals" registered in Northern Ireland. In the absence of any detail in the statement, will the Minister explain why the matter of exotic pets is being considered as a priority pathway and outline the terms of reference for that work stream and whether we should expect a change in the licensing of such animals?

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

Thank you, Michelle. Your Assembly question was useful in bringing out a bit more detail on the number of exotic pets that are registered in Northern Ireland. I continue to encourage people to register any exotic pets, because there is a requirement to do that. It is important that we recognise the risks to broader society if we do not properly manage that, and that is why it was agreed that it should be part of the work programme. Once the terms of reference are agreed, I will write to you to set them out. It is important that we do that.

At the meeting, we discussed some of the information that we have gathered on the situation that has presented itself. We want to work collaboratively because, as you know, those pets are likely to travel throughout the areas that are within the remit of the British-Irish Council, and I am very conscious of the associated risks. Again, I urge people who are in possession of any of those animals to register them.

Andrew McMurray (Alliance, South Down)

Minister, what will the invasive species work sector focus on?

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

Thank you very much. That is an important area. The invasive species work sector will focus on monitoring and surveillance technology, developing new technology, including AI, for monitoring invasive species across the islands; priority pathways, including exotic pets, as we have just talked about, to address exotic pet escape and establishment of actions across British-Irish Council member Administrations; and prompting awareness-raising campaigns such as Be Plant Wise and Check Clean Dry and coordinating the annual Invasive Species Week. It also includes alerts and rapid responses and, as was discussed in the statement, preventing the spread of Asian hornets, which threaten honeybees, native invertebrates and human health.

Declan McAleer (Sinn Féin, West Tyrone)

I thank the Minister for his statement. He mentioned the value of shared cooperation and collaboration. Will the recent reset in EU-UK relations have any beneficial impact on the environment work sector?

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

Yes, it will. It was set out in the statements that were issued on Monday of last week that there will be further cooperation around those areas. That will be for the collective benefit of the EU, Northern Ireland and the UK more broadly. That is wise, because a lot of the issues that we are discussing with the British-Irish Council also extend to the European Union. It is important that we cooperate on those. I already cooperate quite a lot with my colleagues in the South, and I am seeking further engagement with my colleagues, particularly around Lough Neagh and nature recovery and also on agriculture and veterinary matters. That liaison already occurs, but the reset with the European Union allows us to broaden and deepen that collaboration. It is set out in the statement, and I welcome that particular paragraph.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

This watery two-page statement says to me that there continues to be zero self-awareness from the Minister about the huge pressure and strain facing agriculture in Northern Ireland. When he was discussing environmental work schemes, was there any consideration of the thousands of jobs that are at risk from his environmental extremism?

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

I continue to undertake my responsibilities to the environment because they are statutory responsibilities that need to be discharged. It is important that we take cognisance of that. We also need to take cognisance of a report issued last week by the Office of Environmental Protection. It states:

"The Complaints and Investigation team service a wide range of enquiries and complaints. We have identified the following topics that are currently undergoing further consideration".

The first item in the list of future topics is:

"Northern Ireland – Nutrient Action Programme We are considering any potential failures to comply in relation to the regulation of nitrogen/phosphorus inputs into freshwater/coastal protected sites along with wider regulations relating to nutrients."

That is the context in which I operate, and I am very clear that the proposals for the nutrient action programme are just that: they are proposals. There is a commitment in the Programme for Government to tackle the issue of Lough Neagh. There is significant pressure, whether from the Office of Environmental Protection or others, to do that. I am striving to strike a balance between addressing those issues and concerns that are being set out to me and ensuring financial sustainability for the agri-food sector. That is something that I am very much committed to. I was the only Minister in the UK to secure ring-fenced funding for agriculture, agri-environment, fisheries and rural development. Additionally, I secured over £12 million for a just transition fund for agriculture. I am doing that work. I am delivering for the farming community, but I am also very conscious of my statutory responsibilities, which I cannot shirk.

Danny Donnelly (Alliance, East Antrim)

Addressing climate change is the greatest challenge of our time, and cooperation on the issue is very welcome. Minister, when will the third Northern Ireland climate change adaptation programme (NICCAP3) be published?

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

I recently shared a copy of the Northern Ireland climate change adaptation programme with my ministerial colleagues and requested any final comments before my Department launches an eight-week consultation on it. Subject to no major concerns being raised, I hope to launch the consultation late this month or early next month.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

Minister, given the continued application of EU law in Northern Ireland and many issues relating to the environment, was there any discussion about alignment for the whole of the UK with the EU, and, as a consequence, subverting the result of the 2016 referendum?

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

That was not a matter for discussion for the environment work sector. I outlined in the statement what the meeting focused on. To be honest, Mr Gaston, I think that the EU lives rent-free in your brain.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Minister, this very short statement is the only substantive Executive business today, so it would be good to hear some substance. Of the jurisdictions that you met at the British-Irish Council, Northern Ireland is the only one that does not have an independent environmental protection agency. Even the Isle of Man and the Channel Islands can prosecute environmental crime. Did you give your colleagues an update on when the environmental governance panel will report? When will the House see the outworkings of that?

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

There is an inaccuracy in your question: you said that only those areas could prosecute environmental crime. Northern Ireland can prosecute environmental crime, so it is important to set the record straight on that, Matthew.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

I did not say anything inaccurate.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Order.

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

The independent panel is continuing its work and will report in due course. I will not be found wanting in coming forward with my response to that. When the SDLP had a chance to vote for an environmental protection agency as part of an amendment to the Climate Change Bill, you did not even turn up.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

That brings to a conclusion the ministerial statement.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

On a point of order, Mr Speaker.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Yes. I remind Members that debate takes place through the Chair and not directly. I will take your point of order, Mr Blair.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

Mr Speaker, I seek your ruling on the comments made and wording used by Mr Buckley during —.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

[Interruption.]

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

And again, it appears. It was during questions on the ministerial statement that we have just heard and during Members' statements earlier.

Mr Speaker, will you rule on whether it is appropriate to mention a person's attire and to accuse a person of being an extremist? Those comments were contained in a Member's statement and in a question. Do such remarks constitute a direct and personal attack on a Member, whether that Member is a Minister or not?

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

I am happy to look at what has been said and to take some consideration of that from my staff.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

On a point of order, Mr Speaker. Would it be appropriate for me to receive the exact words that Mr Blair found so offensive? I have not one clue about what on earth he has just said.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

That is why we will look at it ourselves. When Hansard produces the transcript, we will, in due course, consider it with cool heads.

Private Members' Business

Paula Bradshaw (Alliance, Belfast South)

I beg to move

That this Assembly expresses severe concern at the challenges many people experience in accessing dental care; notes the testimony from the British Dental Association that the shortfall between Department of Health fees for dentists and the cost of providing services means that many dental practices are not financially viable and are struggling to continue seeing NHS patients; further notes that early and preventative oral healthcare can help to improve health outcomes for patients and reduce demand for wider health services; calls on the Minister of Health to develop a new oral health strategy to address access to services and workforce challenges; and further calls on the Minister to conclude and publish the general dental services cost-of-service review as soon as possible.

(Madam Principal Deputy Speaker in the Chair)

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

The Business Committee has agreed to allow up to one hour and 30 minutes for the debate. The proposer of the motion will have 10 minutes to propose and 10 minutes to make a winding-up speech. An amendment has been selected and is published on the Marshalled List, so the Business Committee has agreed that 15 minutes will be added to the total time for the debate. Paula, please open the debate.

Paula Bradshaw (Alliance, Belfast South)

Thank you, Principal Deputy Speaker. The Alliance motion highlights the challenges facing dental practices, which cause difficulties for our constituents in accessing their services; calls on the Minister of Health to introduce a new oral health strategy to address access to services and workforce challenges; and calls on him to conclude and publish the general dental services cost-of-service review as soon as possible.

I welcome the amendment from colleagues in the DUP, which calls for proposals to improve access to dentistry, including ways to address regional inequalities.

Unfortunately, as MLAs, we will be all too familiar with the difficulties in accessing dental services through our health service. Whilst we all get contact from constituents who are unable to access GP services, almost as many get in touch because they are unable to source dental services on the NHS.

According to the most recent working patterns data from the General Dental Council (GDC), which had looked at the number of dental practices that are committed to at least 75% of their work being provided through the health service, Northern Ireland has had the largest shift away from NHS dentistry in the direction of private services, with only 43% of practices here being committed to meeting that 75% target. Furthermore, statistics that emerged last month have confirmed that, of the more than 350 dental practices in Northern Ireland, only two are now fully NHS practices, while more than 53,000 health service patients have been removed from practices' lists over the past two years.

We are currently witnessing the end stages of the privatisation of a crucial section of our health service. Oral healthcare plays a major role in the prevention of diseases, not least of oral cancers, and dentists are often on the front line of recognising the need for further treatment and referring patients on. Oral healthcare is especially crucial for children and young people. Tooth decay, which is an almost entirely preventable condition, remains the leading cause of hospital admissions among children in the UK. I acknowledge that the Department of Health consulted on new oral health improvement plans for children and older people last year. We now need to see action on those plans as a result of the consultation.

There is another glaring example of Northern Ireland's ever-growing two-tier healthcare system. As a South Belfast MLA, I am regularly contacted by constituents who are experiencing extreme dental pain but can neither afford to pay for treatment nor access it on the NHS. As the British Dental Association (BDA) has put it, it is those who need healthcare the most who are the most affected. During his tenure, the Minister of Health has not outlined many priorities from his Budget allocation, but one priority that he has spelt out is that of tackling health inequalities. I therefore ask the Minister to give an example of where inequality is as glaring as in people's inability to access health service dentistry.

We cannot wait. Urgent action is needed now if we are to turn the tide of privatisation. Ultimately, it is a funding issue. I appreciate that the Department of Health created the dental access scheme as a way in which to assist individuals to access health service dentistry, but the reality is that it does little but buff the edges of the problem. Only 29 out of 364 practices have signed up to the scheme, with practices being given little incentive to get involved. If we are to ensure that dental practices are in a position to provide health service dentistry, the Department of Health needs to ensure that independent contractors are on a sustainable financial footing.

It is my understanding that discussions are ongoing about investment proposals for general dental services (GDS) for 2025-26. I remind the Minister that we are almost into the month of June, so the first quarter of the financial year is almost complete, yet general dental practitioners still have no clarity on what financial arrangements will be in place for undertaking health service work.

A number of other outstanding issues need to be addressed. How will funding be allocated to support the increase in employers' National Insurance contributions? As is mentioned in the motion, where is the cost-of-service review, and will it be expedited, as it is an urgent matter? The British Dental Association has engaged with the Minister and his officials on several occasions since February 2025 on the proposals, which, if implemented, could enable practitioners and practices to maximise GDS health service activity and, in turn, deliver better patient access. It is my understanding that there has been no engagement with the BDA in return. I therefore appeal to the Minister of Health to expedite the cost-of-service review as a priority; to develop a new oral health strategy; and to engage with the BDA on proposals to improve access to health service dentistry as a matter of urgency.

Alan Robinson (DUP, East Londonderry)

I beg to move the following amendment:

Leave out all after "wider health services;" and insert: "calls on the Minister of Health to urgently develop, and present, proposals to increase access to dental services and address regional inequalities, alongside consideration of a new oral health strategy to address access to services and workforce challenges; and further calls on the Minister to conclude and publish the general dental services cost-of-service review as soon as possible."

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Alan, you will have 10 minutes in which to propose the amendment and five minutes in which to make a winding-up speech. All other Members who are called to speak will have five minutes. Please open the debate on the amendment.

Alan Robinson (DUP, East Londonderry)

Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. In keeping with what tends to be the case with health motions, we hope that Members across the Chamber can support our amendment.

We believe that including a call to "address regional inequalities" helps to strengthen the original motion. We thank the Alliance Members for bringing the motion to the House.

It is right and positive for the House to collectively give a voice to the thousands of people across the Province who find it increasingly difficult, if not impossible, to access basic dental care. Access to dental care should be a fundamental part of our health system, but data shows that, for too many individuals and families, particularly those on lower incomes, NHS dental care is becoming a service that is out of reach and one that, dentists tell us, hinges on urgent reform and fair funding. The British Dental Association has consistently made that clear and warned of the growing shortfall between what dentists are paid by the Department and the cost of delivering treatment. On the other hand, the Minister and the Department of Health have warned about similar shortfalls in the Health budget; indeed, the Minister recently told us that he was not confident that he had enough budget to cover the forthcoming pay rises for health workers. I cannot help feeling that the people who depend on us are the ones who are being caught in the middle of the shifts between those two tectonic plates. The only positive is that things could have been worse had the ban on amalgam fillings from January 1 2025 been implemented. That can has been kicked down the road for another day.

It is well documented that many dentists are either scaling back or withdrawing from NHS contracts because the numbers simply do not add up in their practices. That means fewer places for NHS patients, longer waiting lists and, ultimately, worsening oral health outcomes. National Insurance and wage increases have meant that dental services are teetering on the edge, with the likelihood of reduced opening hours and even cuts to staff numbers. To compound a depressing state of affairs, a cohort of dentists are approaching retirement. It feels that, for dentists, the perfect storm is above them, below them and, now, around them.

The figures for 2023-24 show that there were 364 dental practices and 1,195 dentists in them. However, what struck me was that 114 dentists — nearly 10% — handed back their NHS contracts in 2023-24. Worse still, only two of those practices are fully NHS practices. What is worrying is that oral health is not separate from general health. Even those of us who have no special health experience know that untreated dental problems can lead to serious infections, nutritional issues, chronic pain and even hospital admission. In addition, dentists are on the front line in identifying oral cancer. On whom will that fall most heavily? Our most vulnerable: children, older people and those already facing huge barriers in accessing NHS dental care.

While dental treatments are important, early and preventative care is key. Regular check-ups normally prevent serious problems down the line and reduce the pressure on other parts of our health service, such as GP surgeries and A&E departments. It is always better to deal with the issues upstream than it is to try to deal with a dam that is leaking heavily. My party supports the call for the Minister of Health to develop and publish a new oral health strategy that sets out clearly how the Department will improve access, invest in prevention and build a dental workforce that is supported, valued and funded.

As I said, we want to see regional inequalities being addressed, regardless of someone's income, postcode or background. We people to have access to the dental care that they need when they need it. One glaring regional variation is in Fermanagh and South Tyrone, where fewer than 49% of the adult population are registered with a health service dentist. I go further: just over three quarters — 76% — of children in Northern Ireland are registered with a health service dentist, with children in the more deprived areas less likely to be registered with a dentist and much more likely to have dental decay. The Minister has outlined his commitment to addressing inequalities and improving access to NHS services, but our constituents face the reality that dental treatment is costly and is becoming a financial burden rather than a public health provision.

Deborah Erskine (DUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

I thank the Member for giving way and for raising Fermanagh and South Tyrone. Does he agree that, when dentists switch to private models or close their doors in rural areas, people in those areas will have problems in accessing transport in order to access dental treatment? That is a huge problem in rural areas and adds to the health inequalities.

Alan Robinson (DUP, East Londonderry)

Absolutely. As usual, Ms Erskine, who is a capable and avid Member for Fermanagh and South Tyrone, pinpoints the issue well.

The inequality must be tackled so that better health outcomes can be afforded to all our people. It is clear that access to dental care is becoming increasingly determined by one's ability to pay, and that will only deepen existing health disparities.

We cannot lay the blame at the feet of dentists, who are just trying to keep their businesses afloat. We cannot blame patients, who are worried about access to treatment. Dentists play a vital role in the healthcare system, and we cannot sit by and watch as oral health is privatised. The benefits of routine dental care in early intervention and treatment must be recognised.

We must remember that dentists do not go on strike — they leave. The rising costs of business and a lack of financial support are pushing them out. If we do not save NHS dentistry, more dentists will leave, worsening the problems that our constituents face in accessing dental services.

We also support the call for the immediate conclusion and publication of the general dental services cost-of-service review. Without understanding the true cost of delivering NHS dental care, the Department surely cannot fix a dental service that is under so much pressure and strain.

Philip McGuigan (Sinn Féin, North Antrim)

I thank the Alliance Members for tabling the motion and the DUP for its amendment, both of which we will support.

MLAs know, because our constituents have been telling us, that, in recent years, an increasing number of patients are and have been struggling to access NHS dentistry services, as more and more practices go private due to a lack of investment and rising costs in the industry. We have also heard from dentistry representatives that, unless action is taken soon, more dentists will inevitably leave the system and the crisis in NHS dentistry will deepen further.

The BDA's general dentist service survey, which was carried out last March, stated that almost 90% of dentists said that they intended to do less NHS dentistry in the coming year and almost half stated that they intended to go fully private. We have seen those figures become reality. More than 53,000 NHS dental patients have been removed from dental practice lists over the past two years. During 2023-24, 114 dentists handed back their NHS contracts to the Department of Health, with many of them now doing private work only. Out of 360 dental practices in the North, only two are fully NHS practices. My household received three letters a fortnight ago to tell us that our dentist was going fully private over the summer.

We know that the loss of more NHS dentistry practices will have a disproportionate impact on patients on lower incomes and on children, who, as a result, may go without regular check-ups and preventative oral care for many years. Therefore, I agree with the other Members who have stated how important dental care is. Dental care is not a luxury but a necessity, and it is vital for good general health. However, having the right to free dental treatment has no value or meaning when you cannot find an NHS dentist with the capacity to provide you with treatment.

Access to dental care cannot be just for those who can afford to pay for it; it is a fundamental aspect of our health and well-being. Our public health service was designed to prevent health inequalities, yet we see that being eroded across the board. With private healthcare becoming more and more prominent, nowhere is that development more stark than in dentistry, as we see.

It is imperative that the NHS dental contract be revised and made reflective of the current cost of delivering modern dental care to ensure that practices are not pushed towards privatisation through financial necessity. Everyone deserves to be fairly paid for the work that they do, so the call in the motion to:

"conclude and publish the general dental services cost-of-service review"

is an important aspect of getting this right and moving forward on it. Learning should be taken from the payment model followed in Scotland. The reform and investment there will clearly benefit both the dental sector by improving the NHS offer and patients by giving them increased NHS provision.

Last August, the Minister announced the dental access service, the enhanced child examination scheme and the 30% enhancement to the fees paid for fillings. That is a short-term measure that speaks to the urgent necessity for action and reform.

The Health Minister must bring forward a plan to stabilise NHS dentistry in order to avoid the complete collapse of the service. We are all aware of the budgetary constraints within which the Health Minister and every other Minister work. I have no doubt that he will articulate that in his response. However, the Health budget is vast: 50% of the entire Budget. The Minister has committed, in his three-year plan for Health and Social Care (HSC), to develop an action plan and programme of work for the reform of general dental services by April 2027. By April 2027, we will not have any health service dentists left.

I urge the Minister to work with dentistry representatives to address access to NHS dentistry and workforce challenges and to restore public confidence in that vital part of our health service.

Alan Chambers (UUP, North Down)

As an MLA, I am well aware that, in recent years and especially since the pandemic, it has become increasingly difficult for people to access health service dentistry. Whilst it is clear from regular media reports that access to NHS dentistry is a problem in every corner of the United Kingdom, there is an undoubted problem and challenge in Northern Ireland. Although the number of practices and dentists has remained broadly stable, the trend over a number of consecutive years has been that more and more opt to deliver greater private dentistry work instead of health service dentistry.

The number of patients who are no longer registered — perhaps, it would be much more accurate to state that they have been deregistered — is a further clear illustration of the shift from NHS to private work. Whilst there are various reasons for the move to private dentistry, money is undoubtedly a driving factor behind it. Some people claim that delivering a National Health Service dentistry service is a loss-maker, but I note that that has been strongly refuted in the past. One thing is undeniable: private dental work is much more lucrative for individual dentists and practices.

I am not sure whether, as the state, we could ever afford to fully reverse that, as it would come at an enormous cost. I am glad, however, that, despite the unprecedented funding challenges that face the health service locally, the Minister, like his predecessor, has decided to prioritise what limited funding exists for high-priority registered patients who are in need of urgent care. Initiatives such as the current dental access scheme, with a multimillion-pound budget allocated to it, have helped thousands of people across Northern Ireland, as has the enhanced child examination scheme. I know from engaging with the Minister that work has been under way on further initiatives, some of which will be innovative and unique to Northern Ireland. I welcome that, because no one — not us as MLAs, not the profession and especially not the patients — can be satisfied with the current state of NHS dental provision here.

Colin McGrath (Social Democratic and Labour Party, South Down)

I support the motion and the amendment, which highlight the growing crisis in our dental service that is affecting people across the North. We have heard it from patients and practitioners and through the Assembly: accessing NHS dental care is becoming a struggle for far too many people in our communities.

Let us look at the facts. According to the British Dental Association, NHS dental services in Northern Ireland now operate under a model that is simply not financially viable. Dentists are being reimbursed at rates that do not cover their costs. As a result, many have to make the painful decision to limit or stop seeing NHS patients altogether. There is a little reflection in that — let us just take that for a moment. Who would do something when it costs them to do it? If you provide a public service to the public, you should be reimbursed the costs that you are out and not have to pay and contribute to that. The result has been that, now, only two dental practices in the North conduct solely NHS work.

A recent survey by the BDA found that 90% of dentists in Northern Ireland are unable to take on new NHS adult patients. We know that that is much more than a statistic. It represents hundreds of thousands of people in our communities — the people whom we represent — who are no longer able to access NHS treatment. They are effectively locked out of the care that can be provided for them. It goes to the very basis of the value that we place on the NHS and the public's ability to access timely healthcare, free at the point of delivery, which is still something that we should be trying to get.

Early and preventative dental care is not a luxury; it is a necessity. Left untreated, tooth decay — I have personal experience of that — can lead to lots of pain; it can lead to infection; you can miss time from school or work; and, in some cases, there can be emergency hospital admissions as a result. It is estimated that dental issues account for thousands of hospital admissions across the UK each year. Having to deal with those cases in hospitals costs our NHS more in the long run than it would to make the small investment that is needed in our dental services.

As for equality, it cannot be right that where you live in Northern Ireland determines whether you can see a dentist and whether you will have to pay. We know that there are significant regional disparities, with rural areas disadvantaged and hit the hardest. For that reason, the SDLP particularly welcomes the amendment, which focuses on addressing those inequalities.

I will make my usual and gentle remarks as a member of the Opposition. We have the situation in which there are four parties in this Chamber that are in government. Four parties sit around the same Executive table, yet today, one of those Executive parties brings a motion and another an amendment, both calling for urgent action from their own Health Minister.

People care about seeing a dentist when their child has toothache. They care about not having to choose between going private or going without. They care about action. That is why the Opposition can support the motion and the amendment, so let us get on with fixing the system.

Patsy McGlone (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Mid Ulster)

I appreciate the Member giving way and thank him for that. Will he accept that it is not just about dental health? When you visit a dentist, other issues, such as oral cancers, can be spotted by a dentist when they are examining a person's mouth?

Colin McGrath (Social Democratic and Labour Party, South Down)

I thank my colleague for that remark. It fits in that dental practitioners are medical practitioners in our community and part of our wider NHS medical fraternity. They can spot things. They can intervene. They can provide support.

We need a system that is supported back the way and funded so that it can undertake all the work that it needs to. One way to get on with fixing that system is to see the general dental services' cost-of-service review published. Dentists need clarity, patients need access and the Department of Health needs a strategy that is fit for purpose.

The SDLP will continue to speak up for those left behind by the current system. We will work with all the parties committed to improvement and support any genuine efforts to deliver the care that people deserve.

Órlaithí Flynn (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

I agree with the points that were made by all Members who have spoken. We are not debating the motion as just a policy concern or a policy issue. We know that the BDA has raised it time and again at the Health Committee — certainly, for the past number of years — and has warned of the sense of collapse across dentistry, because dentists cannot afford to supply the care to their patients. It is basically not worth the money that they receive.

Sometimes, we use the word "crisis" about plenty of different issues that come up, but I do think that this is genuinely verging on crisis, because of the fact that we have got to where we are: National Health Service dentistry has reached a point where parents cannot register babies and young children, and adults are getting phone calls saying that their local dentist is having to go fully private. Alan, in introducing the amendment, mentioned that only two practices are fully NHS — and it has been covered in the media as well. The whole situation is worrying.

I am sure that we are all being lobbied by our constituents, regardless of what part of the North we represent. One of my constituents reached out to say that having been registered with the same dental practice for the past 30 years, and having their treatment with that local dentist — this is similar to what Philip said in his remarks — she and her husband were told, just last week, that they were going to have to pay £500 a year because their dentist is having to put in private dental pans for all his patients. If he does not do that, the practice will have to close, which would mean that there would be no dental care for any of those patients. It is leaving people with no choice: if you can pay for private dental care, all well and good, but if you cannot, you face a hospital admission and having to undergo general anaesthetic and surgery, which is particularly worrying for kids. That is not good.

The Minister's pledge to try to address health inequalities was mentioned by, I think, Alan, when he introduced the amendment. That pledge was welcomed across the House; we were all pleased to see it. It is an important piece of work. The Minister will know that one of the biggest health inequalities is in kids' oral health, and he will know that constituencies such as mine — West Belfast — probably see the highest level of teeth-related admissions to EDs of young children because they do not have access to the dental care that they need. There is a mental health impact when people go through prolonged periods of pain. You know yourself that, if you have a toothache and discomfort in your mouth, it can impact on your attendance at work. Such pain can also impact on kids' attendance at school. People not being able to access a dentist when they need to definitely has a widespread negative impact.

We know the pressures that are on the budget — it is often the same conversation in the Chamber. If I am correct, the Department of Health is allocating just over £9 million to general dentist services in the North — the Minister will correct me in his remarks if I am wrong — which works out at 0·12% of the overall health budget. I know that that budget is going towards many important things, but we need to move this on and find a solution to make sure that, first and foremost, a child can get access to an NHS dentist if they need it.

Deborah Erskine (DUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

I support the important motion and want to give a voice in the Chamber, yet again, to the growing frustration and anxiety that is felt by many of my constituents in Fermanagh and South Tyrone, and by people across Northern Ireland, who face increasingly severe difficulties in accessing basic dental care. The previous time that I spoke in the Chamber on this issue, I described my area as a "dental desert". It is not getting any better. I provided options and pleaded with the Minister to act. Unfortunately, in response, I got rhetoric about how my party voted for the Budget. Let us hope that the Minister will come with a different attitude today.

In rural constituencies such as mine, the problem is not new, but it is worsening at an alarming rate. Constituents tell me that they can no longer find an NHS dentist and that the switch to private dentistry models is creating health inequalities in each town and village across Northern Ireland. Others have been removed from practice lists because their local surgeries can no longer afford to keep them under the current funding arrangements. We are not talking about just routine check-ups; we are talking about serious dental pain being left untreated, infections going unmanaged and families having to travel extraordinary distances for care that they used to receive in their own communities. That is not acceptable in a modern healthcare system.

The British Dental Association has been crystal clear: the financial model for NHS dentistry is no longer viable. The fees paid by the Department of Health simply do not meet the real cost of providing NHS dental services. That has forced many practices into making an impossible choice: take on fewer NHS patients, switch to private dentistry or close their doors altogether. We must face facts: the current system is broken. It is not enough to acknowledge the crisis; we need action. The general dental statistics publication for 2023-24 shows that the Fermanagh and Omagh council area had the lowest adult registration rate at 49%, which is 17 points below the Northern Ireland average. That is a staggering picture. Our amendment strengthens the original motion by calling for more urgency and adding in the regional inequalities that must be tackled. We need measures to expand access to services and address the very real regional inequalities that persist, particularly in rural areas such as Fermanagh and South Tyrone.

I also highlight the role of early and preventative care. Oral health is not separate from general health. Poor dental hygiene is linked to heart disease, diabetes and poor outcomes in pregnancy. The cost of inaction will not just fall on the dental system; it will burden our entire health service. The Minister must prioritise the completion and publication of the general dental services cost-of-service review. Dentists have waited for long enough. If we are to rebuild NHS dentistry, we need a funding model that reflects the real-world cost of delivering high-quality care. We must also look to the future. A new comprehensive oral health strategy is long overdue. That strategy must address workforce planning, training, retention and support for dentists working in underserved areas. If we do not invest in the dental workforce now, we will lose more practices and expertise, and, ultimately, our public health will deteriorate.

People in my constituency deserve to know that, when their child has a toothache, they can get an appointment. When an older person needs a filling or a denture repaired, they should not be left waiting for weeks or having to travel for hours. As has been said by others in the Chamber today, that is not a luxury; it is a basic public service. We cannot build a fair and healthy society without it. I urge all Members to support our amendment, and I call on the Minister to act with the seriousness and speed that the crisis demands.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

The simple act of getting a dental appointment is now out of reach for far too many. According to the British Dental Association, the fees paid by the Department of Health to dentists do not cover the actual cost of delivering care. The harsh reality is that that shortfall has made an NHS dental practice financially unviable for many, so it is no surprise when they leave and turn to private work, or leave the industry altogether. In 2024 alone, over 40,000 NHS patients were removed from dental practice lists. More than 53,000 have been removed in just the past two years. Between quarter 1 of 2023 and quarter 3 of 2024, we lost over 177,000 registered patients from NHS dentistry. The registration of children aged between zero and 17 dropped by over 15,000 in just one year. That has real-life consequences for us all. One mother living in Larne told me how she was on the verge of registering her toddlers with a dentist in Enniskillen — a staggering four hours away — because nowhere closer would take them. Only a chance callback from a Ballymena surgery saved her from having to make that journey. In Belfast, my deputy leader, Councillor McDowell, has described calling dozens of practices on behalf of constituents, only to find none accepting NHS patients. However, there are reports of migrants being transported from Belfast to Banbridge by taxi for dental treatment.

The General Dental Council confirms the flight from NHS provision. Northern Ireland has the largest shift to private practice of the four UK nations. Only 11·5% of practices are now fully NHS. The Minister must bring forward a new and fully resourced oral health strategy that does not rely on goodwill and private income to prop up a public service. We must ensure that early and preventative oral healthcare is accessible to all, not just those who can afford to go private. That —.

Stewart Dickson (Alliance, East Antrim)

I thank the Member for giving way. I am curious about the Member's comment about his concern for people not receiving NHS dental care, when his sister party, Reform UK, has been calling for privatisation and insurance-based healthcare, including dental healthcare.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

The Member has an extra minute.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

Thank you very much. The Member has distorted what was said.

Ensuring accessibility means fixing the funding model and rebuilding the workforce. Minister, you know the issues and the problems: it is your turn to get on with it.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

I declare an interest: I have a sibling who runs a dental practice in Belfast.

NHS dentistry has been under threat almost since its inception, but it is now close to breaking point. People who live here are twice as likely to have filled teeth as people in England, and children here are three times as likely to have multiple teeth extracted under general anaesthetic. As has been mentioned, children in the most deprived areas, including in my constituency of West Belfast, are the least likely even to be registered with a dentist. As has been said, areas in which dentists no longer accept new patients are already being called "dental deserts". These days, most if not every community could probably be described as a "dental desert". That poses massive questions for everyone's oral health but especially that of those who live in deprived, working-class communities.

The core issue in dentistry is no big mystery: when dentists treat NHS patients, they lose money. That is because the fees paid by the state are not enough to cover the costs of providing that treatment. On top of that, because the health service has been underfunded by Westminster to the tune of hundreds of millions of pounds, dental practices are not financially viable. The British Dental Association recently wrote to the Health Minister to seek urgent clarity on this year's investment proposals for general dental services. Its ask, which is reasonable but urgent, is for appropriate funding to stabilise general dental services in the short term. Most dentists can no longer stay in business unless they use income from their private practice to subsidise the treatment of their NHS patients.

As we have heard, in the past two years, dentists across the North have removed more than 53,000 NHS patients from their practice lists. That extremely worrying trend needs to be stopped. Out of 360 dental practices, only two are fully NHS. Some dentists continue to accept and treat NHS patients out of a sense of moral obligation, despite being financially penalised. Fair play to those people, but the state cannot shirk its responsibility to ensure that healthcare is provided. Patients who are priced out of private care find it painfully difficult, if not impossible, to access the services that they need on the NHS. People who cannot afford a private dental payment plan are forced to go without coverage, and, when they need treatment, they turn to the dental access scheme, but fewer than 10% of practices are signed up to that scheme.

A lack of access to NHS dentistry has led to people extracting their own teeth, overdosing on painkillers and making their own fillings just to manage their pain. That is completely unacceptable. Serious untreated dental issues can lead to infection and even sepsis. Antibiotics and emergency surgery are often needed once a patient eventually receives emergency treatment. The indirect costs of patients not receiving the right care at the right time are astronomical. As Members have said, poor oral health has been linked to cardiovascular disease, diabetes and oral cancer.

Dentistry has been starved of the funding that it needs to treat all patients regardless of their income, postcode or where they come from — where they were born. It is not good enough to shrug our shoulders and say that the money is not there. We need much more radical change to NHS dentistry to guarantee that everyone gets the treatment that they need and deserve, not just another strategy.

Ultimately, there is no free market solution to the crisis. Privatisation and the free market caused this disaster, with people left literally to rot because they cannot pay for private treatment. The only way in which to guarantee dental care for all is to bring NHS dentistry into public ownership and fund it properly, with dental staff being employed directly by the NHS. The Member from the UUP mentioned there not being enough money to afford to do some of that, but I say that we cannot afford not to do it, because people's oral health is at stake.

Claire Sugden (Independent, East Londonderry)

I support the motion and the amendment. Every week, I hear from people who cannot get a dentist, whether they are in pain or are trying just to keep up with routine care. They have been left with nowhere to turn, and the situation is getting worse. Across my constituency and, as we have heard, Northern Ireland, people who had a health service dentist for years are now being told that dentists will no longer accept HSC patients. Some practices have gone fully private, while others have waiting lists with no clear end in sight. The result is that people, particularly older people and those on low incomes, go without basic care.

We need to be honest about what has happened. Health service dentistry may still exist on paper, but, for many people in Northern Ireland, it has been privatised. It is no longer available in practice, and we have ended up with a two-tier system. If people can afford to pay privately, they will be seen. If they cannot, they will wait, suffer or simply go without. Even for those lucky enough to remain registered with a health service dentist, the idea of routine, six-monthly check-ups is long gone. I have spoken to patients who wait well over a year between appointments, by which time small issues have become serious and early intervention is no longer an option. That is not just inconvenient but clinically dangerous.

Oral health problems do not wait, and, for some groups, the risks are even higher. For example, we know that hormonal changes in pregnant women can increase the risk of gum disease and other dental issues. Untreated dental infections can have consequences for mothers and their babies. That is why access to timely dental care during pregnancy is so important. If, however, they are not registered or their practice has gone private, it is almost impossible for them to be seen.

Part of the problem is with the financial model, as we have heard. Dentists are under enormous pressure. They want to treat health service patients, but the fees paid by the Department of Health do not come close to covering the real cost of providing that care. We have to remember that dental practices are small businesses. They have overheads, staff, premises, equipment and tight margins, and, if they cannot make the numbers work, they cannot stay open. They have tried begging the Department of Health, but no help has been forthcoming.

I have also heard from dentists about serious delays in payments from the Business Services Organisation (BSO). For practices that are already struggling with cash flow, that creates real risk. Some practices have told me that, months later, they still wait to be reimbursed for treatment that they have delivered. Such dysfunction not just puts pressure on staff but undermines the entire viability of health service dentistry. We need the Minister to publish the findings of the general dental services cost-of-service review urgently. We have been waiting for it for far too long. Dentists need clarity, the Department needs evidence, and patients need reassurance that health service care will not keep slipping further out of reach.

At the same time, we need to focus on prevention. Early and routine dental care reduces the need for complex interventions, improves overall health and takes the pressure off other services. Poor oral health is, as we have heard, linked to heart disease, diabetes and even dementia. It is not just about teeth and a nice smile but about long-term outcomes and the sustainability of our wider health service.

Crucially, we need a plan to stabilise and grow the workforce. Morale is really low. Dentists are burnt out, and many are thinking of leaving the profession. We will not have a public health dentistry service unless we make it viable and attractive to stay in. The Minister needs to act now, with a real strategy, so that health service dentistry can again work for patients and for the professionals who provide the care.

Access to dental treatment should not depend on a person's income. It should be a basic right, not a luxury, and the Assembly has a duty to ensure that right for the people whom we represent.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Minister, you have 15 minutes in which to respond to the debate.

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. I also thank the proposer of the motion, the proposer of the amendment and every other Member who has contributed to the debate.

I met the British Dental Association in February. I am grateful to it for its briefing on the challenges that it faces. My officials have continued since then to engage with it on options for supporting the service. Last week, I announced a £7·36 million investment in general dental services for 2025-26, as well as £2·5 million to cover the hike in National Insurance contributions imposed by the UK Government. Alongside the money, there was the expansion of the Happy Smiles programme, which addresses health inequalities.

That investment is not a panacea. There continue to be many challenges facing patients, particularly those who are not currently registered with a dental practice. As Members have pointed out, over the past five years, access to health service dentistry has been in decline here. One of the underlying reasons for that is that general dental practitioners spend less time treating health service patients and more time meeting the strong demand for private work. As they are independent contractors, how they allocate their time between their health service work and their private work is at each practitioner's discretion.

Access to health service dentistry remains a major challenge, but I hope that that investment evidences my commitment to supporting the service and improving access for priority groups across Northern Ireland. The investment provides funding for a number of measures. First, there is the continuation of the enhanced child examination scheme, which provides children aged zero to 10 who have not been registered with a dentist with an examination, individualised oral health advice and age-specific fluoride application to their teeth, all to assist with preventing dental decay. From its reintroduction in June 2024 to April of this year, over 37,000 newly registered children have been seen under the scheme. Secondly, there is the continuation of the 30% enhancement in the fees paid to dentists for health service fillings, extractions and root canal treatment in financial year 2025-26, all to support public access to priority treatments. Thirdly, there is the allocation of £1·6 million to incentivise practitioners to maximise time spent providing health service care for their patients. The dental access scheme will also continue to provide access for unregistered patients with an urgent or pressing oral health need. Since it commenced on 1 August last year, the scheme has allowed nearly 18,400 high-need patients to receive treatment. It is funded until 2027.

In addition to the investment being made directly into general dental services, funding is being provided to expand the Happy Smiles scheme, which was originally launched in 2016. The aim of the scheme was to improve the oral health of nursery-school children in the 20% most deprived areas of Northern Ireland. The programme is being expanded to include primary 1, primary 2 and primary 3 schoolchildren in the 20% most deprived wards, reflecting the recommendations in the children's oral health improvement plan's theme 1, 'Improving the Oral and Dental Health of Children'.

It should be noted that the investment is being made in the face of a funding deficit of north of £500 million for my Department. That deficit severely limits my ability to implement the kinds of actions that we all desire to see and hampers my Department's ability to sustain and develop services across all areas of health in Northern Ireland.

While the additional investment interventions are necessary to stabilise general dental services in the short term, I am clear that GDS, as with other services, require sustained effort to ensure sustained ability over the longer term. My Department is committed to advancing work on the long-term future of dental services, with an aim of ensuring that patients can continue to access care when they need it whilst taking measures to ensure that the service is sustainable. In keeping with my Department's long-term plans, I have approved the commissioning of a general dental services cost-of-service review that is to be completed in this financial year. That will provide a robust evidence base to inform how the service will develop. My officials are working at pace to identify the correct individual or team with the necessary skills and expertise to complete the review in the required time frame.

General dental services play a key role in improving the general health of the population while reducing pressure on other areas of the health service. Improving oral health is an important aspect of the future sustainability of dental services and has a key part to play in ensuring the delivery of improved outcomes for patients. While I am aware that the Northern Ireland oral health strategy dates back to 2007, I believe that its evidence base and many of its recommendations are still valid. For example, one oral health strategy target was to improve the proportion of five-year-old children who were decay-free — then 39% — to at least 50% within 10 years.

In 2013, the data indicated that we had achieved 60%, and the 2018-19 data indicated that around 70% of our five-year-olds were decay-free. That was great progress, but I am aware of the fact that more can and should be done.

The development of a new oral health strategy, including a dedicated public dental health expert or expert group, would carry a significant resource cost due to the complex and extended nature of developing a new strategy and a prerequisite oral health needs assessment. That does not mean that oral health is not important to me. The children's and older person's oral health improvement plans were completed last year, and they made ambitious recommendations. However, funding those will be a significant challenge in the current financial climate.

I am also very pleased that oral health has been included in my Live Better initiative. I have often stated that my vision for Health and Social Care is to see more care being delivered in primary and community care settings and a move towards a more preventative healthcare model. That approach is not only better for patients but more sustainable in the longer term.

The challenges to general dental services and other HSC services are not limited to healthcare. The same challenges are evident in education, the economy and infrastructure, both built and otherwise. I have made it clear that, in my time as Minister, I will do everything that is in my power to drive for better outcomes for patients here. The actions that I outlined are evidence of that, as is my commitment to take a wider approach to reducing health inequalities through the Live Better programme. However, it is an unfortunate reality that the budget that has been allocated to me is not sufficient to meet the needs of the current service, let alone to introduce the kind of transformative change that I think that we all wish to see. It is also true that improving health outcomes is not solely within the purview of this Department. Addressing access to services, along with the other issues that were outlined today, will require the full weight of the Northern Ireland Executive.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Thank you, Minister. The next contributor is Diane Dodds, who will make a winding-up speech on the amendment. I advise you, Diane, that you have five minutes.

Diane Dodds (DUP, Upper Bann)

Thank you. I thank all those Members who contributed to the debate. The fact that there is unanimity on the motion and the amendment is a measure of how much we hear from our constituents about issues with dental health and access to NHS dental care. That is very important, and it is a very significant message for the Minister and the Department.

There is absolutely no doubt that our NHS dental services are in an extremely fragile position. That is not just the case for Northern Ireland; all nations across the UK have experienced a drop in access to dental services. However, it is the most significant in Northern Ireland, and it should be addressed. In April 2025, the BBC reported that 53,000 NHS patients were removed from dental lists. However, if we dig into that figure a little bit more, we see that 12,924 patients were removed in 2023 and 40,980 were removed in 2024. The situation is escalating, and it requires urgent attention. Clearly, it is a very fragile situation.

Minister, you talked about the enhanced child examination scheme, and I acknowledge the funding that has been put into it. You indicated that 37,000 children were registered with the scheme last year. That is good, but the number of children who are registered with an NHS dentist has still dropped. In quarter 3 of 2023-24, it was 332,012 children. In quarter 3 of 2024-25, it was 317,000 children. Therefore, even with the scheme, the number of children who have been able to register with an NHS dentist continues to drop. As you said, Minister, it is more likely to affect children who are in deprived areas, who are more likely to have extensive or severe dental decay. I know that health inequalities is one of your priorities, and that needs urgent attention.

It is also clear that, as colleagues on the Opposition Benches outlined, dental examinations are about more than just fillings; dentists check for oral cancers. Again, it is more likely to be prevalent and a more serious issue if we cannot have that examined in areas of highest deprivation. That is extremely important.

I will say a bit about access to dentists in rural areas. It is a significant problem, and I thank my colleague Deborah Erskine for bringing it forward. In the Fermanagh and Omagh District Council area, only 49% are registered with an NHS dentist. That is an extremely low figure. I think that she said that it is 17% less than the average across Northern Ireland. Indeed, the description of that area as being a dental desert is pretty apt. As Colin McGrath said, we really need to think of dentistry not as a luxury but as an absolute necessity.

I thank my colleague Claire Sugden for acknowledging the issue of dental access and women's unique health challenges. Sometimes, I think, we gloss over that particular idea. The Women's Institute did a report on it recently, and it gave evidence that said that women have unique oral health challenges and have poorer oral health in comparison with men over their lifetime. Again, those are the inequalities in access that need to be cleared up.

Minister, we need work on the cost-of-service review, and I note that you said that that will be done in this financial year. Dentists in particular would like to understand how the metrics will be applied to the allocation of the £2·5 million, which we acknowledge that you have allocated for the increase in National Insurance. We acknowledge all the other schemes that you talked about —

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

The Member's time is up.

Diane Dodds (DUP, Upper Bann)

— including the Happy Smiles scheme, but they are bits and pieces. We need the overall strategy to improve dental health.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

I call Danny Donnelly to make a winding-up speech on the motion. I advise you, Danny, that you have 10 minutes.

Danny Donnelly (Alliance, East Antrim)

Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. I thank everybody for their contributions today. It was very striking that the contributions from across the Chamber were very similar, so there seems to be unanimity on the experiences across Northern Ireland. I thank the DUP Members in particular for their amendment, which we will be supporting.

Let us be honest: we are back here again with another day and another crisis. This time, it is dental care, but the pattern is painfully familiar. Services are collapsing, professionals are at breaking point, and the public are left wondering where it will end. Once again, we will hear the familiar lines of, "This is a priority", "You know my record" and "We are engaging". It is the kind of response that we have seen rolled out time and time again, almost as if it is ready and waiting for every crisis to be brought to the Chamber.

If words alone could fill cavities, the people of Northern Ireland would have the healthiest teeth in Europe. The truth is that we have a Minister who can talk the talk, recite the stats, express sympathy and even promise reform, but sympathy does not get you a dental appointment. Strategy announcements do not pay the bills of dental practices that are going under. Good intentions do not bridge the funding gap that leaves NHS dental services financially unviable.

Believe me, I do not underestimate how difficult the Minister's job is, and I am not pretending that reform is simple, but someone has to step up and drive that change. If the answer is, "There is not enough money", that is fine, but what is the plan? Do we keep pouring limited funds into a failing system and call it effort, or do we finally commit to meaningful, lasting reform that actually delivers for people who are depending on it?

This is not abstract policy talk; it is about people across Northern Ireland — we have heard a lot about them today — trying to get on with their lives while dealing with pain that could and should have been treated. It is about missed school, missed work and avoidable complications. It is not just a dental issue any more; it is a system-wide failure that is hitting people where it hurts and reminding them that help is not guaranteed when they need it.

The numbers are shocking. There are 192,780 fewer patients registered with a dentist as of January 2025. In 2024 alone, almost 41,000 NHS patients were removed from dental lists. Since the peak of quarter 1 in 2023-24, we have lost more than 177,000 people from the NHS dental rolls, which is a 13% drop in 18 months. For adult males, registrations were down by nearly 94,000. For women, it was nearly 99,000. Those are not just numbers; they are people and families. That causes pain and puts pressure on the health system, which is now absorbing that in other ways.

It would be an omission if I did not highlight the fact that that decline in access to service has been going on for years, including those years when this place was prevented from working by one political party or another, thus preventing a Minister from being able to address the problem. There will be years of negative effects as a result of this growing lack of access.

Dentists have been explaining to us for years why this is happening. The fees that they are paid no longer cover the costs of care, and they are subsidising the NHS out of their own pockets. More and more are having to transfer to private practice to make ends meet, and that is affecting patients. In fact, GDC data shows that Northern Ireland has seen the largest shift away from NHS dentistry of all the Celtic nations in the UK, and, of the 364 dental practices here, only 29, which is less than 10%, have signed up to the dental access scheme. That speaks volumes about confidence in that system.

Here is the worst part: we know that prevention works. Every pound invested in dental care saves the system multiple pounds down the line in reduced pressure on the NHS, A&E departments and GPs and leads to fewer emergency admissions, fewer antibiotic prescriptions and fewer complications. This is not a moral obligation; it makes economic sense.

What do we need? We need a new oral health strategy that is modern, resourced and honest. We need a cost-of-service review that is published and acted upon. We also need the Minister to show that he can do more than just say the right things but can do them, because, right now — you will have to excuse me if I am not convinced by the words — I do not think that the people of Northern Ireland are convinced. They are tired — tired of excuses, tired of crises without resolution and tired of those in power who say, "We feel your pain" while causing more.

I will now go through some of the comments that Members made during the debate. My colleague Paula Bradshaw highlighted the fact that this is another example of the two-tier health system in Northern Ireland and that the inability to access health service dentistry is a glaring issue of inequality. Again, that is something that the Minister highlighted as a priority of his.

Alan Robinson, in proposing the amendment, said that there were additions to the call to address regional inequalities, and we will support that, Alan. Alan very eloquently highlighted the difficulties that people have in accessing NHS dental care and said that a number of dentists have handed back their contracts.

Philip McGuigan, Chair of the Health Committee, highlighted the fact that dental care is not a luxury but a necessity. He said that having the right to free dental care has no meaning when you cannot access it, and I thought that that was a very pertinent statement. Private healthcare is becoming more and more common across Northern Ireland, and nowhere is that more stark than in dentistry.

Alan Chambers pointed out that he is very well aware that it has become more difficult for people to access NHS dentistry over the past few years.

Colin McGrath said that dentists are losing money every time they deliver treatment, and he highlighted his own experience with tooth decay. I hope that that is resolved, Colin.

Órlaithí Flynn said that this has come up time and again and that the BDA has been warning of this collapse for years. She gave an example of a constituent who had to take a private dental plan to remain a patient.

Deborah Erskine highlighted the impact on constituents in rural areas and made a very strong point about people in those areas having to travel long distances to access treatment. She also highlighted the links to heart disease, diabetes and complications in pregnancy, which are very serious issues.

Timothy Gaston gave an example of a mother having to register her child miles away. He also called for a fixed funding model and for a rebuild of the workforce. As usual, he mentioned immigrants, who have very little bearing on this debate.

Gerry Carroll noted the spread of dental deserts and cited stats on the effects of inability to access timely dental care, including people carrying out their own dental work. That is a shocking thing for any of us to hear. He also called for NHS dentistry to be brought into public ownership.

Claire Sugden said that waiting for care is not just inconvenient but clinically dangerous and, again, highlighted the impacts on pregnant women of not having access to dental care. She also said that long delays in payment from BSO are impacting on dentists' cash flow, and, again, we have heard that previously. She stated that she has spoken to dentists, many of whom have low morale and are burned out. We are certainly hearing that as well.

Mike Nesbitt, in his response to the debate, mentioned that he met the BDA in February, which is welcome: it is good to hear that there are ongoing negotiations on the matter. He mentioned the recent investment announced in the budget but stated that investment is not a panacea. Investment is not a panacea, Minister, but it is required to sustain the services. The Minister suggested that dentists are deciding to treat more private patients than health service patients. That conflicts with what we are hearing, which is that dentists have no choice but to do that in order to keep their practices financially sustainable. The Minister announced, I think, that the GDS cost-of-service review will be completed within this financial year, which means by April next year, and that that will provide an evidence base for the funding of the service. I hope that it will be done as soon as possible. The Minister also said that moving towards a more preventable form of healthcare is his plan, but that is not where most people see the service as being at the moment.

Diane Dodds, in her winding-up speech on the amendment, noted the escalating number of people, particularly children in areas of deprivation, who are being removed from dental lists, which is very worrying. I think that we can all agree that it is shocking that only 49% of people in the Fermanagh and Omagh District Council area are registered with a dentist.

We were elected to lead. We need to start doing that for our constituents, for our health service and for the principle that, in our society, access to care, including timely dental care, should never be a privilege. I thank MLAs for their contributions today, and I hope that the Minister will take them on board.

Question, That the amendment be made, put and agreed to.

Main Question, as amended, put and agreed to.

Resolved:

That this Assembly expresses severe concern at the challenges many people experience in accessing dental care; notes the testimony from the British Dental Association that the shortfall between Department of Health fees for dentists and the cost of providing services means that many dental practices are not financially viable and are struggling to continue seeing NHS patients; further notes that early and preventative oral healthcare can help to improve health outcomes for patients and reduce demand for wider health services; calls on the Minister of Health to urgently develop, and present, proposals to increase access to dental services and address regional inequalities, alongside consideration of a new oral health strategy to address access to services and workforce challenges; and further calls on the Minister to conclude and publish the general dental services cost-of-service review as soon as possible.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Members, please take your ease while we change the personnel at the top Table.

(Mr Deputy Speaker [Mr Blair] in the Chair)

Declan Kearney (Sinn Féin, South Antrim)

I beg to move

That this Assembly recognises the significant strain placed on public finances as a result of 14 years of austerity cuts by the British Government; expresses deep concern that the current British Government is continuing their predecessor's austerity agenda, as evidenced by the cuts to winter fuel payments and planned cuts to welfare payments; welcomes the willingness of the Irish Government to increase its funding allocation for the six North South Bodies including Waterways Ireland, the Loughs Agency, the Special European Union Programmes Body, InterTradeIreland, Foras na Gaeilge, and the Ulster Scots Agency; notes that such additional funding, at no cost to the Executive, would help deliver better outcomes in terms of environmental conservation, language and cultural rights, food quality and safety, and investment and job creation; believes that the rejection of this additional funding is nonsensical, particularly at a time when public finances are stretched and when additional money could make a real difference; and calls on all Ministers to agree the new funding model to allow additional funding to help deliver and sustain services.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

The Business Committee has agreed to allow up to one hour and 30 minutes for the debate. The proposer of the motion will have 10 minutes to propose and 10 minutes to make a winding-up speech. An amendment has been selected and is published on the Marshalled List, so the Business Committee has agreed that 15 minutes will be added to the total time for the debate.

Declan Kearney (Sinn Féin, South Antrim)

It almost beggars belief that a party in our power-sharing coalition should have to be urged to reconsider its opposition to accepting additional funding that would support the promotion of cooperation on food safety, environmental management, trade and business development, peace and reconciliation, tourism and the promotion of language and culture. The DUP's opposition is even more absurd when we know that acceptance of such funding for that vital work from the Irish Government would actually come without the requirement for reciprocal funding from the Executive, but that is the ridiculous situation that the motion before the Assembly this afternoon has to address. The DUP's obstruction on this matter is totally inexplicable. In the present context of unprecedented pressures on public finances, it defies belief that any party would block additional financial investment into North/South bodies that provide employment and services in this region.

The fact is that Tory, and now continued Labour, austerity and chronic underfunding of the North by the British Treasury has cut the lining out of our public services. Alongside an ongoing cost-of-living crisis, the repercussions are impacting across society, especially for the most vulnerable and disadvantaged in our community.

The facts should not have to be rehearsed, but our health service is in systemic crisis, with the worst waiting lists on record, and working families cannot pay their bills. There is no surprise that this or any British Government will find billions of pounds to invest in their own military and industrial complex or to fund weapons of mass destruction used to arm the Israeli murder machine in Gaza and the West Bank while systematically undermining public services and then causing increased hardship for workers and families here in the North, because English politicians do not care about any of the people who live here. Those are the circumstances within which the DUP chooses to block potential additional funding from the Irish Government for our North/South bodies.

The ongoing research from S2@25, a project supported by PEACE PLUS, records that North/South implementation bodies have made a significant contribution to daily life across the island during the past 25 years, delivering better outcomes for the economy, health, environment and culture. InterTradeIreland has played a vital role in identifying opportunities for collaboration, innovation and investment throughout the island. Cross-border trade, now in the region of a record €15 billion, is evidence of its work. It has promoted economic growth, which promotes and improves the everyday lives of workers and families all over the island, particularly in our cross-border communities. Tourism Ireland is central to promoting the island all around the world, attracting up to €6·4 billion into the Irish economy with eight million visitors, up to 25% of whom travel north. All the North/South bodies, including Waterways Ireland, the Food Safety Promotion Board, InterTradeIreland, Tourism Ireland, the Special EU Programmes Body, Foras na Gaeilge and Tha Boord o Ulster-Scotch have had a positive impact in improving lives. Increased funding for those bodies can only bring more innovation and investment, better food standards and environmental initiatives, improved promotion of our indigenous languages and increased tourism, so I pose the question: what is going on? Is this a case of DUP economic illiteracy, or is this intended to be an act of financial self-harm upon an already cash-strapped Executive within which the DUP has three full Ministries? Have our DUP colleagues decided to simply cut off their noses to spite their faces, in that, of course, DUP supporters will be adversely affected by the consequences flowing from that party's decision? Or is this, perhaps, some type of bizarre plan cooked up by the DUP leadership outside this place in order to undermine the North/South implementation bodies and, by extension, strand two of the Good Friday Agreement?

Perhaps it is none of those things at all. Maybe we will find out today what is really going on. I hope that we will be enlightened. This much, however, is sure: the DUP's blocking of additional North/South funding in the Executive is wrong-headed, foolish and absolutely indefensible. The DUP really should wise up.

Sinéad McLaughlin (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

I beg to move the following amendment:

Leave out all after ‘agenda’ and insert: ‘regrets that the Minister of Finance has not secured more fiscal powers to invest more in public services; welcomes the willingness of the Irish Government to increase its funding allocation for the six North South Bodies; believes that the rejection of this additional funding is nonsensical; calls on all Ministers to agree the new funding model to allow additional funding to help deliver and sustain services; and further calls on the Minister of Finance to work with the Irish and UK Governments on the development of a cross-border development strategy which fills funding shortfalls covered by the loss of access to EU structural funds.’

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

Thank you. You will have 10 minutes to propose and five minutes to make a winding-up speech on the amendment. All other contributors will have five minutes. Please open the debate on the amendment.

Sinéad McLaughlin (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. I support the motion's premise but not without serious reservations about those who tabled it. Let us be honest: if you read the motion in isolation, you might reasonably conclude that Sinn Féin is a party of opposition, not the largest party in the Executive and the one that holds the most powerful Ministries in the devolved institutions. The text of the motion is so detached, vague, hollow and bereft of real proposals that it reads like a grievance from a powerless Back-Bencher, not a motion from the leadership of a dysfunctional Government.

That kind of behaviour has become all too familiar in the Chamber. We have seen it before with the DUP walking out of Executive meetings only to reappear with a motion condemning the very crisis for which it was collectively responsible. It is deeply frustrating and, frankly, shameful that Sinn Féin now follows the same pattern: tabling a motion that is full of noise but devoid of responsibility, as though it has no say in the decisions that are being made at the Executive table.

The truth is that you cannot abdicate your duty to government only to pop in here with a gesture motion, pretending that you are on the sidelines. I welcome the motion's focus on all-island funding, which my party and I have long advocated for. As a representative of the north-west, I have seen first-hand the real benefits of that kind of cooperation. The expansion of the Magee campus in Derry — long delayed, still unfinished but moving forward — would not have happened without financial support and political will from the Irish Government. The A5 road upgrade, a life-saving project that has languished for years, would not have made it this far without funding and encouragement from Dublin, albeit it is still to progress while lives are still being lost.

Those investments are not just symbolic but transformational. They will deliver economic and social benefits for all generations and, in the case of the A5, will save lives. That is the power of cross-border cooperation that is real, meaningful and grounded in need. The Taoiseach recently made it clear that North/South partnerships are essential for our shared economic future. Referencing the Economic and Social Research Institute's (ESRI) 'Sharing the Island' report, he highlighted the need for us to work together to attract foreign direct investment. He pointed out the enormous potential of the border counties to become hubs for very significant economic growth, but only if we act together. That is an opportunity that the Executive should be moving heaven and earth to secure, yet what has this place's purpose been? It has been division, delay, dysfunction and, in this motion, a wee bit of deflection.

The Irish Government have offered increased funding to the six North/South bodies at no cost to the Executive. Instead of grabbing that offer with both hands, however, the deputy First Minister has said that, unless the contributions are strictly balanced, the deal cannot proceed. What kind of short-sighted, bean-counting mindset is that?

Surely what matters most is the outcome: better services, better infrastructure and better jobs for our people.

While austerity has undoubtedly wreaked havoc across our economy and society, we cannot continue to fall into the trap of blaming every problem on Westminster while taking absolutely no responsibility for our own failures. Yes, austerity is a political choice, but so is passivity and so is indecision. We have devolution, so we have the tools to lead, but we lack ambition, urgency and courage.

Sinn Féin currently holds three of the most important Ministries in the Executive: Finance, Economy and Infrastructure. If it truly believes that this region has been short-changed, why is it not demanding the devolution of tax and spending powers with the full force of government? Where is the campaign led by the Minister of Finance to secure fiscal powers so that we can properly invest in our public services? Why has that not been prioritised?

I am tired of hearing that things are someone else's fault. We are more than a year into this Executive, yet the problems feel exactly the same; in fact, in many cases, they are getting worse, because the governing mindset has not changed. Let us take a sober look at the facts: our public services are on their knees; our National Health Service is under unbearable strain; our education system is stretched to breaking point; and our community and voluntary sector hangs by a thread. All of that is happening while the Executive's well-being dashboard shows that only 14 out of 51 key indicators are moving in the right direction. That is a damning indictment of the Executive's failure to govern with purpose.

Behind those statistics are real people: people who are watching their income stagnate while prices soar; people whose winter fuel payments have been slashed; and people with disabilities who have been told they must accept less support because that is the price of political choices in London. What about here? What choices are we making? We cannot pretend that additional funding from Dublin — welcome though it may be — will paper over the deep cracks in how this place is run. We need serious, systematic reform that ends the cycle of political walkouts and suspended devolution. In 2017, it was Sinn Féin; in 2022, it was the DUP. Every time that a party throws in the towel, our health system suffers, our schools suffer, our economy suffers and our people suffer.

When we have devolved government, we are trapped in a model of siloed Departments that rarely collaborate, even in a crisis. Just last week, former First Minister Arlene Foster told the COVID inquiry that she did not believe that test, trace and isolate was a cross-cutting issue: that speaks volumes. It is not a one-off but the mindset that infects decision-making in this place and across the Executive. Childcare is siloed, climate change is fragmented and regional balance is probably ignored. We must build a system that promotes shared outcomes, not turf wars.

The offer of additional North/South funding is a threat to no one. It is an opportunity. It is an invitation to build partnerships based on need, not on tribal balance sheets. It is time to stop viewing cooperation through the lens of us versus them, because it is not about green or orange but about delivering public services, tackling poverty and building an economy that gives hope to young people in Derry as much as it does to young people in Dublin or Drogheda. Let us stop wasting time on vacuous motions and get serious about reform. Let the Executive act as though they want to govern, and not as a collection of parties trying to out-grieve one another.

Diane Forsythe (DUP, South Down)

At the outset, I acknowledge the good work of the North/South bodies in a number of fields. In my South Down constituency, I have seen at first hand the delivery of important projects and schemes by the SEUPB and InterTradeIreland. Sunday past was Ulster-Scots Day, so it would be remiss of me not to mention the Ulster-Scots Agency as we mark three years since the Ulster-Scots community was officially recognised as a national minority of the United Kingdom.

The parties opposite are being disingenuous when they try to frame the debate as being one of unionists blocking Irish language funding. They gloss over the fact that the Minister for Communities recently enabled the provision of additional funding of £547,000 to Foras na Gaeilge from the Irish Government and allocated a further £103,500 to the Ulster-Scots Agency as part of a one-off adjustment to the current funding provisions. There are no plans to reduce funding in 2025.

North/South cooperation under the auspices of the North/South Ministerial Council and its six implementation bodies is predicated on cross-community consent and the safeguards put in place by the Belfast Agreement to ensure that proper lines of accountability exist to the strand-one institution, namely the Assembly. The ratio of funding for each of the bodies was conceived on the basis of the assessed benefit of their activities to each jurisdiction. Opening the door for autonomous funding allocations by Departments North or South would represent a departure from that assumption and could, in theory, see either Government bringing undue influence to bear on activities outside their jurisdiction. Again, that engages concerns among unionists on what that would mean for Northern Ireland's constitutional position.

I move to the SDLP amendment. Notwithstanding our overriding objection to the motion, it is baffling that the SDLP amendment removes the line that criticises the cuts to winter fuel payments and the welfare changes: I wonder why that is. The Opposition's calls for more fiscal devolution and a cross-border development strategy have been well rehearsed in the Chamber over recent months. Our position is unchanged: there is already provision through InterTradeIreland to promote mutually beneficial economic opportunities for businesses in Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. Why do we need another development strategy? Is that really about the SDLP wanting to hand Dublin more influence in how the devolved Government in Northern Ireland tackle the social and economic challenges that our society faces? Does it not recognise the immense benefits of being part of the United Kingdom, typified by the Londonderry and Strabane region city deal?

We fully support the amendment's call for a new funding model. The Holtham review commissioned by the Department of Finance provides a platform for renewing that debate in discussions with Treasury. However, the fixation on devolving further fiscal powers, with all the complexity that that entails, at a time when the fiscal deficit between Northern Ireland and the rest of the UK has been widening, is something about which we continue to have deep reservations. Moreover, if that discussion is taken forward, its primary objective will be to transform our core public services in Northern Ireland, not to boost the coffers of North/South bodies or quangos. More fiscal devolution, just like the removal of the checks and balances on the funding of North/South bodies, would inevitably add a new dimension of volatility to the Executive's Budget and to relations between Ministers. That is not something that we are willing to countenance.

I repeat: the parties opposite are being disingenuous in their framing of the debate. The Opposition oppose everything yet offer little, whereas the DUP has long led the campaign to secure a fairer funding model for us in Northern Ireland. Let us not forget that our United Kingdom Government provide over £18 billion in block grant funding to Northern Ireland.

David Honeyford (Alliance, Lagan Valley)

It has been depressing to listen to what has been said. We have come to a point at which our public services are under severe strain. We have had 14 years of Tory Government austerity cuts to our finances, and now we have a Labour Government who seem to be continuing that austerity agenda. We have a health service that is at breaking point and a housing crisis that is growing, mainly because people cannot connect to waste water infrastructure, which stops the building of houses. Our inadequate waste water infrastructure and lack of planning reform are major barriers to economic growth. We are at a critical point: we need to act decisively and secure funding to help protect and grow key services.

Alliance welcomes the Irish Government's commitment to increase funding for the six North/South bodies. We are being presented with an opportunity to fund key services like InterTradeIreland to help grow our economy, create jobs and grow exports without the burden being placed on local budgets. Yet we have just heard that a party in the Chamber — the DUP — wants to reject that. I have listened to what has been said, and it simply sounds like a trap of fear, where we are living in the territorial battle of a bygone day in which everything is about land.

For anyone watching, I stress that failing to support the Irish Government's commitment is indefensible. The excuse for not supporting it has no basis in any reality. The benefits of additional funding to North/South bodies — we are talking about supporting Waterways Ireland and the Loughs Agency — would be the protection of our natural resources and the promotion of sustainable tourism. We are talking about language and culture and strengthening programmes for Foras na Gaeilge and the Ulster-Scots Agency to preserve and promote diverse cultural heritage. We are talking about economic growth and creating investment through InterTradeIreland and the Special EU Programmes Body to drive job creation, innovate and grow further our cross-border trade. Everybody and every expert will tell you that cross-border trade is vital to taking our companies into Europe and increasing our export rates. The argument to reject the funding is just indefensible, especially at a time when we have strained public finances.

All the outcomes that I have just mentioned are priorities of the Assembly, yet we have a mindset of fear that I just do not get. It is as though we would rather have nothing than accept a closer relationship with or investment from the South and would rather further prevent sharing this place and creating growth, which just keeps our people down. As I said at the start, it is beyond depressing. It is a frightening mindset to reject support that would not only help to alleviate the pressures on budgets but help to deliver measurable benefits for our constituents. In doing so, the DUP is undermining the Assembly's credibility and its commitment to pragmatic and practical solutions that will deliver better things for ordinary people. That is further proof that the party's cry at election time to "Make Northern Ireland work" is nothing more than an ironic slogan. It is false advertising. It bears no truth in reality.

The Assembly should act now to secure the funding and translate it into real-world improvements for our environment, our economy and our cultural heritage. Alliance will always champion pragmatic, inclusive solutions that prioritise the needs of everybody here. By embracing that, the Assembly can demonstrate leadership and deliver meaningful change for people here. We are committed to building a shared and prosperous society that is sustainable. A fundamental value is working to share the island and working together to deliver better for people. We are not interested in territorial battles. It is depressing to hear the debate being reduced to arguing over land. Alliance is focused on people and on uniting people, working to bring better things for everybody here and for a shared future where we see true reconciliation between all the people who live in this place. That is laid out before us in the motion. We are happy to support it and the amendment.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

As the Business Committee has arranged to meet at 1.00 pm today, I propose, therefore, by leave of the Assembly, to suspend the sitting until 2.00 pm. The debate will continue following the question for urgent oral answer, when the first Member to be called will be Steve Aiken. The sitting is, by leave, suspended.

The debate stood suspended.

The sitting was suspended at 12.58 pm.

On resuming (Mr Speaker in the Chair) —

Oral Answers to Questions — The Executive Office

Joanne Bunting (DUP, Belfast East)

Mr Speaker, before I call my question, from the banners on your door, indications are that congratulations are in order. Happy birthday to you.

[Laughter.]

Joanne Bunting (DUP, Belfast East)

1. Ms Bunting asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister to outline any consideration that they will give to reducing the number of departmental strategies produced to avoid duplication and siloed departmental working and ensure a more focused and efficient implementation of strategies. (AQO 2034/22-27)

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

May I concur? Breithlá sona duit, a Cheann Comhairle,

[Translation: Happy birthday to you, Mr Speaker,]

on your special birthday. Do you want to tell us what age you are today?

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

I think that everybody knows.

[Laughter.]

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Our focus is on delivering meaningful and impactful strategies that will result in delivery across the community and sectors in need. In developing and delivering our strategies, our work aligns with best practice, including co-design and co-production.

The focus in the Programme for Government has reform and transformation of public services at the core of its work, with the new delivery unit at the heart of ensuring that the Executive’s priorities get the focus needed to bring about lasting change and improvement. We have in place an office of AI and digital, which will embrace new technologies and help us to improve efficiency and effectiveness. A tangible example of that is in delivering on the ending violence against women and girls strategic framework. Our officials worked collaboratively on that with all Departments and stakeholders to understand the issues, where there are gaps in provision and, most importantly, how we can improve the experiences of women and girls.

We will continue to work closely with the Departments of Justice and Health in aligning our work with that of the domestic and sexual abuse strategy and will work with key partners, such as the PSNI and the councils, to deliver more effectively and efficiently, ensuring that there is no risk of duplication. The collaborative and coordinated approach across Departments and within the Executive, with a priority accorded to innovation and reform in delivery, will continue to ensure that strategies are delivered in a focused and meaningful way.

Joanne Bunting (DUP, Belfast East)

The Executive programme on paramilitarism and organised crime (EPPOC) team did a piece of work that showed that the number of strategies relating to paramilitarism, for example, was 89. That did not cover all the Departments, nor is there a centrally held list of strategies. A recent report to the Justice Committee indicated that elements of one strategy took so long to implement, due to a lack of resources and failure to agree on which Department was the lead, that it was completely superseded by other strategies.

Given the extreme budgetary pressures faced by Northern Ireland, what can be done by the First Minister's Department to make government more cohesive, to reduce duplication and to have Departments pulling in the same direction, thus getting a bigger bang for the taxpayer buck?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I concur with the Member: we need to ensure that we do everything efficiently, that we align where we can and that we break down the silo mentality that has always existed. There are some really good examples across all the Departments of how to do that, and, obviously, there are lessons to be learned as well.

We have made a good start by having a Programme for Government that will be aligned, hopefully, with a three-year Budget. The priorities that have been identified in the Programme for Government will also allow us to be more strategic and aligned. In addition, we have the introduction of the office of AI and digital. We have an opportunity to do things more efficiently and better there. Perhaps that will be an opportunity for us to look at all the different strategies that we have to make sure that they are fit for purpose. Every Department will have its own strategies for different reasons. You cited an example of where there are perhaps numerous strategies. There is always an obligation in each Department to ensure that they are fit for purpose and that they do what it says on the tin.

I am certainly happy to take away the general point that the Member makes and to see whether there is any opportunity, particularly with digital and transformation, for us to look at the number of strategies that we have across all the Departments.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Go raibh maith agat, a Cheann Comhairle. Guím breithlá sona duit fosta.

[Translation: Thank you, Mr Speaker. I wish you a happy birthday too.]

In Joanne Bunting's question, First Minister, she mentioned the ongoing strategies, and you responded to that. One of the long-term commitments made by the Executive goes back to 2010 and is about the building of Casement Park. Can you advise whether the funding for that and, indeed, other projects was raised at your meeting with the British Prime Minister, Keir Starmer?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Thank you for that. We had a wide-ranging discussion with Keir Starmer on Friday. The deputy First Minister and I raised the funding issue, more generally, of the need for properly funded public services. We made a case strongly, as we do on each occasion. I also raised the issue of Casement Park, once again, and the need for that to be delivered on, given the fact that it is a flagship project of the Executive and one of the stadia still to be built. We look forward to the comprehensive spending review, and I hope that, at that occasion, we will see the commitment that has been made by the British Government being delivered on, so that we can get on with finally building Casement Park and ensuring that it brings all the benefits that it will do to the wider community in west Belfast, to GAA and to sport more generally. That is something that we are going to continue to prioritise — I am certainly going to continue to prioritise it in my engagements. I raised the issue with the Irish Government last week.

Kellie Armstrong (Alliance, Strangford)

I join others, Mr Speaker, in wishing you a very happy birthday.

Given the fact that the strategies are cross-cutting in nature, what role can the Executive Office play to ensure that the appropriate development and resourcing of strategies, such as the anti-poverty strategy or the LGBTQIA strategy, is being carried out across all Departments?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

We have a role through the Executive Office delivery unit. That could be a focus through which we might align a lot of the strategies and ensure that everything is looked at in the round. You only have to look at the ending violence against women and girls strategy or the domestic and sexual abuse strategy to see that all those things are cross-cutting by nature, and a lot of them are a result of collaboration across Departments and Ministers.

Can we continue to do better, improve and be more efficient in these things? Yes, there is always room for improvement, but we have the right building blocks now. We have a Programme for Government, with nine Executive priorities; we have a delivery unit; we are going to look at digital and AI and the role of all of that; and, for the first time in many's a year, we will have a three-year Budget that will allow better planning into the future. Those building blocks are the right building blocks on which to improve on how we deliver things together. We want to weed out duplication, where it occurs, and we want Departments to complement each other in the work that they are doing. There are opportunities for us to do better in the future.

Alan Chambers (UUP, North Down)

2. Mr Chambers asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister to outline the role of their Department in the delivery of the Programme for Government 2024-27. (AQO 2035/22-27)

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

With your permission, Mr Speaker, junior Minister Reilly will take this question.

Aisling Reilly (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

We have set realistic targets and timelines for delivery against all nine priorities in the Programme for Government. We have already seen real progress. From March 2025, over 15,000 children were registered for the childcare subsidy scheme. When that is combined with tax-free childcare, it is estimated that those working families will have saved nearly £17 million over this period. The scheme will be extended to include school-age children, which will benefit families further. Those targets will be monitored frequently by officials in the Department's newly established delivery unit, the scientific unit and the AI unit. We will also collaborate across all the other Departments to make sure that progress is being made against the priorities.

A Programme for Government subcommittee of the Civil Service board has been formed. It will drive forward delivery through a single point that will have a strategic focus, as well as scrutinise, support, monitor and ensure good governance. We also have a well-being dashboard that tracks long-term well-being at a population level. That will be updated continually, as and when new data becomes available.

We will also keep track of delivery, and we will publish an annual delivery report. That will allow us to consider whether projects and programmes are being delivered on time and within budget and what more we need to do, or what we can do differently, for projects to be effective and efficient.

Alan Chambers (UUP, North Down)

Recently, I submitted a question to the Executive Office regarding its assessment of a part of the Programme for Government. The question was rejected, and I was advised to address my query to the particular Minister who had written the part of the programme that I was referencing. Is that the policy of the Minister's office regarding questions about the content of the Programme for Government? Is there a danger that that could lead to a silo mentality?

Aisling Reilly (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

I have not seen the question that the Member submitted. I am happy to take that back and look at it.

Áine Murphy (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

Does the junior Minister agree that the PFG represents a vital commitment by the Executive to collaborate on enhancing the lives of all those whom we represent?

Aisling Reilly (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

Gabhaim buíochas leis an Chomhalta as a ceist.

[Translation: I thank the Member for her question.]

I agree with that. The Programme for Government reflects the shared ambitions of the Executive. It has been designed to make things better for people in areas such as health and tackling waiting lists; our environment; growing a globally competitive economy; providing more social, affordable and sustainable housing; building safer communities; ending violence against women and girls; and much more. That will require a sustained whole-of-government commitment if we are to deliver a real and positive difference in the lives of people, families and communities. There will, of course, be tough financial challenges as, simply put, we do not have the level of public finances that is required. Our shared focus is to make a real difference in improving people's lives. That is why our commitment is to maximise on delivery. For my part, I will continue to deliver the positive change that people want to see on the issues that matter most to them and their families.

Paula Bradshaw (Alliance, Belfast South)

I also wish you, Mr Speaker, a very happy birthday.

Junior Minister, you mentioned in your original answer the annual report on delivery. Given that we have less than two years left of the mandate, do you not feel that that is too long a period between the reports being published? Will you also speak to how the targets could be amended if they are not delivering for constituents?

Aisling Reilly (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

Next February, the Programme for Government will have been in place for a year. As I said, we will publish an annual report on it. The Programme for Government needs to be reviewed yearly. That will give us the opportunity to make updates in line with, for example, budget decisions. It will be monitored more regularly than that in order to measure progress against our priorities. The well-being framework will be updated throughout the year, as and when the data becomes available.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

I call Diane Forsythe. Sorry, I call Matthew O'Toole. There is a slight difference.

[Laughter.]

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Thank you, Mr Speaker. I did not get a chance to do this earlier, but I add the Opposition's good wishes to you on your birthday. The Opposition, unlike one of the members of the Executive, would not dream of naming the number, but happy birthday to you, in any case.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

I hope that I get 60 birthday wishes.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

It has been said that the PFG is a critical delivery tool for people's priorities. Why does the Budget, on which we voted last week, commit only 2% of the Executive's entire Budget to PFG priorities?

Aisling Reilly (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

I do not think that any of us is under any illusions: the Executive are working within incredibly tight financial constraints. Our communities and public services feel that pressure every day, but that does not mean that we should sit back and do nothing; if anything, it makes the need for joined-up, collective action even more urgent. The Programme for Government gives us a clear plan to deliver real change. We all have a part to play in that: all Departments, all Ministers and, most importantly, the people on the ground who know where the gaps are and how we can best close them.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

Following the Supreme Court judgement on the definition of a woman, does the Executive Office now have an agreed position, and what impact will that have on the ending violence against women and girls strategy?

Aisling Reilly (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

This issue has to be approached with compassion, understanding and dignity. We await the guidance of the Equality Commission in light of its consideration, which will come out later this month. Regardless of how they define themselves, every person deserves the same love, equality, respect and compassion that we claim to strive for on behalf of everyone. I want an inclusive society that is based on equal rights and opportunity for all our citizens. I want people in the Chamber and beyond to remember that we are talking about people. We are talking about human beings. They are our brothers, sisters, family members and friends. Please remember that. Language is so important.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

Minister, as you stated, ending violence against women and girls is a priority in the Programme for Government. Will you detail what dedicated funding, beyond the local change fund's being rolled out through councils, exists for families and women who are in an emergency and seeking to get out of that dangerous situation?

Aisling Reilly (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

I am happy to get the details of the groups for you. The groups and organisations on the ground that work with women who are fleeing domestic violence, and work to end violence against women and girls, should be commended. They do stellar work. I am happy to come back to you with a list of those groups and the funding that they receive.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Now, the real Diane Forsythe.

Diane Forsythe (DUP, South Down)

3. Ms Forsythe asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister for their assessment of the need for the current number of arm's-length bodies (ALBs) and non-departmental public bodies (NDPBs) that fall within the remit of their Department. (AQO 2036/22-27)

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Arm's-length bodies, including non-departmental public bodies, are established to deliver public services, provide expert advice or regulate sectors at arm's length from Ministers. Whilst they operate with a degree of independence from Departments, they are accountable to them. Those that fall under the remit of the Executive Office align with TEO's strategic priorities. Departments have been conducting their own reviews of arm's-length bodies, in line with the New Decade, New Approach commitment, as well as their existing sponsorship and governance requirements. The findings of those departmental reviews will inform the next steps. The introduction of a public bodies Bill to facilitate Departments in making any legislative changes will be dependent on the completion of the departmental reviews of their arm's-length bodies and the decision of the Executive to an agreed approach. The timing of any such legislation will be subject to prioritisation by the Executive.

Diane Forsythe (DUP, South Down)

I also wish you, Mr Speaker, a happy birthday.

I thank the First Minister for her answer. I look forward to hearing the responses from the different Departments following their reviews.

With over 120 arm's-length bodies and quangos across Northern Ireland public services, we see a lot of cost associated with back-office functions such as running boards. We see duplication of finances and requirements for individual accounts and audit services. Does the Minister have any idea of the cost of that to her Department?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

You referenced a number of bodies that are within TEO's remit. There are 12 bodies under TEO, some of which we have reviewed. That includes the Commissioner for Survivors of Institutional Childhood Abuse (COSICA). The Strategic Investment Board (SIB) also recently had a review, which we are working our way through. A number of bodies under our remit, including the Historical Institutional Abuse Redress Board, which was established to ensure that payments were made to victims and survivors, will come to an end soon. The redress board will come to an end once all the payments are fully disclosed. The Victims' Payments Board is open until August 2026, and then it will start to wind down.

A number of bodies, including a number within our remit, will change. We will have to come back to the matter once all Departments have reviewed their arm's-length bodies. Given the unique political context here, it is, at times, vital to maintain independent oversight bodies for the sake of public trust. There are different reasons for having bodies, and there is good work under way to review all of that.

Jemma Dolan (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

Does the First Minister agree that it is essential for public confidence that all Departments' arm's-length bodies and non-departmental public bodies live within their budgets and that, where that is not the case, action is taken?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Thank you for that question. To state the obvious, yes, I do. However, more than a decade of Tory austerity, which is being followed through by a Labour Government, has caused huge challenges for our public finances. We see the detriment of that every day across our health system, education system and all public bodies. That is why we have been working to get our finances back on a stable footing and why we must protect the public funds that we have and ensure that they are used to best effect.

The reality is that, where that does not happen in our non-departmental public bodies, Ministers will have to take action. I welcome the fact that the Infrastructure Minister, Liz Kimmins, has engaged forensic accountancy services to investigate why NI Water has been unable to live within its resource allocation for this year. It is important that we get to the bottom of such things and that everybody is efficient, given that we are dealing with limited finances. Ultimately, our objective will clearly always be about having maximum accountability and transparency in public expenditure. Importantly, that is what the public expect us to do.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

I add my good wishes to those that have been expressed to you on your birthday, Mr Speaker.

First Minister, given that each Department is a separate legal entity that is free to set up arm's-length bodies and non-departmental bodies as it sees fit, within reason, what role does the Executive Office have in implementing efficiencies in that regard? If it has none, is that not another strong case for reform?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

You are right that each Department has its own remit, legislatively, to set up bodies. In some ways, that is important. However, as an Executive, if we want to look at being efficient and transforming how we do things, we have to look at the issue in the round. That is an Executive discussion for a bit further down the line, when all Departments have conducted their reviews.

All of the bodies have to be relevant. There has to be a strategic relevance in order to have a body in the first place. You have to avoid duplication, maximise efficiency and secure public confidence and independence. I made a point earlier about trust: trust is very important, particularly when it comes to the performance and accountability of some of the bodies. The Member is aware, however, that we have some of the bodies that we do because of the political context here and the fact that we need to engender public trust and oversight for some work. As an Executive, we will definitely revisit the matter.

Colin McGrath (Social Democratic and Labour Party, South Down)

Does the First Minister agree with me, in my role as the chair of the all-party group on youth participation, that, regardless of the number of bodies that we have, there are not enough young people represented on them? When I say "young people", I include those, like the Speaker, up to the age of around 30. They could give their views and bring young people's perspectives to those boards to help them to be more responsive to the needs of young people.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Thank you, Mr McGrath.

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

One might fear that the Member is trying to curry favour with the Speaker with that comment. In general, yes, it is crucial that more young people come forward into public life to shape the bodies and how we design policy. Again, the best example that I have of that is the role that young people played in the ending violence against women and girls strategy. However, if we are to design policies and strategies that will deliver on the needs of the public, that process needs to be inclusive, so, on the general point, yes, absolutely, having more young people, more people from an ethnic minority background and more people who reflect the society that we live in will always lead to better policy and decision-making.

Declan Kearney (Sinn Féin, South Antrim)

4. Mr Kearney asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister for their assessment of the motion passed in the Assembly on 6 May 2025, which expressed support for extending the right to vote in elections for the president of Ireland to all Irish citizens on the island of Ireland. (AQO 2037/22-27)

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

There is no agreed position on the issue.

Declan Kearney (Sinn Féin, South Antrim)

Gabhaim buíochas leis an Chéad-Aire as an fhreagra sin.

[Translation: I thank the First Minister for that answer.]

First Minister, I note from your response that there is no agreement in your office on the issue. However, it is the democratically expressed will of the Assembly that voting rights be extended to citizens across the island to elect the Irish head of state. Do you therefore agree that the extension of voting rights in Irish presidential elections to Irish citizens living in the North should be taken forward by the Irish Government as a matter of priority?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Yes, I absolutely agree with that, and I thank the Member for bringing the issue to the Chamber for debate a short while ago. The outcome of that debate — the vote in the Chamber — was decisive in showing the support of elected Members in the Chamber for the right to vote in the presidential election later this year. That is, obviously, my personal view, but I took the time after the debate to write to the Taoiseach to inform him that it had been endorsed in the Chamber.

It is time for the Irish Government to correct what has been a deficit in our democratic right to vote in that election. We continue to encourage the Taoiseach to rectify an anomaly for Irish citizens in the North: you can stand for election, but you cannot vote. The argument for that is not tenable or credible. We are 12 years beyond the constitutional convention and its participants' overwhelming endorsement of the extension of the franchise. It is my view and, now, that of the majority in the House that the extension of voting rights to citizens who live in the North needs to be endorsed.

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

The First Minister may have seen the polling published today in the 'Belfast Telegraph' that asked nationalist voters about their priorities for the work of the Assembly and the Executive. Not a single person mentioned presidential election voting rights. Does the First Minister agree that the Irish Government, in rejecting the proposal, are more in tune with the electorate of Northern Ireland than she is?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

The Member ignores the reality, I am afraid: we had that very debate in the Chamber, and a majority of elected Members voted to call on the Irish Government to ensure that citizens who live in the North have voting rights in the election of the president of Ireland.

Michelle Guy (Alliance, Lagan Valley)

I join others in wishing you a happy birthday, Mr Speaker. I am sure that there is nowhere that you would rather be.

The implementation of voting rights in Irish presidential elections is a matter for the Government of Ireland, not the Assembly, but, on a point of fact, can the First Minister confirm that the motion passed by the convention was for voting rights for all Irish citizens, with no specific requirement for them to be resident on the island of Ireland and that that would bring those elections into line with common practice in the EU and elsewhere?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

The Member is right that that was the conclusion of the convention. I referenced what we voted on in the Chamber, but you are absolutely right: it is about all Irish citizens being able to vote for their uachtarán.

[Translation: president.]

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

I call Justin McNulty.

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

Breithlá sona duit.

[Translation: Happy birthday to you.]

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

5. Mr McNulty asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister for an update on any recent engagement they have had on the progress to redevelop Casement Park. (AQO 2038/22-27)

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

We have consistently raised the issue during our engagement with all levels of the British and Irish Governments, and, this afternoon, we will meet the Minister for Communities for further discussions, following his recent engagement with the Secretary of State and the GAA.

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

First Minister, Casement Park, which would, you said, be built on your watch, has been in limbo for well over a decade. While there seemed to be an improvement in the mood music over the weekend, with your colleague the Communities Minister's attendance in the box at the Athletic Grounds for Armagh's all-Ireland group stage victory over Derry, progress has been scarce.

When you raised the subject of Casement Park with the British Prime Minister, what capacity and standard of stadium did you push for? Will the new Casement Park be capable of hosting international sporting events as well as being a home stadium for Antrim Gaels? When will it be built?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

We have to put every bit of energy and effort that we have into ensuring that Casement Park will be built. It is an Executive flagship project. I am determined to see it over the line and to work with all partners to ensure that that happens. I hope that the Minister for Communities got a sense of how important it is to Gaels across the island to play games in their own stadiums. I am sure that he got a flavour of that at the weekend. I am absolutely determined to ensure that we get movement on Casement Park. That means working with the Minister, the British Government, the Irish Government, the GAA and all partners who are committed to ensuring that the project gets over the line.

Pat Sheehan (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

Does the First Minister agree that it is long past time for the British Government to state what their funding contribution will be to the redevelopment of Casement Park?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Yes. I constantly call on the British Government to let us know exactly what they will do to fulfil their political commitment to building Casement Park. It will take all partners working together to ensure that the project gets across the line. We missed a huge opportunity by not being able to play our part in the Euros, with the economic benefit that it would have brought to us all. As the Member knows, the development of Casement Park is a flagship priority for the Executive, and we are committed to it. It is a long-overdue home for Ulster Gaels, and it is now time to get the stadium built. I am determined to continue to work with everybody to ensure that the funding contribution is put on the table so that we can get on with the project. Let us get Casement Park built.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

First Minister, with tens of millions of pounds of projected overspend on the original cost of the redevelopment of Casement Park and with public infrastructure and public services under serious financial strain, which public services would you cut to ensure Casement Park's redevelopment on the scale that the GAA suggests? Hospitals, schools or education?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

You see, it is not a binary choice. We can have good public services, and we can invest in our sporting infrastructure. The redevelopment of Casement Park is long overdue. It is the remaining stadium to be built. It is a commitment across the Executive and in the Programme for Government, and it will be built.

Sinéad McLaughlin (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

6. Ms McLaughlin asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister to outline any work that is taking place to address gaps in equality legislation. (AQO 2039/22-27)

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

With your permission, Mr Speaker, junior Minister Reilly will answer the question.

Aisling Reilly (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

While we have equality legislation that protects citizens from less favourable treatment, we recognise that there are differences from that of other jurisdictions, and we are committed to addressing any gaps. We will bring race relations legislation before the Assembly in 2025-26 to strengthen protections against racism. We are also considering bringing in protections against age-related discrimination in relation to goods, facilities and services, and junior Minister Cameron and I recently met Claire Sugden to discuss her private Member's Bill. I thank Claire for taking the time to meet us and for continually championing and advocating for our older people. We also welcome the Executive Office Committee's work on its inquiry into the differences between our equality legislation and that in other jurisdictions, and we will consider the findings of the report when it is available.

Sinéad McLaughlin (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

Mr Speaker, I add my congratulations and formally welcome you to the club.

We are falling far behind Britain and the South on equality protections: that is unacceptable in 2025. Will you introduce any legislation in this mandate that will close the gaps?

Aisling Reilly (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

I thank the Member for her question. As I said, we will bring race relations legislation to the Assembly in 2025-26. On a broader point, equality is not just ticking a box but a core principle of how we need to shape policy and build communities. We are absolutely committed to addressing any gaps, and I welcome the Executive Office Committee's work on that. No one should feel that their identity, background or culture is any less entitled to dignity or opportunity than anyone else's. We have to be proactive in addressing inequalities.

Again, we need to work together across Departments, with each other in the Chamber and with communities. We need to make sure that nobody is left behind when we progress any equality legislation.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

We now move to topical questions.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

T1. Mr O'Toole asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister, after noting that the First Minister's colleague Eoin Ó Broin put out a press release today that says that the Irish Government have shown a total "lack of urgency" in relation to housing and critical infrastructure, to outline how, if that is her party's view of the Irish Government's performance in Dublin, she rates the Government that she leads in the North. (AQT 1341/22-27)

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I have not seen Eoin's comment, but suffice to say that all Governments need to do better when it comes to housing and infrastructure investment. Unfortunately, as you know, there are two jurisdictions across this island: a devolved Assembly with limited powers that has been starved of resources for 14-plus years and a Government in Dublin who are failing on the housing agenda. We have targets in the Programme for Government, and we are determined to try to deliver on those.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

The reason that I ask, First Minister, is that your party is making robust criticisms, many of which, perhaps, are legitimate, about performance in the South, but when it comes to social housing in the North, the Chartered Institute of Housing has warned today that there could be a £100 million shortfall in social housing investment. There is no plan for investing in waste water. In fact, there is denial from your colleagues that there is even a problem. There are chaotic, contradictory statements on the delivery of North/South infrastructure. You mentioned the lack of fiscal powers here, but your colleague the Finance Minister does not seem to want to take any new fiscal powers. Why is there a contradiction and a difference between the robust way that your party holds the Government to account in the South and the idea that you simply want people in the North to accept inaction and drift?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I will work in reverse. I do not accept your final comment at all. It is not about inaction; it is about trying to deliver on our Programme for Government commitments within the limitations of a devolved space. I am surprised that you do not understand the difference between the two jurisdictions that, unfortunately, exist on this island. Until we work towards the point at which we can unite people across the island for the betterment of the public services — better health, education and infrastructure — we are stuck with the deal that we have. We have to continue to fight against the austerity agenda with which the Labour Government are continuing in the aftermath of 14 years of it. The fact that our public services are on their knees here is an outworking of the jurisdiction in which we live. It is important that we continue to fight for good public services.

In case you are in any doubt, we continue to make the case for additional fiscal powers, and we have done so for quite a long time. As a matter of fact, my colleagues stood up the Fiscal Commission and brought forward arguments as to why we need more fiscal powers and levers and why we need to invest in our infrastructure after all the years of austerity. We are absolutely committed to doing that and to building more social and affordable homes, but we need a proper funding model. Instead of just talking about it in the Chamber, I put that case directly to Keir Starmer last week when I engaged with him on the funding model for this place: it is not fit for purpose. In the comprehensive spending review, we want to see a fair funding model and a three-year Budget that allows us to plan for the future. We have to recognise that we have been underfunded, but we are making that case. As a matter of fact, you and your party colleagues joined the rest of the Executive parties on day 1 to make that very case.

Gary Middleton (DUP, Foyle)

T2. Mr Middleton asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister, after noting the widespread concerns, including those raised by the Chief Constable and the Police Federation for Northern Ireland, about the declining number of PSNI officers and the impact of that on delivering essential policing services, whether the First Minister supports the need for additional PSNI officers, as indicated in the workforce recovery plan, and, if so, to outline the particular actions that she is taking to secure additional funding for the PSNI. (AQT 1342/22-27)

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

As you know, we have made commitments in our Programme for Government in that area. We support the PSNI when it comes to its need for additional numbers. It is also very important that we have an appropriately funded justice system. We also know the significance of neighbourhood policing and how important it is to ensure that those officers are close to the ground and engaged with the local community in which they serve. That is the best way to build community trust and confidence. We will continue to meet the Chief Constable, and we will meet Executive colleagues about prioritising Budget decisions in the aftermath of the CSR.

Gary Middleton (DUP, Foyle)

I thank the First Minister for her response. First Minister, through your office, have the Executive undertaken any assessment of the impact of reduced policing numbers on good relations in Northern Ireland, particularly in light of sectarianism and hate crime attacks, in order to see what we can do as an Executive to address those scourges in our society?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I am not aware of any particular pieces of work on that, but good relations work through Together: Building a United Community (T:BUC) funding is usually done in conjunction with partners, including the PSNI.

When it comes to good relations and looking at where things are, not least with some things that we have seen over the past couple of days with the sectarian intimidation of families, everything needs to be done to ensure that such events do not happen. We continue to make that case to our Department to see what we can do to build good relations and we continue to challenge the PSNI on what it is doing to tackle sectarianism.

Harry Harvey (DUP, Strangford)

T3. Mr Harvey asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister how the Executive intend to capitalise on the 153rd Open for the long term, given that Northern Ireland will host the event in a few weeks. (AQT 1343/22-27)

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

We are going to host the Open, and what a great opportunity that will be for us. In fact, later today, we are hosting an event with the Claret Jug here in Parliament Buildings, and all MLAs are invited.

We are starting to tap into the huge economic potential that that event will have for us through tourism and the sporting event. So many opportunities will come from it. We are a lovely place to visit, and people will see that when they tune into the Open. We are told that a huge number of people will tune in and that 150 countries will broadcast the Open. The economic benefit is £213 million, so that is huge.

The Open is just one of many events that we host here and that we do very well. I look forward to being able to build on that and to have the ambition to reach for even more of those big international competitions.

Harry Harvey (DUP, Strangford)

Thank you, First Minister. That leads me on to my next question. Opportunities that are brought by events such as the Open, the Giro d'Italia and others undoubtedly put us on the map. Are the Executive actively seeking to attract other sporting events?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

All Executive colleagues, including our Communities and sports Minister and our Economy Minister, will be interested in it. We demonstrated when we had the Giro that we can host big international events, and that is something that is to be built upon. I would have to look a bit more into what we are chasing right now, but the Open is certainly where we are focused for the next period.

We have to reach for all the opportunities that we have. We missed an opportunity with the Euros because we were not part of that bid. That was a missed opportunity for great investment here. However, let us continue to celebrate what we have that is great, whether it be the GAA Ulster final, rugby, soccer or the North West 200 motorbike racing event, which I went to recently for the first time, or the Open. Our tourism potential here is immense, and we should maximise it right across the island.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

T4. Mr Blair asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister whether they can commit the Executive Office to assist the Polish community and other ethnic communities in Northern Ireland and give any indication of action that is under way to help in that regard, given that, this Saturday, he, along with other Members, will join the recently formed Friends of Poland group here in Parliament Buildings to discuss, among other things, the role that the Polish community plays in Northern Ireland and how the integration of that community can be built upon. (AQT 1344/22-27)

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I want this to be a great place for everybody to live where they can be comfortable and achieve their best. Whatever I can do to help communities, whether it be the Polish community or any other community, please feel free to knock on my door and let me know what we can do or where we are perhaps not doing enough. I am more than happy to engage with the Member on that.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

I thank the First Minister for that answer. A racial equality strategy, including ethnic equality monitoring, an update to the Race Relations Order 1997 and an international relations strategy and Europe strategy are key to delivering for that community and all others, so can she give us any indication of what progress has been made on those strategies?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

We are working our way through them. As the junior Minister said, we will introduce the legislation on the Race Relations Order very soon in this political session. We will also move to publish the refugee integration strategy, hopefully, in the next number of days. We are working our way through the international relations strategy. It has to be refreshed, given everything that is happening globally. It is a very fluid situation.

I am determined to get those things published to allow us to do everything that we can to build this society to be an inclusive and welcoming society where everybody feels comfortable and has their space. It will take a combination of those strategies to make that happen.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

T5. Mr Carroll asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister for their assessment of the clampdown on Palestine solidarity activism over the past week or so, involving at least two constituents of his, namely Liam Óg of Kneecap and Sue Pentel from the Ireland Palestine Solidarity Campaign, and, given those arrests and attempted charges, to state whether they are concerned about restrictions on people's right to express themselves politically. (AQT 1345/22-27)

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

I remind the First Minister about the sub judice and contempt of court issues that may be involved in this issue. Please respond.

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

OK. Thank you. Mindful of that, I first send solidarity to both parties that the Member referred to. Highlighting genocide and the inhumane slaughter of defenceless citizens is not a crime. That is certainly my view, and I send solidarity to all those protesting and calling for an end to the genocide in Palestine.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

I agree, and I thank the First Minister for her answer. Maybe the problem was that the individuals did not have a letter from Jonathan Powell.

First Minister, you said that you met Keir Starmer last week. Did you raise the specific case of Liam Óg with him, and, if not, will you commit to raising that issue and issues regarding other Palestine solidarity activists and how they have been clamped down on, tackled and seemingly silenced over the past week or so?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Again, I am mindful of any sort of legal proceedings or whatever, but I have made my point about solidarity with the individuals — Liam Óg, Sue and Martine — because I think that anybody who goes out to raise their voice — rightly so, in my opinion — and call for an end to the genocide in Palestine is doing a good thing, because the international community is far too silent, has failed to act and has failed to end the genocide in Palestine.

I can tell you that I raised that issue with Keir Starmer on Friday. I made it very clear that they needed to end their arms sales to Israel, and I made it very clear that they needed to step up sanctions against Israel in a real and detailed way, because to not do so is to be complicit in what Israel is doing.

Peter Martin (DUP, North Down)

Mr Speaker, I wish you a very happy 40th birthday.

Peter Martin (DUP, North Down)

T6. Mr Martin asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister, given that, as his colleague indicated, Polish Heritage Day is this week, on which we will recognise the contribution that Polish people have made over the past 20 years while living, working, contributing to and integrating into Northern Ireland society, what direct engagement their office has had with members of the Polish community. (AQT 1346/22-27)

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I cannot recall, off the top of my head, any engagement. I assume that we will have met the ambassador when they came, certainly at a First Minister/deputy First Minister level or at a junior Minister level, as we do with all the ambassadors who represent the population here. I will confirm that in writing.

Peter Martin (DUP, North Down)

Thank you, First Minister, for your answer. Given the First Minister's answer, will she commit to organising a meeting as soon as is practicably possible with Polish community leaders in Northern Ireland to acknowledge their contribution to Northern Ireland and to explore potential areas for future collaboration?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Yes, I am more than happy to do so. The junior Minister informs me that, yes, they have actually met. I am more than happy to engage with all representatives of our community here. If we are to make this the most warm, welcoming and inclusive place, we need to engage with their representatives, particularly consuls general or ambassadors.

Tom Buchanan (DUP, West Tyrone)

T7. Mr T Buchanan asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister, given that the results of the recent LucidTalk poll that were released at the weekend show overwhelming support in Northern Ireland for the Supreme Court's landmark gender ruling, with 72% of the general public in favour of it, whether they now accept that ruling or are still on the wrong side of the majority of people in Northern Ireland. (AQT 1347/22-27)

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I await the Equality Commission's advice. That has been my position in the House, and that remains my position.

Tom Buchanan (DUP, West Tyrone)

As I expected, no answer is forthcoming. However, I will ask another question that has been asked on two occasions prior to this, with no answer given. Maybe we will get it today. Does the First Minister now agree that biological men should not be permitted to play women's sports, enter ladies' toilets or be placed in female prisons? A simple answer: yes or no?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

It is not the case that I did not answer; it is the fact that you do not like the answer. Let me repeat it for you: I will await the Equality Commission's advice and guidance. It would be better if everybody in the House were sensitive to this issue as we try to work our way through it on the basis of the Equality Commission advice and ensure that there is consistency across all the Departments.

Diane Dodds (DUP, Upper Bann)

T8. Mrs Dodds asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister, given that they will be aware of the recent allegations from a former PSNI officer known to us as "Sean", who has since withdrawn those allegations saying that they were made up and entirely false, whether they accept that statement from "Sean" and will encourage young people from the Roman Catholic community to apply to join the police force of Northern Ireland. (AQT 1348/22-27)

(Madam Principal Deputy Speaker in the Chair)

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I do not know the ins and outs of the case, but, obviously, people should be factual when they are making a claim; that is important. It is also very important that the Police Service is as inclusive as the society that it represents. Trust and confidence in policing are also crucial. All those components need to be right for people to have faith in the Police Service. I have already been to a recruitment event for the PSNI, and I call on people to join the PSNI.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

That ends Question Time to the First Ministers. Members, please take your ease for a moment.

Question for Urgent Oral Answer — Health

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Mrs Diane Dodds has given notice of a question for urgent oral answer to the Minister of Health. I remind Members that, if they wish to ask a supplementary question, they should rise continually in their place. The Member who tabled the question will be called automatically to ask a supplementary question.

Diane Dodds (DUP, Upper Bann)

Mrs Dodds asked the Minister of Health for his assessment of the quality of care and performance at the cardiac surgery unit at the Royal Victoria Hospital (RVH), in light of an independent external review that found an intolerable working environment and a pattern of consistently poor behaviour within the unit.

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

In December 2024, the strategic planning and performance group (SPPG) and the Public Health Agency (PHA) commissioned an independent, external expert team to carry out a review of the cardiac surgery service in the Belfast Trust. The review concluded in April of this year. The review team was specifically focusing on two principal tasks — safety and team working. The findings in the expert team's final report were presented to the Belfast Trust board at an extraordinary board meeting on Thursday 15 May.

As Minister, I want to say this: it was appalling to read of the staff experiences in the cardiac surgery unit in the Royal Victoria Hospital. I want to thank every staff member who engaged in the important review process. I also want to thank the external review team for its work. The findings on the culture of the unit and the behaviours of some individuals within it are entirely unacceptable. I expect to see meaningful and lasting improvements in the unit, not least in building a culture of respect for all colleagues at all levels. In clinical safety terms, key data provide important assurances for patients. For the avoidance of doubt, I declare an interest as a cardiac patient.

The review highlights that the cultural issues in the unit represent a risk to patient safety, which is of concern. I acknowledge that public confidence in our regional cardiac surgery service cannot be allowed to deteriorate, especially for our patients and their families when they are at their most vulnerable.

The expert team has made a number of recommendations based on the findings, specifically around governance arrangements, communication processes and the review of current processes and support and encouragement for those who are raising concerns. Improved team working across the unit must be an absolute priority.

The Belfast Trust has accepted the recommendations of the review and is now working swiftly to take those forward. I will meet the chair of the trust shortly to seek his assurance that actions are progressing at pace to address all the findings. An action plan is being prepared urgently. In the meantime, my Department will work with the trust to secure the necessary assurances regarding the management of the ongoing issues to ensure and secure provision of service both immediately and in the longer term.

Diane Dodds (DUP, Upper Bann)

Minister, the report is shocking. There has been a litany of problems and a culture of bullying and poor behaviour. At one stage, an operation was cancelled because of "interpersonal differences in theatre". It reveals that four surgeons were working from home. What really concerns me is the report's conclusion:

"The culture of the cardiac unit is very poor, exacerbated by management. The cultural issues in this unit represent a significant risk to patient safety".

Minister, first, will you publish the report and lay it in the Assembly Library for Members to see, so that we can scrutinise and measure the work of the Belfast Trust? Secondly, will you tell us why and how on earth the problem was allowed to continue over such a long, long period? I know that the review started in 2024, but the problem has been ongoing.