Northern Ireland Assembly, 24 February 2025

276 contributions from 55 members. The official report.

Assembly Business

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

At the start of business, I put on record my congratulations to our colleague Andy Allen for his participation in and achievements at the Invictus Games, which were held recently in Canada. He brought home four medals from the competition: one gold; two silver; and one bronze. It is well known that Northern Ireland has a strong record of punching above its weight in the performances of its competitors in sporting championships, and I am delighted that the Assembly can now boast about one of its very own in recognising the dedication and achievement of home-grown sporting talent. I will write to Members later today to invite them to join me at a reception event to mark Andy's achievements that is to be held in Parliament Buildings tomorrow afternoon.

Members' Statements

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Last week, Pat Sheehan and I met Mothers Against Genocide. On behalf of Sinn Féin, I thank that group for the meeting. Mothers Against Genocide is a cross-community group of women who have come together to call for solidarity in ending genocide. It is a collective of women from across all religious and political viewpoints and classes that is calling for an end to genocide in Gaza and for the promotion of a lasting peace in Palestine. Its aim is to have all legislators recognise the need for Palestinian rights and to end, under international law, Israel's occupation of Palestinian territories. It asked us to call for the protection of humanitarian workers, journalists and health and social care staff in line with international humanitarian law. It further asked us to raise the concern that ongoing arms sales enable genocide, saying that those sales need to end and that that also needs to be done in line with international law. It also asked for our support for a ban on trade with illegal settlements in the occupied Palestine. Advocates for businesses in the North and public bodies also need to look at their ethical procurement policies. That includes looking at firms that provide goods to businesses that are complicit in the occupation of Palestine. We all should call for and defend the rights of individuals, institutions and businesses to engage in boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS) without legal restrictions.

We all must call for an increase in humanitarian aid. We need to put measures in place that will allow sick and injured children to evacuate Palestine and travel to the North of Ireland for treatment, similar to schemes that are already in place in Dublin and London.

We also call for the restoration of United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) funding to support Palestinian refugees. We need to ensure that work continues with international bodies to support a just and lasting solution that is based on equality and human rights. It should be on all our lips that every child, every citizen, Israeli or Palestinian, deserves to grow up feeling loved, happy and safe. We call for that pledge to continue throughout all legislatures.

Keith Buchanan (DUP, Mid Ulster)

I am concerned about the rise of avian influenza in Mid Ulster. Last week, 64,000 birds were culled at a commercial poultry farm near Dungannon, and over the weekend, we learned that almost 16,000 birds will be culled at a site near Pomeroy. The spread of avian flu should be taken very seriously. The poultry industry in Northern Ireland is important. It generates over £600 million for the economy and employs a great number of people. If avian flu spreads further in Northern Ireland, it will impact not only on our economy but on the livelihoods of those who work in that industry.

I read that the Balmoral show organisers have announced that there will be no poultry competitions this year. That is the wise thing to do in the current circumstances. I echo the words of the Minister of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs, Minister Muir, in imploring all bird owners, be they commercial or domestic, to:

"adhere to stringent biosecurity measures ... and report any suspicious cases immediately."

David Honeyford (Alliance, Lagan Valley)

The growth of renewable energy offers several significant benefits for residents and environmental and economic advantages. At the weekend, however, we saw reports that, again, exposed the slow pace of change, which is made worse by renewable energy being continually wasted because it is not able to access our grid. It is outrageous that almost 40% of renewable energy is effectively dumped in the sea, four times the figure for the South. The inefficiency of that 40% loss has to be built into the cost of future connections and tenders, and that keeps the price higher than it should be.

We live on an island in the middle of the Atlantic Ocean. We need to have a much greater focus and to work much faster on becoming self-sufficient in energy. Ultimately, doing so will protect our residents from volatile global energy prices by giving more stability to electricity costs. Energy security is vital, and we have felt the cost of relying on fossil-fuel imports. The cost of energy affects every household every week and month. Since 2021, the average price that a household pays in energy has more than doubled. Little has changed in the past year. Alliance wants to see the potential of being self-sufficient in energy realised through delivery, innovation and investment and this region being boosted as a green-energy hub, which will bring lower prices for every household. The Assembly and the Department for the Economy need to deliver in this mandate. We need movement on expanding our grid, alongside support for renewable energy, to happen at a much faster pace so that achieving the "80 by 30 target" for renewables is not just a headline but a reality.

Steve Aiken (UUP, South Antrim)

Perhaps the litany of horrors that was created by the vile attacks of 7 October has inured us to the evil perpetrated by Hamas, by Islamic Jihad and, now, self-evidently, by so-called civilians in Gaza. The silence of far too many over the fate of the hostages; the wilful ignoring of the use of rape and violence against the innocent; the blatant antisemitism prevalent in the very statements by political parties to so-called NGOs; and the 'wokerati' baying for the destruction of Israel in our streets has become a sad norm. They have all become complicit in the grotesque evil being perpetrated on the innocent.

Last week, four coffins were paraded before a baying mob. Those coffins were marked with the so-called day of arrest of the deceased. One of those coffins held an 83-year-old peace activist, Oded Lifschitz, who was murdered by terrorists for no other reason than he was a Jew. Another coffin held the remains of four-year-old Ariel Bibas, who was murdered by strangulation for no other reason than he was a Jew.

A third held 10-month-old baby Kfir Bibas, murdered by strangulation for no other reason than he too was a Jew. The fourth coffin holding the remains of another arrested person was supposed to hold the children's mother, Shiri, but, of course, it did not. Shiri's remains were then miraculously found by Hamas the next day; another bargaining chip in the sick calculus that passes for reason amongst those who always advocate from the bloody river to the bloodstained sea of the militant extremists' imagination.

Is it too much to expect that, on this island, at least, we can call out evil for what it is without whataboutery and rancour, and just accept and call out the grotesque spectacle that Hamas has created? It cannot have any place in any future peace as our First Minister has suggested. It cannot be given that agency. Strangling infants and toddlers does not give it any right to be included in any peace process.

Finally, while I hope that you all join me in praying for a real and just peace, please also reflect on the words of the Grand Mufti of Saudi Arabia, who said

"What we saw today in Gaza is a disgrace to Islam, an act of blasphemy against Allah."

If that can be seen from Mecca, is it too much to hope that it can also be seen from the First Minister's office and from Benches in this Chamber?

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

I am tempted to respond to some of what Dr Aiken has said — he has said it repeatedly in the Chamber — but I will not, because I have other things to talk about.

First of all, I associate myself with your remarks about Andy Allen, Mr Speaker. We should all be proud of Andy's achievements. I also mark, if I may, the anniversary, which, I think, was last week, of the passing of our constituency colleague and your predecessor in the constituency, Christopher Stalford, who is sorely missed from the Chamber. As somebody who had very different political views from Christopher Stalford, I often think of him when we have debates here. I think of his intelligence and wit. I just wanted to pause and remember him.

It is just over a year since we returned to the Northern Ireland Assembly and Executive, but we face, in this place, a crisis in accountability, a crisis in the public's trust that people here — specifically Ministers — will make decisions, be willing to take responsibility and answer for those decisions and be held accountable for them. I will give a couple of examples. Last week, the Health Minister announced a new policy on core grant funding for health bodies. That resulted in a loss of funding for a wide number of organisations, although I accept that it also meant that some bodies got core grant funding for the first time. You would think that that was the kind of thing that a Minister should bring to the Assembly to face questions on. He did not do that, but he is not the only one. There are umpteen examples.

A particularly egregious example or set of examples, is that of the Finance Minister — now successive Finance Ministers — having meaningful decisions — when I say "meaningful", I am talking about large and important decisions — on spending announced by written ministerial statement on Wednesdays, Thursdays and Fridays and not bringing them to the Chamber. Tens of millions of pounds were allocated in response to storm Éowyn through the January monitoring round, but that was not brought to the Chamber. That was issued by written statement with no one — not a single MLA from the Opposition or Executive parties — being able to ask a question.

Not only that, but the draft Budget was announced before Christmas. Before Santa got here, the Finance Minister announced the draft Budget, which, by the way, included a policy decision to increase rates for the people of Northern Ireland. That had already been decided. It was not brought to the Chamber. I see Members across the Chamber smiling at me as I make that point, but our job is accountability. Whether you are in the Opposition or the Executive, simply waving stuff through, pretending that we are not here to hold people to account and are simply here to act like pygmies and have meaningless debates and motions, reading things out and not scrutinising the people in power fails the people who sent us here.

I am serious about accountability. I am aware that it prompts guffaws and occasionally contempt from people in the Chamber who do not like accountability. However, the rest of the official Opposition and I are serious about it. We intend to keep holding people to account, whether they like it or not.

Nicola Brogan (Sinn Féin, West Tyrone)

Rinneadh Lá Idirnáisiúnta na mBan agus na gCailíní san Eolaíocht a cheiliúradh ag tús na míosa. Is iomaí bean as an oileán seo a bhí, agus atá go fóill, ar thús cadhnaíochta san eolaíocht. Ach, ar an drochuair, is minic nach bhfuair na mná aitheantas mar ba cheart san am a chuaigh thart as an tsaothar eolaíochta a rinne siad. Mar shampla, is d’fhear céile Annie Russell Maunder a cuireadh síos an chuid ba thabhachtaí den obair a rinne sí agus is amhlaidh a fuair beirt fhear Duais Nobel na Fisice as obair a rinne Jocelyn Bell Burnell.

Bíodh go bhfuil iarrachtaí á ndéanamh le 10 mbliana anuas le cothromas a bhaint amach do na mná san eolaíocht, is é rud a dhéantar leithcheal agus leatrom orthu ar fad. Tá bearna inscne ann go fóill i ngach aon réimse eolaíochta, teicneolaíochta, innealtóireachta agus matamaitice ar fud an domhain. Mar sin de, tá cúis bhróid againn go bhfuil eolaí mná as Contae Ard Mhacha ar thús cadhnaíochta arís agus í ag iarraidh an bhearna inscne úd a chúngú. Bhain Jocelyn Bell Burnell the Special Breakthrough Prize in Fundamental Physics 2018. Bhí 3 mhilliún dollar ag gabháil leis an duais sin. D’úsáid an tOllamh Bell Burnell an t-airgead sin uilig go léir le ciste a chur ar bun le cuidiú le mná a bheith ina dtaighdeoirí fisice.

Tá obair go fóill le déanamh má tá teacht mar is ceart le bheith ag na mná ar an eolaíocht, ach ós rud é go bhfuil eiseamláirí amhail an tOllamh Bell Burnell, Niamh Shaw agus Lydia Lynch againn, sílim go bhfuil ábhar dóchais againn don am atá le teacht.

Nicola Brogan (Sinn Féin, West Tyrone)

[Translation: We celebrated International Day of Women and Girls in Science at the beginning of the month. Many women from this island have been, and are still, at the forefront of the sciences. Unfortunately, however, in the past, women have often not received the recognition that they deserve for the scientific work that they have done. For example, Annie Russell Maunder’s husband was credited with most of the important work that she did. Likewise, two men received the Nobel Prize for the work of Jocelyn Bell Burnell. Although there have been attempts over the past 10 years to achieve equality for women in the sciences, they are still treated unfairly. There is still a gender gap in every sphere of science, technology, engineering and mathematics the world over. Therefore, it is a source of pride that a woman scientist from County Armagh is, once again, leading the way in trying to narrow the gender gap. Jocelyn Bell Burnell won the Special Breakthrough Prize in Fundamental Physics in 2018 — a prize worth $3 million. Professor Bell Burnell used all that money to set up a fund to help women to become physics researchers. There is still work to be done if women are to have proper access to science. However, since we have role models such as Professor Bell Burnell, Niamh Shaw and Lydia Lynch, I think that we can have hope for the future.]

Brian Kingston (DUP, Belfast North)

I rise to pay tribute to UDR privates James Cummings and Fred Starrett who, on this date 37 years ago, while performing their duty to protect life and property in Belfast city centre as soldiers in the Ulster Defence Regiment, were murdered by the IRA. In the late evening of that day, 24 February 1988, Cummings and Starrett attended to lock the security gate in Royal Avenue, to protect the city centre from the IRA bombing campaign, which aimed to destroy the economy of Belfast. The IRA had hidden a bomb behind a hoarding beside the security barrier covering Castle Court shopping centre, which was under construction at that time. When it detonated, Private James Cummings was killed instantly, and Private Fred Starrett was taken to hospital where he died several hours later.

Private Cummings, from Rathcoole in Newtownabbey, had been a member of the regiment for two years. Private Starrett, from east Belfast, had joined the regiment just four months previously. They were both just 22 years old. The cowardly IRA members who planned and carried out that bombing had just one intention, which was to take the lives of members of the security forces who were trying to protect society from the evil of terrorism. Had passing members of the public also been killed or seriously injured, the terrorists would have taken no responsibility for that.

Cummings and Starrett would have known that, every day and every night, they would be prime targets for terrorists, yet they bravely stepped forward to join the UDR and serve in the British Army to protect society. Both men were members of Orange lodges in Ballymacarrett No 6 district in east Belfast. Two days ago, on Saturday morning, I joined hundreds of others in attending the annual service of remembrance for Cummings and Starrett, which was held in Royal Avenue and organised by the Ulster Defenders of the Realm LOL 710. I spoke to family members in attendance, who said that it means a great deal to them that their sacrifice is not forgotten and that their names are honoured. We will continue to remember them with honour.

Those who planned and carried out that and other acts of terrorism during the Troubles were the enemies of democracy. In fact, they achieved nothing other than to take thousands of lives and to devastate thousands of others who were injured or bereaved. There was always an alternative to terrorism. Indeed, the Assembly is part of that; it is called peaceful and democratic politics and respect for the rule of law and other people's right to life. That is what the people of Northern Ireland expect Members of the House to be committed to, and not to the shameful glorification of the evil terrorism of the past.

Some Members

Hear, hear.

Connie Egan (Alliance, North Down)

This week marks 20 years since Lisa Dorrian went missing. Lisa was from Bangor, and she was 25 years old when she went missing on 28 February 2005. She was last seen in a caravan park in Ballyhalbert, where she had been at a party. Lisa went missing that evening, and the police believe her to be dead, but her body has never been located. Lisa's disappearance shocked people not just from the area but from across Northern Ireland. A beautiful young woman, with her whole life ahead of her, just disappeared. It is a travesty that she has still not been found, 20 years later.

Lisa left behind her parents, Patricia and John, and her siblings Joanne, Michelle and Ciara. It is hard to imagine the pain and torment that they have had to endure. Tragically, Lisa's mother, Patricia, passed in 2015, having never got answers, justice or a proper burial for her daughter. The family have been campaigning now for 20 years with the simple message "Let's find Lisa". Incredibly, they have used their grief to help others. The Dorrian family has been outspoken in calling for the introduction of Charlotte's law in Northern Ireland, which would increase the sentence for murderers here who do not disclose the location of their victim's body. The family has worked with the Minister of Justice and the family of Charlotte Murray to ensure that that law will be delivered.

Lisa's sister Joanne is the chair of K9 Search and Rescue, a charity based in north Down that conducts search-and-rescue missions to help families who have missing loved ones. That work speaks to the dignity and strength with which the Dorrian family has campaigned for truth and justice. It is remarkable.

Today, I appeal to anyone with information to come forward to the PSNI. Twenty years on, we know that there are people in our community who know what happened to Lisa. I urge them to search their conscience and do the right thing. It is not too late: "Let's find Lisa".

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

In August 2016, the 'Belfast Telegraph' led with a story that was headlined:

"Why the victims killed in the Bayardo Bar massacre also deserve to be remembered".

Following the public commentary that has disgracefully emanated from the party on the Benches opposite this weekend following the death of IRA man Brendan McFarlane, it is my moral imperative to ensure that they are not forgotten.

On 13 August 1975, under the cover of darkness, three cowardly terrorists, led by McFarlane, set out to murder and maim their Protestant neighbours. They arrived at a packed bar, where they opened fire indiscriminately and planted a 10 lb bomb at the entrance to ensure the maximum number of casualties among innocent Protestant men, women and children. The IRA, in its actions, killed five people, the youngest of whom, Linda Boyle, was just 17 years old, and injured 50 others.

Thankfully, Mr McFarlane and his accomplices were caught by the security services that night and subsequently sentenced to life imprisonment. In 1983, Mr McFarlane led the Maze prison escape, during which a prison officer died. In 1983, he was charged with the kidnapping of a supermarket executive in the Irish Republic, which led to the deaths of a further two individuals.

In all the public pronouncements from Sinn Féin eulogising Mr McFarlane, there was not a single sentence — not a scintilla — of a "sorry" for the victims of his evil deeds. The Sinn Féin Member for North Belfast, who represents the very place where the bomb went off, managed to say in his remarks that Mr McFarlane did all that he could in the struggle for Irish unity. Did that struggle include the murder of an innocent 17-year-old girl? The leader of Sinn Féin described him as a "great patriot". Do great patriots plant a 10 lb bomb at the entrance to a bar to tear the heart out of the Shankill Road and then celebrate the murder of five people?

I was raised never to speak ill of the dead, and I recognise that a family is hurting, but my community and my constituency hurt every single day as a result of Mr McFarlane's actions. Sinn Féin's failure even to acknowledge that fact is nothing short of a disgrace. No amount of whitewashing or saying that the IRA's actions were justified will ever stop my party calling out the rank hypocrisy of the Members opposite.

Claire Sugden (Independent, East Londonderry)

Recent events in Coleraine have once again highlighted the issue of women and girls' safety in Northern Ireland, the threat to which is pervasive. The discovery of a bag containing suspicious items near a family home has understandably caused distress in our community. Although the police indicated that the incident was domestic, other recent reports of women being followed in the area highlight the range of dangers that women face every day. I commend the police in Causeway Coast and Glens for their quick response to the recent event. They worked tirelessly throughout the week to get a result, which we will see in court today.

Regrettably, Coleraine is not unique. The vulnerabilities experienced by women there reflect wider issues across Northern Ireland. The unsettling reality for women is that we have always navigated a world that is fraught with potential dangers, both public and private. For women, even walking in public in familiar spaces often requires a heightened sense of awareness. When doing simple things that many men take for granted, such as coming home after dark, we clutch keys between our fingers, we avoid certain routes and we get our phones ready to call for help. That constant state of alert is a lived reality for women and girls. The threat, however, is not confined to public spaces. Our homes, which should be havens of safety, are frequently places of unreported distress, and 32,763 incidents were reported to the PSNI last year.

Although women face harassment, stalking and exploitation on social media platforms, Northern Ireland is not doing enough in that space. We could review the Malicious Communications Act 1988, otherwise it is just redundant legislation. We could introduce stalking protection orders to intervene earlier in cases of persistent harassment.

As ever, tackling the issues requires a joined-up approach that goes beyond a reactive police response. Local councils have a role to play: better street lighting, more and more active CCTV in key areas and better maintenance of public spaces can make a real difference to making women feel safe. The justice system also really needs to improve. We need swift and decisive action when crimes are reported, sentencing outcomes that reflect the harm that is being caused, and timely investigations and processes. We need proper support for victims, and we need to make sure that perpetrators are dealt with appropriately so that women have confidence in the system.

We need to be clear about the realities of violence against women and girls. While individuals from any background can be responsible for the behaviour, it is important to focus on facts rather than assumptions led by misinformation or prejudice. Most perpetrators are known to their victims — they are their partners, relatives, colleagues or acquaintances — and shifting blame to specific groups without any evidence only distracts from addressing the real and systemic issues at hand. The safety of women and girls demands our attention to ensure that every individual, regardless of background, can live without fear. Let us focus our efforts on tangible, immediate actions that make our community safer and more respectful for everyone.

Stephen Dunne (DUP, North Down)

As has been said, this week marks the 20th anniversary — we are just a few days short — of the disappearance of Lisa Dorrian, aged just 25 years old, from a caravan park in Ballyhalbert in County Down on 28 February 2005. Lisa is irreplaceable. Her disappearance has left a hole in the lives of her loving family and friends and continues to cast a dark shadow across our local community to this day, as, tragically, her body has never been found.

For two decades, Lisa's family have endured unimaginable pain and heartache, yet, throughout that time, they have shown extraordinary courage, resilience and determination in their quest for justice. They need to be commended. The campaign to find answers has not only kept Lisa's memory alive but shone a light on unresolved cases across Northern Ireland. I commend the family for their bravery and resilience in continuing to search for truth and justice and to find Lisa. Sadly, Lisa's mum, Patricia, passed away with a broken heart in December 2015. However, the courage and commitment of Lisa's father, John, and her sisters Joanne, Michelle and Ciara over the years have given hope to so many other families in similar heartbreaking situations across Northern Ireland and, indeed, beyond. Having met members of Lisa's family on many occasions, I know that their desire for truth and justice continues and is just as strong today as it was 20 years ago. No family should ever have to face the additional heartbreak of not being able to bury a lost loved one. If there is anything that we, as Members of the House, can do to offer hope to families in such a position, we have a moral responsibility to do it.

The "Let's Find Lisa" campaign has strongly advocated the introduction to Northern Ireland of what, in memory of Charlotte Murray, has become known as Charlotte's law. The Justice Minister has confirmed that she intends to bring forward that proposal in this mandate as part of a wider sentencing Bill, and I encourage her to continue to progress that. I will take the opportunity, as we mark this 20th anniversary, to once again urge anyone with any information that might help this grieving family 20 years on to bring it to the PSNI immediately. It is never too late to do the right thing: let's find Lisa.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

The bodies of 34-year-old Shiri Bibas and her children — four-year-old Ariel and six-month old Kfir Bibas — who were kidnapped on 7 October 2023, were supposed to be handed over during a sickening ceremony on Thursday. On Friday, it emerged that the body of Shiri Bibas had not been returned as promised, and authorities had to wait another day to get it. The coffins released on Friday were locked, resulting in painful delays in the processes for Israeli authorities, because they feared that the coffins could literally blow up in their faces. Those were horrific circumstances for the families and the Israeli authorities to deal with. Yet, to enter this very Chamber, Members pass a portrait of someone who was linked to similar behaviour. I will read a poem called 'A Simple Set of Car Keys', which is partly based on revelations in Liam Clarke's biography of Martin McGuinness about three murders:

"A simple set of car keys, 'Nothing special' I hear you say There's a story behind these keys I'll share with you today They belong to Leslie Jarvis and his story is so sad Another killed for 'Mother Ireland' by people who are bad. As Leslie left his studies, he got into his car Not knowing that McGuinness was watching from afar. These keys in the ignition, soon Leslie will be dead His killers crept up silently and shot Leslie in the head. Not happy with one killing, the Provos hatched a plan. They'd boobytrap Leslie's body and murder a policeman. The RUC came rushing after the shots rang round the town. The Provo Commander watched as the cordon was put down. Two officers approached the car and opened Leslie's door. One reached for Leslie's briefcase beside the body on the floor. An explosion ripped the car apart, three men left mangled and dead. The bloodlust of that Provo Commander well and truly fed. A simple set of car keys, 'Very special' I hear you say. They tell a story of three men who I honour in my own way."

The names of the men referenced in the poem are Chief Instructor Leslie Jarvis, Detective Inspector Austin Wilson and Sergeant John Bennison, who were murdered at Magee College in Londonderry on 23 March 1987. Some people in the House make a virtue out of not meeting Donald Trump because of his policy on the Middle East. Perhaps the truth is that they are closer to Hamas, in ideology and tactics, than they are to any innocent Palestinian civilian with whom they claim to sympathise.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

That concludes Members' statements. Members should take their ease for a moment while we change the top Table.

Assembly Business

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

On a point of order, Mr Speaker. Further to my Member's statement, in my role as leader of the Opposition, I have a particular concern around Ministers' failure to bring oral statements to the House. The Finance Minister is in the Chamber now, but we have now had two monitoring rounds and a draft Budget that should have been delivered to the Assembly orally but were delivered by written ministerial statement. Last week, we had a significant announcement from the Health Minister. Can you advise whether you are satisfied with the situation or whether your office is doing further work to encourage Ministers to bring oral statements to the Assembly?

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

I will happily look at that again. Members and Ministers know my view on that, which is that, where possible, it is appropriate that Ministers bring their statements to the Floor of the House. We discourage and we seek to dissuade Ministers from making statements on other occasions. When they have the opportunity to bring a statement to the House, that is the appropriate place to which to bring it. Ultimately, Ministers should be open to being questioned by Members. It is important that that questioning take place. I will write to Ministers again on that subject, Mr O'Toole, because you have raised a valid point.

Members should take their ease for a moment.

(Madam Principal Deputy Speaker in the Chair)

Executive Committee Business

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

I call the Minister of Finance, Mr John O'Dowd, to move the Consideration Stage of the Budget Bill.

Moved. — [Mr O'Dowd (The Minister of Finance).]

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Thank you, Minister. No amendments have been tabled to the Bill. I propose, therefore, by leave of the Assembly, to group the 15 clauses of the Bill for the Question on stand part, followed by the Questions on the three schedules and the long title.

Question put, That clauses 1 to 15 stand part of the Bill.

Some Members

Aye.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

No.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Mr Gaston, your objection has been noted, and I have heard Ayes from all sides of the House.

Clauses 1 to 15 ordered to stand part of the Bill.

Question put, That schedules 1 to 3 be agreed.

Some Members

Aye.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

No.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Mr Gaston, your objection has been noted, and I have heard Ayes from all sides of the House.

Schedules 1 to 3 agreed to.

Question put, that the long title be agreed.

Some Members

Aye.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

No.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Mr Gaston, your objection has been noted, and I have heard Ayes from all sides of the House.

Long title agreed to.

That concludes the Consideration Stage of the Budget Bill. The Bill stands referred to the Speaker.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

I call the Minister for Communities, Mr Gordon Lyons, to move the Consideration Stage of the Child Support Enforcement Bill.

Moved. — [Mr Lyons (The Minister for Communities).]

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Thank you, Minister. No amendments have been tabled to the Bill. Therefore, I will put the Question on stand part on each clause, followed by the Questions on the schedule and the long title.

Clause 1 ordered to stand part of the Bill.

Clause 2 ordered to stand part of the Bill.

Schedule agreed to.

Long title agreed to.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

That concludes the Consideration Stage of the Child Support Enforcement Bill. The Bill stands referred to the Speaker.

Private Members' Business

Michelle McIlveen (DUP, Strangford)

I beg to move:

That the Animals (Identification, Records, Movement and Enforcement) (Amendment) Regulations (Northern Ireland) 2025 (SR 2025/11) be annulled.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

The Business Committee has agreed that there will be no time limit on this debate. Therefore, Michelle, I ask you to open the debate on the motion.

Michelle McIlveen (DUP, Strangford)

Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. The Democratic Unionist Party has a mandate to continue the fight to fully restore Northern Ireland's place within the United Kingdom, including removing the application of EU law in our country and the internal Irish Sea border that it creates. By implementing the changes to EU animal health law and drawing a distinction, both in law and in practice, between Northern Ireland and Great Britain, in the identification, registration, movement and enforcement of livestock, the regulations before us conflict with our fundamental objectives. As unionists, we will not, in good conscience, accept the undermining of the United Kingdom's internal market in that way. Local representatives had no say in making those changes to EU law or in their application in Northern Ireland courtesy of annex 2 of the protocol, which rides roughshod over the principle of cross-community consent.

The Department has been keen to stress the technical nature of the regulations. Yet the Minister clearly deemed the contents to be of such legal and political significance that it warranted discussion by the Committee in a closed session, which was a request that the Committee ultimately denied. It is not credible for the Minister or his officials to claim that the regulations do not represent a significant policy change whilst, in the same breath, denouncing the potential negative impacts on trade and animal welfare if they are not introduced.

We all accept the arguments that are put forward about the single epidemiological unit and disease control. However, prior to Brexit, even when there were controls over live animals being moved across the Irish Sea, Northern Ireland was not required to have a unique prefix code for cattle and sheep tags. The bottom line is that there should be no circumstances in which exports into the EU from Northern Ireland are distinguished from those that are entering the EU from other parts of the United Kingdom. We are part of the United Kingdom and its trading block. The regulations sustain the fundamental obscenity of Northern Ireland's being annexed into the EU in over 300 areas of law.

Not only has the distinction inflicted unnecessary additional costs on farmers, as they have to purchase new tags and will potentially be left with a glut of redundant tags, but it is a manifestation of how Northern Ireland has been annexed into the EU. The Minister has placed much emphasis on the fact that the switchover date from UK to XI tags for newborn livestock has been extended to 30 June 2025, yet he and his colleagues in the Alliance Party initially called for the rigorous implementation of the protocol, which would have enacted the disruption even earlier and in a way that would be entirely out of kilter with the farming calendar.

Ultimately, the XI prefix dilutes the UK branding that is renowned throughout the world for its high quality and excellent welfare. It is unsurprising, therefore, that farmers have questioned the impact on access to existing and premium GB markets. While I appreciate that the SR does not mandate the new tags, it gives the Department the ability to enforce them, and, by virtue of agreeing to that power, we are endorsing the introduction and use of the tags. The SR also extends the timescale for retagging sheep and goats that are imported from third countries from 14 days to 20 days. It is worth noting that, up until the middle of last year, movements of livestock from GB to NI were captured by that onerous requirement. Indeed, the EU and the UK finally agreed to waive the retagging requirements between GB and NI only because there was an outcry about the impact on farm-to-fork traceability. However, how can we be sure that the agreement will not eventually break down? If it does, the difference between 14 and 20 days will provide very little benefit in tackling the additional red tape and costs to farms across the UK.

This is very much a matter of principle, and I commend the motion to the House.

Robbie Butler (UUP, Lagan Valley)

At its meeting on 23 January, DAERA officials briefed the Committee on the Animals (Identification, Records, Movement and Enforcement) (Amendment) Regulations (Northern Ireland) 2025. We were advised why the SR was needed, and the reasons are as follows.

From 2021, the EU legislation that set out a system for the identification, registration and movement of livestock, otherwise known as IRM, has been:

"supported in domestic law by a number of departmental regulations".

That was "revoked and replaced" by the animal health law (AHL), which is listed in annex 2 of the Windsor framework and, therefore, applies to Northern Ireland. We were advised that the AHL:

"does not make many changes to the livestock identification and traceability regime; nor are there any fundamental changes to processes or procedures for livestock keepers or the Department as a result of the statutory rule."

The officials went on to say:

"As the Department's domestic livestock identification and movement enforcement legislation currently refers to the repealed ... instruments, it needs to be updated to ensure that it remains operable."

We heard that the SR makes technical amendments to five separate pieces of domestic livestock movement legislation, and, primarily, the regulations update references to the repealed EU instruments by replacing them with the reference to the equivalent AHL provisions. We heard that technical changes are required to ensure that the domestic legislation that provides for the enforcement of the EU requirements on IRM refer to the correct current legislation. A change also has been made by the SR to update the details of what is considered an approved livestock ID tag to align with the requirements for the new XI prefixes.

The bottom line is that officials advised us that there is a need to ensure that DAERA continues to have a legally enforceable livestock traceability regime and that there has been some legal uncertainty about the Department's ability to fully apply the relevant enforcement provisions to this date. However, the officials were at pains to note that the legal obligations to correctly and appropriately identify livestock and record their movements have applied to farmers at all times.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

I appreciate the Chairman's giving way. I speak as someone who is not on the Committee. To clarify for the House, is he saying that there has been some kind of legal lacuna since 2021? I am not entirely clear about that from Miss McIlveen's remarks, but it would be helpful if the Chair were to explain to us what precisely the legal issue has been for the past three years.

Robbie Butler (UUP, Lagan Valley)

I thank the Member for that. I am sure that the Minister will give him the Department's absolute position, but there is no doubt that there has been some legal uncertainty on this. I think that that has caused some nervousness in the Department, and that is probably why there is such a need to see this legislation brought through.

The officials were at pains to note that the legal obligations to correctly and appropriately identify livestock and record movements have applied to farms at all times, and that is the caveat that they gave on this to try to apply some confidence. While there has been a legal gap with the enforcement powers, DAERA took the decision not to pursue legal prosecutions for breaches of IRM requirements other than in the most severe cases. However, it has continued to take all possible measures short of pursuing legal action in cases where breaches of IRM requirements have been identified.

There followed a question-and-answer session on the proposed SR, and Committee members expressed a range of views and queried the provisions. It was noted that only the most severe cases of non-compliance with IRM would be referred to the Public Prosecution Service (PPS) for potential prosecution. The Committee supported the need for robust farm-to-fork traceability, but there were concerns expressed by some members regarding divergence from the rest of the UK, as the AHL is listed in annex 2 of the Windsor framework, and that is why we have the prayer of annulment. The Committee understood that, since 2021, DAERA has not been able to take forward any such cases for prosecution but that the SR will bring back legal certainty. However, there was no Committee consensus of support that the Department proceeded to make the SR, and a vote was then taken. The Committee divided, with five Ayes, zero Noes and three abstentions. Therefore, the majority of the Committee present agreed that the Department should proceed to make the SR.

The Committee then considered the SR on 6 February 2025 and noted that there had been no change to policy content since the SL1 was submitted. The Committee noted that it had been briefed on the matter in detail on 23 January, and, for the record, I ran through a summary of that discussion and the views expressed at that meeting. I then put the Question on the SR, and the Committee remained divided but was in support of the SR. A quorum of eight members was present, and a vote was taken. The Committee divided, with four Ayes and four Noes. There was no Committee majority, so no agreed position was taken on the SR. For completion, at the next meeting, members considered the thirty-first report of the Examiner of Statutory Rules (ESR). The ESR drew the attention of the Assembly to the SR on the grounds that it was laid in breach of the 21-day rule, however the ESR was content that the Department's explanation for the breach was sufficient.

There was no Committee consensus, and the vote on the SR gave no Committee majority, so there was no agreed Committee position on the SR. The members of the Committee who have spoken or will speak today will express their own views on the SR, and I will keep my remarks really brief.

The debates in the Committee on the SR were very good and very measured on what is a complex issue to debate. Obviously, there are animal welfare issues. There are issues relating to farm-to-fork traceability that, all Members will agree, need that legal certainty and in regard to which the Department needs to have the powers. Unfortunately, this is absolutely wrapped up in the internal market provisions. For the Ulster Unionist Party, which will support the motion, this very much feels like the thin end of the wedge.

People rightly quantify the amount of legislative vires in the Windsor framework at about 300 pieces, but, unfortunately, on issues such as this, we need to have our eyes open. We need to be very aware of the impact that the changes might have in the not-too-distant future. All markets are close now, and our internal market remains our biggest opportunity not just for farmers and the agrisector but for most industry in Northern Ireland. Whilst the statutory rule may not bring instant pain or critique, we in the Ulster Unionist Party feel that we need to be on our toes about it and upfront about the fact that we will not rubber-stamp any aspect of the Windsor framework or potential divergence in our internal market.

Declan McAleer (Sinn Féin, West Tyrone)

I oppose the prayer of annulment against this essential statutory rule, which makes necessary and technical amendments to the North's livestock IRM regulations. The changes are not about policy shifts, nor do they introduce new burdens on farmers; rather, they ensure the continued operability of our livestock traceability system, which is critical to public health, trade and the reputation of our agriculture industry.

For decades, the North has had a robust farm-to-fork traceability system that has ensured the highest standards of food safety, animal health and disease control. That is not just a domestic priority but a vital requirement for maintaining access to key export markets. Without a legally enforceable traceability regime, we risk damaging consumer confidence and jeopardising trade relationships that our farmers and the agri-food sector rely on.

The EU animal health law, which came into effect in April 2021, consolidated and replaced various EU laws on livestock IRM. Since the North remains aligned with certain EU agri-food regulations under the Windsor framework, our domestic laws must reflect those updates. The statutory rule simply amends outdated references in existing legislation, ensuring that our legal framework remains functional and enforceable. The introduction of the XI country code for the North's livestock's tags is, additionally, a requirement under the AHL to distinguish the North's exports from those of Britain. That transition, which is already under way, provides clarity for farmers and trading partners and is necessary to comply with our international commitments.

The Department has questions to answer, however, about why the SR, given its significance, was not brought to the Committee when the institutions got up and running last year. If the prayer of annulment is successful, the consequences will be severe. The Department will lack the legal authority to enforce livestock identification and movement regulations, undermining disease control measures. Public health could be compromised due to weakened traceability of livestock from farm to consumer, and export markets may question the North's compliance with EU requirements, potentially leading to trade barriers and economic harm for our farming sector. The North's reputation as a producer of safe, high-quality agricultural products could suffer lasting damage.

The SR is not about imposing unnecessary regulations; it is about maintaining a system that has served us well for years and ensures compliance, safeguards public health and protects our agri-food sector from unnecessary risks. To oppose the measure would be to undermine the foundation of our livestock industry's credibility. For those reasons, I urge Members to reject the prayer of annulment and support the responsible governance of our agriculture sector.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

As a member of the Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs Committee and as Alliance spokesperson on these matters, I express my strong opposition to the prayer of annulment tabled by the DUP. The motion seeks to challenge vital measures that are necessary for the effective operation of the system of identification, registration and movement of cattle, sheep and goats. The measures that the Department for Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs aims to advance align our domestic legislation with the European Union's animal health law, which has already been referred to. It is worth pointing out that there have been challenges to achieving that due to the inaction of the previous Minister, Brexit and, of course, collapsed government, but, thankfully, it is now being pursued by the new AERA Minister.

The provisions outlined in the statutory rule facilitate the Department's enforcement capabilities, enabling it to address non-compliance more effectively. That improvement means better livestock identification and movement monitoring, resulting in stronger deterrence of violations.

Departmental officials made it clear to the Committee that the measures were necessary to ensure that frameworks were in place and that they were robust and without gaps in order to protect the excellent reputation of our agri-food products. Failing to advance those measures severely impacts on farm-to-fork traceability, which is essential for meeting consumer expectations in Northern Ireland and far beyond. It helps farmers to remain competitive while ensuring quality and building trust with consumers. Therefore, revoking the statutory rule risks weakening that robust livestock traceability system, jeopardising our agricultural integrity and valuable export opportunities.

In addition to traceability and agricultural integrity benefits, advancing the measures has significant implications for food safety itself and for job security in the sector. Reinforcing regulations surrounding livestock identification and movement enhances the sector's ability to respond to potential health crises, reducing the risk of food-borne illnesses that can arise from a lack of transparency. Those are important matters, and there have been recent reminders of that. It not only protects public health but safeguards the livelihoods of those employed in the agri-food industry. A robust regulatory framework helps consumer confidence, as I have said, but it also directly translates into sustained demand for local products, ultimately preserving jobs in farming and related sectors and protecting our local economy.

I also stress that the new regulations do not significantly change Northern Ireland's existing identification and movement processes. Instead, they provide much-needed certainty for the sector and ensure that we remain compliant with legislation that has already been recognised and accepted as necessary.

The DUP's latest resistance, driven more by ideology than actual concerns regarding the proposed measures, sends the wrong message to our farmers and businesses. We cannot afford to have ideology hinder progress in our agri-food sector, progress that the DUP itself has repeatedly and loudly called for in the Chamber.

I urge all Members to reflect on the broader implications of their actions today. We must adopt the measures to uphold our reputation for a robust and competitive agriculture sector that produces world-class, high-quality food products, while emphasising traceability and accountability as part of that. By doing so, we will safeguard public health and maintain the high standards that our agriculture sector is renowned for. I and my colleagues will, therefore, vote against the prayer of annulment and urge others to do likewise.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Thank you, John. Glaoim anois ar Phasty McGlone.

[Translation: I now call Patsy McGlone.]

Patsy McGlone (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Mid Ulster)

Go raibh míle maith agat, a Phríomh-Leas-Cheann Comhairle.

[Translation: Thank you very much, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker.]

The SDLP stands in line with common sense to oppose the prayer of annulment on the identification, records, movement and enforcement regulations. To do otherwise and to support the prayer of annulment would be crazy.

Members have already referred to enforcement of the requirements for farm traceability. It would remove the — sorry, there is none at the moment. The enforceability of the livestock regime creates, at present, legal uncertainty. Officials outlined to Committee members that, in those more extreme cases, they could not legally enter farms, conduct enforcement or prepare cases for the PPS. That is an awful position to be in. We need to have the situation clarified and the proper laws and regulations in place to allow that to be done. That is in the interests of farm manageability, animal welfare and sending out a message about what our industry is about: good standards and high consumer confidence.

The issue has been lying since 2021 with no applicable legislation. We have had devolution for a year now, and there has been no action from the Department on what is a clear animal welfare issue and commercial issue for farm businesses for almost a year.

The Department has, in effect, been asleep at the wheel. In fact, an issue as important as ensuring traceability of our livestock was such an embarrassment to the Department that it asked the Committee to deal with it in secret.

It is important, however, that we arrive at the key issue, which is the message that we send out about consumer confidence in our meat industry. Let us deal with one fact, which is that the value of our food and live animal exports from the North to the rest of the island increased from £1·6 billion to £1·75 billion in 2023. What message do we want to send from here about the export market? That is the market solely within our own island. We want to send out a clear message about consumer confidence.

Declan McAleer (Sinn Féin, West Tyrone)

Patsy, thanks for allowing me an intervention. The Member mentioned exports to the rest of the island: does he agree that food is processed island-wide, particularly dairy products?

Patsy McGlone (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Mid Ulster)

Absolutely, a chara.

[Translation: my friend.]

I take the Member's point that food crosses the border daily, going up and down. The food from Ireland is good food and meets the highest standards, and the markets and customers that receive it get high-quality produce. It is important that that be the message that we send out from the Assembly today. It is the message that we must send out by rejecting the prayer of annulment.

Sian Mulholland (Alliance, North Antrim)

Like my colleague, I oppose the prayer of annulment, because it is not in the best interests of any farmer, food producer or rural community in Northern Ireland, including the rural community that I represent in North Antrim. This is not about sovereignty or ideology but about food safety, consumer confidence and ensuring that our agrisector continues to thrive.

I cannot help but question why the prayer of annulment motion was tabled and what the end goal is, because it really is not about strengthening our economy or supporting our communities. It is not about helping farmers in North Antrim or anywhere else in Northern Ireland. It is about appealing to a narrow political base rather than acting in the best interests of the people whom we are here to serve, and that is negligence. It is pure, short-sighted short-termism at its worst. The DUP is using farmers as a political football. Some Members are putting ideology over practical governance and what is best for our farmers. How can we expect Northern Ireland to thrive if we continually sabotage our ability to function?

In my constituency, farming is not just an industry but a way of life. Generations of families have worked the land, built their businesses and provided food not just for local markets but for GB, Ireland and well beyond. They want certainty, not disruption. They want opportunities to grow, not unnecessary trade barriers. They want to thrive, not just survive. The statutory rule is about ensuring that Northern Ireland's farmers can continue to trade with confidence, maintain access to markets and uphold, as has been mentioned, world-class food safety standards. The SR does not create new policy. It ensures that our domestic laws remain functional by aligning them with EU animal health law. The SR is restoring essential enforcement powers, powers that ensure that our farmers can comply with the necessary food safety and traceability rules without any uncertainty or risk.

As has been said, one of the key technical changes required by the animal health law is the use of XI ear tags rather than UK tags. Let me be clear: that is not an attack on our place in the UK; it is about ensuring that Northern Ireland's exports can be distinguished from GB's so that we maintain compliance with EU food safety standards. It is a common-sense measure that allows our farmers to continue to trade freely rather than face unnecessary barriers. The issue should not be political: it is practical. The Minister is working to help farmers thrive in every market to ensure that farming communities have the certainty, sustainability and support that they need.

There has been a lot of scaremongering about the issue. There is nothing to fear if we continue to follow the rules by which we should already be abiding. If the SR is annulled, we will remove DAERA's ability to enforce livestock identification laws, creating further uncertainty for farmers. We will undermine our food safety and traceability standards, damage Northern Ireland's reputation in key markets and risk additional trade barriers if NI's livestock sector is seen to be non-compliant. Stripping away the enforcement powers would be reckless and would put ideology over food safety, jobs and the future of our farmers.

Farming in North Antrim is at the heart of our economy and our way of life. The Minister and I want to support, protect and enhance the opportunities for our farmers around the world. The SR provides certainty and ensures that our farmers can trade, our food remains safe and our agricultural system and industry remain strong. Ultimately, it is about maintaining farm-to-fork traceability, as others have said. That is the bedrock on which our agri-food industry is based and on which it trades, and it ensures consumer confidence.

The prayer of annulment is not political leadership; it is political point-scoring at the expense of the very people whom the Assembly is meant to serve. I urge all Members to reject the prayer of annulment and stand with our farmers, our food producers and our rural communities.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

My colleague Patsy McGlone has ably put on record the issues with this, frankly, absurd prayer of annulment, but I will make a couple of additional points.

We have here a situation where, I am afraid, the in-denial meet the incompetent. The DUP has tabled a prayer of annulment on, effectively, the continuation of core animal health rules that affect farms and food producers in Northern Ireland. Let us rewind the tape a little to the years between 2016 and 2020, if those of us present can bear it, when the people who did not want Northern Ireland to align to plant and animal health standards were repeatedly asked what their alternative was and how they could make our agri-food sector work when the two bits of Ireland — the two jurisdictions on the island — followed different sanitary and phytosanitary (SPS) standards. That is in the context of there being cattle on the island that graze in both County Fermanagh and County Cavan. That is a fact. We have farms that straddle the border. It is not that they are next to the border; they are on the border. There are cattle, sheep and other livestock that graze and are farmed in both jurisdictions. There is milk being served in the canteen downstairs that will have been milked on one side of the border and processed on the other side of the border. There is not and has never been any practical way of disaggregating our food production and our agriculture sector on the island — never, ever. The DUP and its fellow travellers never offered us any practical solution for that. If they were serious about this stuff, they would be using the pressure and the leverage that they have to press the British Government for a comprehensive veterinary agreement to deal with the issues.

The prayer of annulment is, frankly, nonsense. It is a distraction. Not only that, but it is not serious. If it were serious, it would damage the agriculture sector. I would love food businesses to come here and say that they want the annulment to happen, but they will not, because, if it were to happen, it would jeopardise trust in our product. One of the big priorities in promoting Northern Ireland's brilliant beef industry over the last while has been securing the all-island grass-fed beef certification. Am I wrong? Any member of the DUP or anyone else can correct me on that. The sector wants all-Ireland grass-fed beef certification. It wants our great beef and dairy products to be acknowledged for their high-quality and traceable nature.

Patsy McGlone (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Mid Ulster)

Will the Member give way?

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

I will happily give way.

Patsy McGlone (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Mid Ulster)

Thank you for raising that, my friend and colleague. I have to record my clear thanks to the Minister who was in situ at that time, Charlie McConalogue, for working actively and vigorously not just with us but with representatives of the meat and farming industry in the North.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

I am happy that I gave way to my colleague Patsy McGlone to make that point. That is exactly right. Minister Muir, I am sure, would agree with that and agree that, if you want traceability and confidence in the brilliant produce that comes from this part of the world — lots of it is produced, by the way, on both sides of the border, collectively; most famously, lots of our milk — you cannot simply disapply the rules. It is absurd, and it is not serious. It is about promulgating the, frankly, ridiculous version of events that the Irish Sea border, as it is called, is the root of all evil. Of course, the root of all evil in all these issues is, I am afraid, Brexit, in the first place, and the hard Brexit.

If you want to solve the issues, back greater alignment between the UK Government and the EU. Back a comprehensive veterinary agreement so that the differences are not required. In the meantime, let us keep confidence in our food product. I cannot believe that I have to make those obvious points to DUP Members from agricultural constituencies. Back it, but, in the meantime, do not do stupid things that would jeopardise confidence in and undermine our brilliant food production and the product that our farmers export across the EU.

That is another point: we have a vast opportunity to export. We already do that, and we should grow the export of our amazing products all over the European continent. How does the motion help that project? All the while, the great Donald Trump is thinking about imposing tariffs on produce from outside the US, so the grand plan to replace the European market with Trump's America is going nowhere fast for food producers here.

I talked not just about those in denial, such as the DUP, but about the incompetent. It is clear that we have had a slightly concerning — to put it mildly — situation in which there has been a legal anomaly for the past three or four years because of the Department. That is why the DUP has been able to table the prayer of annulment in the first place. It did not lick it off the ground — to use an expression from this part of the world — it was able to bring it forward because the Department clearly did not copper-bottom the legalities around all of this.

I am glad that we at least have had the opportunity to debate the issue in the Assembly. We have been debating plenty of Mickey Mouse and Daffy Duck stuff in the Chamber; at least we are debating a proper problem. It is concerning to hear that there was an attempt to close off the issue in a Committee and not expose it to the proper sunlight of public scrutiny. My colleague Patsy McGlone and I have no difficulty with debating the issues properly in the open, whether that is in a Committee or in an Assembly plenary sitting: that is where we should debate them. That is where you can tackle issues and confront arguments, such as the absurd ones that have been made by the DUP today around the prayer of annulment.

Let us be absolutely clear: we should not have been in this legal situation in the first place. Part of the reason why we have the protocol or Windsor framework is to give absolute certainty to our brilliant food producers so that they can continue to produce food to the highest possible standards; produce and process dairy products on both sides of the border; and export those products across this continent of half a billion consumers. The Department should do its job and make sure that we have the legal framework to protect all of that and give absolute certainty not just to the European Commission but to the farmers, food producers and industries that rely on it.

We robustly oppose the prayer of annulment, but we are concerned about some of the incompetence that seems to have been revealed in the Department. I hope that the Minister can provide some certainty and reassurance for us. Ultimately, it is about backing our farmers and our food producers and giving them the legal certainty that they need to sell their brilliant products. It is not about engaging in the, frankly, pathetic stunts of the parties opposite, which, as with others who supported Brexit, created all these issues in the first place.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

The latest ruling by our colonial masters that our livestock can no longer bear UK ear tags but must, because of the protocol, have ear tags with EU designation XI, is yet another working of foreign rule in Northern Ireland. The root of the matter is that Northern Ireland, uniquely in the UK, is subject to the EU's animal health regime and laws. I say this gently to those who tabled the prayer of annulment: the very fact that you have had to do so is a concession that the DUP returned to the Assembly under false pretences. I remind the House that, in the aftermath of the dud Donaldson deal, Gavin Robinson wrote an article in the 'News Letter' that carried the headline:

"DUP set out to remove internal trade border in the Irish Sea — and we’ve achieved exactly that".

He later boasted that the sea border would be gone by the autumn of 2024. It is now 24 February 2025, and the sea border is still here; indeed, it hardens by the day. Shame on those who lied to the unionist people, but shame, too, on those who championed the division of the United Kingdom through the rigorous implementation of the protocol.

The protocol continues to inflict unnecessary additional costs on farmers. Now, Great Britain, which, historically, we have traded freely with, is treated as a third country. I hear some in the House claim that the protocol is because of Brexit. We have heard that here today from the leader of the Opposition.

The business before us proves the opposite: Northern Ireland did not get Brexit. If we had got it, we would have left with the rest of the UK. As the prayer of annulment illustrates, the protocol means that we remain in the EU single market and customs union and, consequently, trade with GB might as well be trade with Argentina.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

I appreciate the Member giving way. He said that the protocol — or Windsor framework, if he prefers — had nothing to do with Brexit. Would there have been a protocol or Windsor framework if Northern Ireland and the rest of the UK had still been in the EU?

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

I ask Members, including the Member who raised the intervention, to return to the prayer of annulment. I have given Members a lot of latitude, but I am asking you to return to the motion. Thank you.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. I will briefly respond to Mr O'Toole. The reason for the protocol and the Windsor framework is that Northern Ireland did not get Brexit. If we had got Brexit, there would be no protocol and no Windsor framework.

I will go back to the motion on the prayer of annulment. The SR is about aligning our farming industry closer with the Irish Republic and driving a further wedge between Northern Ireland and the rest of our Union. It is no surprise to me that the nationalist and republican Alliance is the chief cheerleader for the SR. We have seen that from the Minister who is pressing for it.

I am glad that the DUP has tabled the prayer of annulment — I will supporting — but we have to go back to why it is needed. It is needed because the protocol and the Windsor framework are still in place. Those are the very things that the current DUP leader said the DUP had got rid of. That was clearly not the case. I hope that in future debates, the DUP will again find its energy and take the fight to the Government. Until the protocol and the Windsor framework are scrapped, Northern Ireland will continue to be held back by its colonial masters. The SR is only a simple outworking of that, but, for the farming industry, it is a big issue when it comes to tags on sheep and cows. This is a small example, but there are many more to come. The protocol and the Windsor framework must go. Only then will Northern Ireland be able to move forward.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

I call the Minister of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs, Mr Andrew Muir, to respond.

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. It is concerning and, to be honest, frankly ludicrous that we are considering the prayer of annulment. This is perhaps one of the most irresponsible legislative motions to have been tabled in this mandate. Many wax lyrical about their support for the agri-food industry, but nothing could be further from the truth for anyone who speaks and votes in support of the prayer of annulment: they will be putting ideology above people's jobs and livelihoods and our agri-food industry.

I will respond to a number of issues that have been raised. The Animals (Identification, Records, Movement and Enforcement) (Amendment) Regulations (Northern Ireland) 2025, which, you will be glad to know, I will refer to as "the regulations", ensure that there are appropriate powers to enforce EU law on livestock identification and traceability. It is important to note that farm-to-fork traceability here has been underpinned by European law since the late 1990s and that the regime that those regulations enforce is broadly the same as it always has been.

To set the context, EU law sets out a system for the identification, registration and movement of livestock. That has been the case for a number of years, and it is supported in domestic law by departmental legislation, which describes how livestock should be identified; the significant life events that need to be reported to the Department to ensure robust farm-to-fork traceability; and the offences and penalties that apply if those rules are not adhered to. However, the EU legislation that previously set out those livestock identification and traceability requirements has been revoked and replaced by new EU legislation, which is known as the animal health law.

The animal health law, which was published in March 2016 and applied from April 2021, is listed in annex 2 of the Windsor framework and automatically applies in Northern Ireland. My predecessor chose not to update domestic law following the changes in April 2021. However, I have, and I will set out why. It is important to emphasise that animal health law, in general, does not make any changes to the livestock identification and traceability regime, nor are there any fundamental changes to the processes or procedures for livestock keepers or the Department as a result of the regulations. As the Department's domestic livestock identification and movement enforcement legislation refers to the previous repealed EU instruments, it needs to be updated to ensure that it is operable. The regulations are technical. They do not represent a change in policy, but they ensure that Northern Ireland's domestic legislation refers to the correct pieces of EU legislation.

The existing domestic livestock identification and traceability legislation enables my Department to enforce the agreed European standards for the identification, movement and traceability of livestock. Indeed, the key components that are set out in European law reflect what any robust livestock traceability system should look like the world over. That is: the requirement for farmers to uniquely identify animals; the requirement for farmers to notify the appropriate competent authority of when animals move on to and off a farm; and the requirement to advise the competent authority of where those animals have been moved to, be that to another farm, a market, an abattoir or a destination that is beyond Northern Ireland. To put it another way, farmers need to provide that information so that we know where the animals are right now, where they have been and where they are going. In a disease outbreak scenario, having solid, accurate details on all movements is vital, because, as we have seen, diseases of animals do not respect borders.

Through the regulations, my Department is ensuring that there are enforcement powers to make sure that farmers comply with the mandatory reporting requirements and that operational offences and penalties are available, should they choose not to. Quite simply, if a person wilfully fails to record a livestock movement, that is an offence, and so it should be. I should not need to remind the House of how one suspect movement of cattle or sheep has the capability to wreak havoc on farming, the health and welfare of animals and the economy of Northern Ireland. That is why my Department needs the powers that are in the regulations to investigate non-compliance issues. Where contraventions are detected, remedial actions range from the issue of warning letters, application of movement restrictions and, in the most severe cases, criminal prosecutions.

The regulations also update the details of what is considered to be an approved livestock ID tag in order to align with the requirements of the new XI prefix tags. Members may be aware that, on 24 June last year, my Department implemented the new prefix of XI and its numerical equivalent, 899, on electronic identification devices that are required to uniquely identify animals from Northern Ireland. That requirement stems directly from animal health law. A transition period, which allows the application of UK or XI tags, is in place. However, Members may be aware that the transition period will end on 30 June this year. After that date, XI prefix tags must be applied. The legislative change in the regulations therefore ensures that domestic legislation is updated to reflect that change. It enables enforcement provisions that relate to the use of the new XI prefix tags that would not be possible without it, such as where there is failure to attach approved ear tags within existing legal timescales, where someone removes an approved ear tag from an animal without permission or where approved ear tags are altered or defaced.

The regulations make a number of other minor changes, such as broadening the definition of the term "animal" to include the crossing of species and increasing the timescale for the re-identification of sheep and goats that are imported from third countries. It is important to emphasise that the regulations do not introduce any new enforcement powers. Therefore, herd and flock keepers will not notice any difference. The regulations allow my Department to utilise the same enforcement provisions that have always been applied but to do so with legal certainty.

It is important that I address the criticisms that were raised in the Chamber about the request to hold discussion on the item in private session at Committee. I was very conscious of the risk of non-compliance that could occur due to the knowledge that a lack of legal certainty existed around the powers of enforcement. That has now been rectified. That is why we sought to discuss the matter in private session.

There has been a delay in introducing the regulations because it was not possible for officials to put in place the necessary legislative fix through the introduction of regulations prior to the former Minister's ceasing to hold office in October 2022. My predecessor decided not to proceed with the regulations. Negotiations between the UK Government and the European Commission, including indications that they might have included potential changes to requirements in animal health law on prefix codes for Northern Ireland livestock tags, meant that work on the regulations was further delayed until a position on that was agreed. My Department is also progressing legislation to fully implement the identification, registration and movement requirements in animal health law. There had been an expectation that that legislation would be ready in autumn 2024, thus negating the need for these regulations. It is the first time that Northern Ireland has fully advanced domestic legislation to introduce EU regulations without the complete support of Whitehall. The task has proved more complex than anticipated, and has resulted in an extended timeline before the legislation to fully implement animal health law IRM requirements will be ready to be laid. Given the extended deadline for introducing the full IRM legislation, work resumed at pace to progress these interim regulations.

Before I continue, I want to put on record my thanks to all the officials in my Department who have been working on that. I do not find it appropriate to level any allegations of incompetence in that regard. Those officials are highly competent and dedicated individuals. We are spending lots of time, night and day, to implement the Windsor framework and ensure the safety of our agri-food system. That is what those officials are doing. I put on record my thanks to them.

It is important to register to the House the consequences if the prayer of annulment passes. Members will agree that those technical regulations are important. Should they be annulled, my Department's existing domestic legislation would refer to repealed EU instruments and would not be operable. We, Northern Ireland plc, would be in the position of not having a legally enforceable livestock traceability regime.

Annulling the regulations will not negate European law or its application here. The livestock identification requirements that were set down in EU animal health law will still apply in Northern Ireland regardless: it is the Department's domestic legislation that will be affected and its ability to enforce those identification and traceability requirements. Whilst I appreciate that most herd livestock owners comply with the law, there is, unfortunately, a minority who may not. Enforcement powers that are now in place following the making of the regulations are necessary to ensure that any potential non-compliance can be investigated and action taken as appropriate. That is important to ensure that the legal obligations to correctly and appropriately identify livestock and record their movements, as set out in EU legislation, apply at all times, thereby reducing any potential risks to public health.

Other possible risks of not having a functioning livestock traceability enforcement regime could include negative implications for consumer confidence in our meat products, as well as possible trade and reputational damage to the livestock industry here. There would also be potential impacts for our future trading relationships, as a basic element of any agri-food agreement is to provide assurance about the origins and provenance of the product. If we cannot demonstrate that we take livestock traceability seriously, why would anyone want to trade with us? In addition, failure to implement those requirements, as with all directly applicable European legislation, could lead to infraction proceedings being pursued by the EU.

Members may note that, while the industry was, as far as I understand, completely unaware of the fact that my Department was without a fully functioning enforcement regime between April 2021 and when the regulations came into force in January 2025, during that period, my Department took a proportionate approach that continued to take all possible measures short of pursuing legal action in cases where breaches of livestock identification and movement requirements had been identified. That included continuing to apply herd restrictions and issuing warning letters where wrongdoing was confirmed. Doing so ensured that there was no known reduction in animal health standards, thereby reducing any risks that could have arisen to public health and food safety. However, as I have already stated, prior to the regulations coming into force, the industry was largely unaware of the gap in the Department's enforcement powers. Therefore, the impact was relatively minor as most enforcement activities continued at risk. Should Members vote to annul the regulations, my Department's domestic livestock traceability legislation will become inoperable again.

Given the risks that were raised by my officials when they provided oral evidence to the AERA Committee in public session and that have been further highlighted in the debate, the loss of my Department's enforcement powers would become widely known. Consequently, there would be a potential increased risk of non-compliance. Even if that were not widespread, some keepers could challenge or, potentially, ignore any enforcement action that the Department would take to address such wrongdoing. Not only could the Department not pursue prosecutions for the more serious cases of non-compliance, but even routine action for more minor contraventions, which are normally resolved by movement restrictions and the issuing of warning letters, could be called into question.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Will the Minister give way?

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

Yes.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

The Minister is keen to defend his officials, which is fine. Our job is to ensure the accountability of officials and Ministers, and we should make no apology for that. He mentioned the past three or four years of, apparently, looking at the legalities, but have his officials looked at any potential legal liability that is created by the legal anomaly that has arisen over the past three or four years? Are there any exposures there?

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

The Member has asked a very specific question about liabilities, but it depends where the liabilities would be borne. The main thing, as I have outlined in my response to the prayer of annulment, is that the industry was largely unaware that this lacuna had arisen. My predecessor was offered the opportunity to update domestic law back in 2021 and chose not to. As Minister, I am working through this and many other issues in order to rectify the situation that we are in. It is important that I state that.

For years, our farmers have benefited from a world-leading system of animal traceability. The notion that the DUP would seek to annul an update because it originates from the EU is both bizarre and reckless, playing fast and loose with people's jobs and livelihoods and the future of our agri-food industry. Sadly, however, that does not surprise me when you take into account the fact that the previous DUP leader said that he could live with 40,000 job losses due to Brexit. We all should be about safeguarding and creating jobs, not wrecking our economy because of some ideological purism. Therefore, I urge Members to vote against the prayer of annulment and ensure that my Department continues to retain the necessary livestock identification and traceability enforcement powers.

Tom Buchanan (DUP, West Tyrone)

I will make a few comments in my winding-up speech on the prayer of annulment. The Animals (Identification, Records, Movement and Enforcement) (Amendment) Regulations (Northern Ireland) 2025 are nothing short of a devious move to implement further EU law in Northern Ireland. Therefore, it is no surprise in the House that the Alliance Party and others support the regulations. By implementing these changes to EU animal health law, we are drawing a clear distinction in law and in practice between Northern Ireland and Great Britain.

When the departmental officials were questioned on the regulations in the AERA Committee, they were clear in their response that they do not apply to Great Britain. I ask the Minister and others: why not? Why apply the regulations to Northern Ireland when they are not being applied in GB? If we support the regulations, we are, in fact, driving the wedge further, separating Northern Ireland from the rest of the United Kingdom. Is that what people in this House really want?

We will not accept the undermining of the United Kingdom internal market in this way. As my colleague Michelle McIlveen said when she proposed the motion, the bottom line is that there should be no circumstances in which exports into the EU from Northern Ireland are distinguished from those that enter the EU from other parts of the United Kingdom. If others in the House want to implement EU law, which we have no say or control over, that is a matter for them, but I want to make it clear that the Democratic Unionist Party will not be implementing EU law over which we have no control or no say in, nor can we be expected to implement it.

The Alliance Party talks about being on the side of the farmer. When will the Alliance Party waken up to the fact that it is not on the side of the farmer — far from it. All that it has to do is to go out into rural communities to see that, far from the farmers supporting that party, they are totally against the way in which it is driving agriculture policy forward. Therefore, I urge the House to support our prayer of annulment against the regulations.

Question put.

The Assembly divided:

Ayes 34; Noes 47

AYES

Dr Aiken, Mr Allen, Ms D Armstrong, Mr Beattie, Mr Bradley, Mr Brett, Mr Brooks, Ms Brownlee, Mr K Buchanan, Mr T Buchanan, Mr Buckley, Ms Bunting, Mr Butler, Mrs Cameron, Mr Chambers, Mr Clarke, Mr Crawford, Mrs Dodds, Mr Dunne, Mrs Erskine, Ms Forsythe, Mr Frew, Mr Gaston, Mr Harvey, Mr Irwin, Mr Kingston, Mrs Little-Pengelly, Mr Lyons, Miss McIlveen, Mr Martin, Mr Middleton, Mr Nesbitt, Mr Robinson, Ms Sugden

Tellers for the Ayes: Mr T Buchanan, Mr Irwin

NOES

Dr Archibald, Ms K Armstrong, Mr Baker, Mr Blair, Mr Boylan, Ms Bradshaw, Miss Brogan, Mr Carroll, Mr Delargy, Mrs Dillon, Ms Dolan, Mr Donnelly, Mr Durkan, Ms Egan, Ms Ennis, Ms Ferguson, Ms Finnegan, Ms Flynn, Mr Gildernew, Mrs Guy, Mr Honeyford, Ms Hunter, Mr Kearney, Ms Kimmins, Mrs Long, Mr McAleer, Miss McAllister, Mr McCrossan, Mr McGlone, Mr McGrath, Mr McHugh, Ms McLaughlin, Mr McMurray, Mr McNulty, Mr McReynolds, Mrs Mason, Mr Mathison, Mr Muir, Ms Mulholland, Ms Murphy, Ms Nicholl, Mr O'Dowd, Mr O'Toole, Ms Reilly, Mr Sheehan, Ms Sheerin, Mr Tennyson

Tellers for the Noes: Mr Mathison, Mr McMurray

Question accordingly negatived.

Assembly Business

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

On a point of order, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. Standing Order 69(5) states, fairly clearly, I think, that, when a Member has a "financial interest in any matter" or a "relevant interest" in that matter, they:

"must declare that interest before taking part in any proceedings of the Assembly relating to that matter."

I ask that you make a ruling as to whether that is being adhered to in the general run of business here, particularly in relation to the previous debate, and on whether Members are declaring an interest on every occasion on which they should in a way that is in keeping with their interests in the Register of Members' Interests.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

We are all intrigued, John,

[Laughter]

as to who should have declared an interest and who should not have declared an interest. As a Deputy Speaker, you will know that I cannot make a ruling on that. I will bring it to the Speaker's Office. Standing Orders are fairly clear, but the Member has raised a point, and the Speaker will certainly rule on that.

Members, I was hoping to start the next item of business. Take your ease for a wee minute while we change the top Table. Thank you.

(Mr Deputy Speaker [Dr Aiken] in the Chair)

Private Members' Business

Kellie Armstrong (Alliance, Strangford)

I beg to move

That this Assembly expresses concern at the unaffordable rents, lack of long-term security and inadequate protections for tenants in Northern Ireland’s private rented sector; recognises that many private renters face a constant struggle to keep a roof over their heads, afford daily essentials or access the basic repairs necessary to make their homes habitable and safe; and calls on the Minister for Communities to deliver a new deal for private renters, including a considered system of third-generation rent controls, a ban on no-fault evictions, legislation to make open-ended tenancies the norm for private tenants, creation of a statutory housing ombudsman, measures to boost the supply of affordable rental properties and a review of minimum fitness standards and enforcement in the private rented sector.

Steve Aiken (UUP, South Antrim)

The Business Committee has agreed to allow up to one hour and 30 minutes for the debate. The proposer will have 10 minutes to propose the motion and 10 minutes to make a winding-up speech. Two amendments have been selected and are published on the Marshalled List, so the Business Committee has agreed that 30 minutes will be added to the total time for the debate. Kellie, please open the debate on the motion. I shall give you ample time afterwards. Thank you.

Kellie Armstrong (Alliance, Strangford)

Thank you, Deputy Speaker. I wish to address a pressing issue affecting the over 300,000 individuals in Northern Ireland who rely on the private rented sector for their housing needs. The motion highlights the critical challenges of unaffordable rents, insufficient long-term security and inadequate tenant protections that many of our constituents face daily.

The affordability crisis in our private rental market is stark. In the final quarter of 2024, an average monthly rent consumed approximately 35% of the average income, escalating to an alarming 50% for our lowest earners. That surge in rental costs — a 9% increase from the previous year — far outpaced the 4% growth in average wages during the same period. Such disparities force families into making difficult decisions, often sacrificing essential needs — food and heating — to keep a roof over their heads. That imbalance is exacerbated by a significant undersupply of rental properties. Estate agents report an average of 46 enquiries for every available rental unit, which is a clear indicator of the demand-supply mismatch. Contributing factors include delays in private housebuilding, inadequate funding for new homes, planning system bottlenecks and insufficient water infrastructure capacity. Moreover, with over 48,000 individuals on the social housing waiting list, many low-income families are compelled to seek housing in the private sector, often at higher cost and with fewer protections.

The insecurity inherent in short-term tenancies leaves many renters in a perpetual state of uncertainty. The looming threat of eviction or unexpected rent hikes can disrupt lives, affecting employment, education and community ties. The Private Tenancies Act (Northern Ireland) 2022 introduced various measures, such as restricting rent increases to once every 12 months. However, without comprehensive regulations to enforce those provisions, tenants remain vulnerable to abrupt changes that can lead to displacement and financial hardship. While the Private Tenancies Act aimed to enhance tenant protections, its implementation has been piecemeal. The sections that address critical issues, such as smoke, heat and carbon monoxide alarms, were scheduled to come into force by the end of last year. Tenants have been left without those essential safeguards in the interim. The intention of the House was to ensure that renters were provided with fair notice at the end of a tenancy. That, too, has not been delivered. Furthermore, the absence of a statutory housing ombudsman means that tenants lack a dedicated avenue for resolving disputes efficiently and fairly.

To address those challenges, Alliance recently published a comprehensive new deal for private renters, which encompasses the following key measures. There will be third-generation rent controls that implement a considered system of rent regulation to prevent unstable rent hikes and ensure affordability for tenants while providing fair returns for landlords. There are three generations of control, as outlined in the Chartered Institute of Housing's report, which confirms Professor Richard Arnott's typology of rent control, and states:

"first generation rent regulation measures seek to impose a control on existing rent levels; they are typically called ‘hard rent controls’ or ‘rent freezes'; second generation regulation governs rent increases within and between tenancies; an example is setting the very first rent at market levels with subsequent increases and rents for new tenancies being controlled; and third generation measures",

which I am proposing:

"refer to restricting the increase of rent within the tenancy e.g. restricting the amount or frequency of increases for a current tenant."

Alliance proposes that a third-generation rent regulation could provide renters and landlords with a fair solution.

The next measure is a ban on no-fault evictions. There should be legislation to prohibit evictions without a valid reason, which would provide tenants with greater security and stability in their homes. The third measure is open-ended tenancies. Open-ended tenancies should be established as the standard, with a move away from fixed-term contracts, which often disadvantage tenants. The fourth measure will be the creation of a statutory housing ombudsman, who will create an independent body to oversee disputes between tenants and landlords, ensuring accountability and access to justice. There should be an increase in the affordable rental supply by utilising existing housing stock more effectively and incentivising the development of new affordable rental properties to alleviate the supply shortage. That would include reducing the number of short-term holiday lets and making greater use of empty homes. Finally, there should be a thorough review of housing standards and the enforcement of minimum fitness standards. The enforcement mechanisms should be strengthened to ensure that all rental properties are safe and habitable, including statutory time frames for landlords to investigate and carry out repairs.

Those proposals are not merely aspirational; they are grounded in the urgent needs of our constituents. By implementing the new deal, we can create a private rented sector that offers affordable, secure and high-quality housing for all.

The challenges in our private rented sector are multifaceted and deeply entrenched. However, with decisive action and comprehensive reforms, we can transform the sector from being one in which a tenant has to choose between a roof over their head or dinner on their table to one that serves the best interests of tenants and landlords. While this is another non-binding motion, I urge my fellow Members to support the proposal and commit to delivering a new deal for private renters in Northern Ireland. Doing so will send a strong and clear message to the Minister for Communities and the Executive that the House wants better for our private renters. Housing is included in the Programme for Government: it is now time for action not words.

Steve Aiken (UUP, South Antrim)

Thank you, Kellie, for finishing just before 2.00 pm. As Question Time begins at 2.00 pm, I suggest that the Assembly takes its ease until then. The debate will continue after Question Time, when the next Member to be called will be Gerry Carroll to move amendment No 1.

The debate stood suspended.

(Mr Speaker in the Chair)

Oral Answers to Questions — Economy

Daniel McCrossan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, West Tyrone)

1. Mr McCrossan asked the Minister for the Economy to outline her Department’s actions to equip workers with the skills needed to deliver the green energy transition. (AQO 1585/22-27)

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

Decarbonisation is one of my four key objectives. Transitioning to net zero is the right thing to do, and it offers economic opportunities. In order to grasp those opportunities, it is vital to equip the workforce with the necessary skills. My Department has been working in collaboration with the green skills delivery group to develop an action plan to address the needs of the energy sector as well as wider green industries. It is a comprehensive framework to guide government, employers, trade unions, education providers and individuals on what is needed to deliver the skills for the future and to meet net zero targets. The plan will be launched in the coming weeks.

A subgroup of the delivery group, with representatives from business, academia and across government, will continue to advise us on changing green skills needs. Delivery has already commenced in some areas with free courses through the SKILL UP programme, including on hydrogen energy systems; installation and commissioning of electrical energy storage systems; passive house; and retrofitting. Additionally, our universities and colleges offer a range of courses in energy, environment and sustainability as well as net zero engineering. By working together, we can meet the challenge of the evolving and complex skills demands of the energy and wider green sectors.

Daniel McCrossan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, West Tyrone)

Thank you, Minister. The Budget for 2025-26 could result in the ending of the skills fund. What steps are you taking to protect its funding?

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

As the Member will be aware, all Departments' budgets are constrained. The Executive's Budget is constrained, and, collectively, we continue to make the case to the British Government that we should be properly funded. As a Department, we are still working through our budget plans for 2025-26, and we will prioritise key areas in the Department, skills being one of them.

Nicola Brogan (Sinn Féin, West Tyrone)

Will the Minister outline what the green skills action plan will deliver and when it will be available?

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

On the basis of research and stakeholder consultation, the action plan has identified four priority key areas of action to address current and future green skills needs. They are reviewing the skills ecosystem; a partnership approach to ensuring a skills system that is responsive to changing needs; promoting awareness of careers and opportunities in green jobs, green skills and transversal skills; and developing a skilled workforce. The aim of the plan is to help to create an effective skills ecosystem that will be responsive to the changing needs of our green industries and to build partnerships and networks that will collaborate and meet our skills challenges as well as building career pathways and promoting opportunities in green sectors. Crucially, it will upskill the current workforce and develop a pipeline of suitably trained people for the future. A subgroup will be established for each priority action area that was mentioned to oversee the implementation of those actions, and we are trying to identify a suitable date to launch the action plan. I hope that that will be in the coming weeks.

David Honeyford (Alliance, Lagan Valley)

To give our skilled workforce opportunity for employment, we need growth in the wider industry. With our grid not being capable of taking about 40% of renewable energy, which is dumped at sea, will the Minister outline any expansion of or investment in our electricity grid that will allow those jobs to come through?

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I thank the Member for his question. As the Member will be aware, low-carbon and green industries is one of our priority sectors, and we are working with industry to develop an action plan for the sector. As he mentioned, it not only includes skills but looks at the wider issues. For example, we are aware of the report that Cornwall Insight published on some of the capacity issues that the Member has referred to. Departmental officials are engaged in that, and we will work collaboratively with industry to address some of those challenges.

The Member will be aware that the consultation is out on the socialisation of grid connection charges. That is one action that we, as a Department, are taking to address some of the constraint issues, because investment in the grid will be required to take on the additional renewable capacity that is needed not only to meet our targets but, essentially, to deliver our low-carbon future.

Cara Hunter (Social Democratic and Labour Party, East Londonderry)

2. Ms Hunter asked the Minister for the Economy for an update on the development of a targeted business support scheme for the childcare sector. (AQO 1586/22-27)

Diane Forsythe (DUP, South Down)

6. Ms Forsythe asked the Minister for the Economy to provide an update on the scoping exercise on a business support scheme for the childcare sector. (AQO 1590/22-27)

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

With the Speaker's permission, I will group questions 2 and 6.

On 23 May 2024, the Executive agreed a package of measures and allocated an additional £25 million to the Minister of Education to enhance early learning and childcare support in 2024-25. The package included, amongst other things, a commitment to provide targeted support to childcare providers in significant financial difficulty and in areas where demand for childcare exceeds supply.

On 22 July, Minister Givan wrote to both the Health Minister and my predecessor, Minister Murphy, asking for help with his Department's scheme. Minister Murphy agreed to assist the Education Minister with that important work, as childcare is, rightly, a priority for the whole Executive. Due to our business expertise, my Department volunteered to progress a research proposal, and the Department of Education transferred £153,000 to my Department to fund that research.

On 30 August, a DFE-led working group was established to better understand the sector's needs. The group commissioned Innovation and Consultancy Services to carry out market research to determine the key issues impacting the financial sustainability of providers in the sector. That research will help to inform decisions on what form any specific sectoral support should take. The steering group met Innovation and Consultancy Services on Thursday 6 February. The research, which is progressing at pace, is on track to be completed by the end of March.

Consultations have taken place with a cross-section of stakeholder organisations and representative organisations in the childcare sector and more widely. More detailed consultations with individual childcare providers and parents are taking place. The resultant evidence base will allow my Department to make recommendations to the Minister of Education on the nature of the assistance required by childcare providers.

Cara Hunter (Social Democratic and Labour Party, East Londonderry)

Thank you, Minister, for your answer. While that research is welcome, it sounds like a long work in progress. Right now in Northern Ireland, parents are forced to leave employment because they cannot afford childcare. Today, we have seen Melted Parents NI share helpline information on mental health and debt to support parents. What immediate action are you taking to support childcare providers while the research is ongoing?

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

As I mentioned, childcare is, rightly, a priority for the whole Executive. It is a priority in the draft Programme for Government (PFG) because, collectively, we recognise the huge challenges for parents struggling with access to affordable childcare and for childcare providers in the cost of doing business. The research is really important in determining what interventions are necessary to provide the most appropriate support for childcare providers and offer best value for money.

The Department is taking forward other actions on skills, for example, to support childcare providers and ensure that a pipeline of people comes through, because we know that that is also a challenge.

Diane Forsythe (DUP, South Down)

I thank the Minister for her answer. Childcare is critical infrastructure for our economy in Northern Ireland. The sector is on its knees. We see reports across the board of providers having to increase their fees, passing on costs to parents and, effectively, putting people out of work, and the sector says that a number of providers face closure in the weeks and months ahead. That would be catastrophic for our economy. Minister, what are you doing to safeguard that sector, thereby safeguarding our economy in Northern Ireland by helping people to get out to work and stay in their jobs?

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I thank the Member for her question, and I agree with a lot of what she has said. Childcare is critical economic infrastructure in addressing the challenges of gender equality. It is also crucial for child development, so it is really important that we get it right. Rightly, it is a priority for the Minister of Education as well as for me. As I mentioned, it is a priority for the Executive as a whole, and that is reflected in the Programme for Government. It is important that we get it right, and that is why research is being undertaken to ensure that we get the correct support to the sector.

The Member also referred to challenges in the coming weeks. For example, the impact of increases in employers' National Insurance contributions will hit all businesses, and many of our childcare providers that already have small margins will be hit. That is why, when I was Minister of Finance, I commissioned research on the costs of doing business. Both of those pieces of research are due to report in March, so we will have a good evidence base for what comes next in terms of interventions.

Cathy Mason (Sinn Féin, South Down)

I thank the Minister for that information on the important research that her Department is doing to support the Education Department. She referenced other actions. What else is the Department for the Economy doing to assist the Department of Education when it comes to childcare specifically?

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

As I have mentioned to other Members, childcare is a priority across the Executive. I wholeheartedly welcome the positive steps that are being taken by the Education Minister and others towards supporting child development, improving affordability for families and supporting parents to work. Our economic vision sets out the need for investment in affordable childcare and fair pay for childcare providers. My skills agenda is looking at how we can best create a larger pool of qualified workers in the childcare sector, and I have ring-fenced £740,000 in the skills fund to support pathways into childcare that will help support the supply of workers to that critically important sector.

Through working collaboratively, we have already developed childcare micro-courses through our six further education colleges and a pilot assured skills academy in early learning and childcare. The gender employment gap research that I commissioned has already been made available to the market research work on targeted business support for childcare providers, and my officials, along with Invest NI, continue to work closely with the Department of Education, including representation on a range of related cross-departmental groups. I am fully committed to working with the Minister of Education and other Executive colleagues to implement the early learning and childcare strategy.

Michelle Guy (Alliance, Lagan Valley)

People will be really concerned that £1·8 million that was earmarked for childcare has been returned, given just how vital that sector is. Given that childcare is an Executive priority, did your Department seek assurances from the Education Department that that money, which was ring-fenced for childcare, would still be used to deliver on childcare pressures in Northern Ireland?

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

The Member has heard me say repeatedly to other Members that childcare is a priority for the Executive. This financial year, 2024-25, we were able to ring-fence that £25 million, and the Minister of Education brought forward proposals that were supported by the Executive. I have outlined actions undertaken by my Department. In the incoming financial year, 2025-26, the draft Budget sets aside £50 million for childcare, so we will build on the work that has been done in this year and, hopefully, be in a position to support more parents and more childcare providers. We will collectively look at those proposals as they come to us. The research that has been undertaken by my Department will help inform them.

Cathal Boylan (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

3. Mr Boylan asked the Minister for the Economy for an update on the energy efficiency capital grant scheme. (AQO 1587/22-27)

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

Decarbonising the economy is one of my four departmental priorities. The energy efficiency capital grant helps businesses reduce their energy demand and build resilience through green efficiency. The grant is part of a wider suite of support delivered by Invest NI across the wider energy and resource efficiency programme. It is designed to be a five-year grant programme valued at £40 million. Grant support is offered to eligible businesses to buy and install renewable technologies and energy-efficient equipment aimed at reducing energy costs and carbon emissions.

Since the energy efficiency capital grant opened in April 2024, it has received over 1,300 enquiries, indicating an exceptionally high level of interest. Enquiries are being addressed in chronological order and are at various stages of the process. The scheme is delivering on regional balance, with over 70% of enquiries to date coming from outside the Belfast metropolitan area.

My officials have been working closely with Invest NI since the scheme launch and have adopted a process of continued review through the initial pilot phase to ensure that scheme delivery aligns with policy objectives on energy efficiency. The scheme demonstrates that businesses across multiple sectors and across the North have an appetite to invest in becoming more sustainable. It is encouraging to see high interest from manufacturing sectors as well as from the retail and hospitality sectors, which are increasingly moving to become more sustainable. As a result, the programme is showing early success in delivering across departmental priorities, including decarbonisation, regional balance and supporting growth in investment in the green economy.

Cathal Boylan (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

I thank the Minister for her answer. Minister, what types of businesses and technologies are attracting most investment through the scheme?

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

Scheme delivery has been ongoing for nine months, and we are beginning to see some trends in the data. For instance, solar photovoltaic is the most popular technology that businesses wish to deploy. The enquiries come from a mix of businesses, with the majority coming from manufacturing industries and the retail and hospitality sectors. The scheme is delivering, as I said, across the region, with over 70% of investment likely to be directed outside the Belfast area, with most of the funding being delivered to SMEs.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Minister, energy efficiency is indeed hugely important and, along with other types of decarbonisation, is one of your four priorities. In your Department's business plan, however, next to baseline — how you measure progress — there is a range of measures for other policy interventions, but, for energy efficiency, the baseline is "TBC". That is from more than six months ago. Can you confirm what the baseline is to measure progress on energy efficiency?

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I do not have that information in front of me, but I am happy to write to the Member.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

I thank the Minister for the information provided on the energy efficiency capital grant scheme. Can the Minister outline how it will be budgeted for in the 2025-26 financial year?

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

As I mentioned, the scheme has a budget of £40 million over, I think, five years — yes, it is a five-year grant programme valued at £40 million. That is based on applications being processed. As I said, we have 1,300 enquiries, which is an exceptionally high level of interest, and those are at various stages through the process. We will align the budgets to the demand as it goes forward.

Andy Allen (UUP, Belfast East)

Can the Minister advise what steps her Department is taking to scale up energy efficiency support for domestic households?

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I thank the Member for his question. The Department recently conducted a consultation — a call for evidence — in relation to energy efficiency support, so we will look at the analysis of that and bring forward proposals in the near future.

Gary Middleton (DUP, Foyle)

4. Mr Middleton asked the Minister for the Economy to outline what steps her Department is taking to ensure the workforce has the required skills to adapt to artificial intelligence advancements. (AQO 1588/22-27)

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

Artificial intelligence is one of the most significant technological developments in recent times. It will bring about significant change in the economy and the workforce, and it offers potential to contribute to my economic vision, most obviously in relation to productivity and good jobs.

Last Monday, I met Napier AI, which is creating over 100 jobs in this field. It emphasised our skills base and our close connections with further and higher education institutions as key reasons for locating its investment here. It is important that we continue to provide that skills pipeline, and we are implementing our digital skills and our software and cyber sectoral action plans and have a range of provision across the Department to ensure that the required skills are available. That includes the Artificial Intelligence Collaboration Centre (AICC), funded by my Department and Invest NI, which is a five-year, £16·3 million initiative delivered by Ulster University and Queen's University. It promotes AI awareness and adoption among businesses and offers hands-on support and skills development opportunities for SMEs.

There are higher level apprenticeship (HLA) programmes, including IT-related qualifications from level 5 through to level 7, that contain modules on AI. Specifically, there is an HLA master's degree that combines AI and computer science delivered by Ulster University. The SKILL UP programme, which is part of my skills fund, is supporting the delivery of AI courses through our colleges and universities, and those courses range from level 3 through to level 7, with funding allocated for 95 participant places. It is a fast-developing technology, so it will be important to keep pace with the demand for skills.

Gary Middleton (DUP, Foyle)

I thank the Minister for her comprehensive answer. How will the Department ensure that access to AI-related skills training is inclusive, particularly of those from disadvantaged backgrounds and, indeed, those who are currently employed in sectors at risk of automation?

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I thank the Member for his question. It is important that we continue to upskill individuals and businesses alike. Inclusivity is priority for us across the skills landscape in order to ensure that people from a broad range of backgrounds are able to access skills and training courses, particularly those from under-represented groups, such as women in certain areas, people with disabilities, people from less well off backgrounds and those who face additional barriers to education and training. That is a key focus for my Department, and it is something on which I put a priority personally. Likewise, the AICC is working with businesses to support them to adopt digital technologies through a wide range of initiatives.

Kate Nicholl (Alliance, Belfast South)

I have already tabled a number of questions for written answer on AI to the Minister. I am very interested in the subject. A number of other Departments are also doing work on artificial intelligence. I am curious to know what the Minister's assessment is of the Executive's ability not just to harness the potential of technological advancements but to mitigate their risks in a flexible way.

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I thank the Member for her interest in AI, because her questions for written answer are also helping inform me. AI clearly has huge potential, but it comes with challenges, and people have concerns about it. It is therefore important that we address AI's potential and its challenges. In my previous role, I was responsible for the public-sector transformation board. Something that became clear to me was that there was significant interest in digital transformation projects. The Executive agreed to conduct a digital landscape review to take a wider look at the Executive's needs. I am aware that different Departments are undertaking proof-of-concept projects in the area, and those projects will be really important for informing how we can best utilise AI and grasp the opportunities.

Colm Gildernew (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

Minister, how is AI being incorporated into your Department's work?

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

My Department has delivered an AI proof of concept to explore economic data and policy documents and to assist with research. Officials are actively exploring opportunities for the use of AI. As I said to Kate Nicholl, I am aware that other Departments and, indeed, other Administrations are taking forward proof-of-concept projects that are at various stages of development. Officials are working with colleagues to learn from that work and to explore how the Department can deploy relevant solutions in a controlled and measured way that adds value and harnesses the potential of AI.

Colin Crawford (UUP, North Antrim)

Minister, what engagement has your Department had with the UK Government on the ethical and regulatory framework for safeguarding AI?

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

As I have said, the Artificial Intelligence Collaboration Centre, which is an initiative that my Department and Invest NI are supporting, promotes awareness of the adoption of AI amongst businesses and offers support and skills development opportunities. The AICC is engaging with a wide range of stakeholders. I am happy to write to the Member with more detailed information on our engagement with the British Government on the issue.

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

Minister, what specific actions are you taking to ensure that the North can capitalise on artificial intelligence's potential and will be protected from any threats? To that effect, do you support the creation of a region-specific AI action plan?

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I thank the Member for his question. As I outlined, a range of work is being undertaken to further explore and harness the potential of AI, to ensure that we have the skills pipeline to support it and to ensure that we support businesses on the adoption of AI. Cyber is one of the Department's priority sectors. We have already developed an action plan for the sector. We continue to engage with industry and academia on the issue to make sure that we maximise the opportunities from it.

Nuala McAllister (Alliance, Belfast North)

5. Miss McAllister asked the Minister for the Economy for an update on delivering improved economic regional balance. (AQO 1589/22-27)

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

Since the launch of the subregional economic plan in October 2024, positive progress has been made. Reforms in DFE include a dedicated regional balance unit, which has been set up in a new social and regional economy division. It brings together complementary work streams, including the social enterprise action plan and entrepreneurship. All councils have a DFE strategic adviser and an Invest NI regional manager assigned to provide support in establishing local economic partnerships. The first of those partnerships has already met, and the rest plan to do so imminently. The partnerships will identify local priorities, and Departments will be asked to help to deliver on them. In addition, in order to help to pump-prime projects, partnerships will have access to a £45 million fund over the next three years. Projects will be in line with my departmental priorities. A project board, including council officials, has been established to work through fund design and governance. The funding allocation for each area was announced in January.

Invest NI has implemented a new regional approach. Promoting people and places is one of the six strategic priorities in Invest NI's 2024-27 business strategy. That includes the new target of 65% of investment to businesses outside the Belfast metropolitan area by 2026-27. Other initiatives, such as the Magee expansion task force, are also progressing well. A recent focus has been on acquiring the land necessary to facilitate the significant expansion in student numbers that we are committed to delivering.

Nuala McAllister (Alliance, Belfast North)

I thank the Minister for her answer. I note what she said about local councils working with the Department and about 65% of investment outside of Belfast. How will the Minister ensure that regional rebalancing serves the people of North Belfast, whom I represent, and West Belfast, for whom economic opportunity is so vital, given that those areas suffer the worst economic and health outcomes in Northern Ireland?

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I thank the Member for her question. She makes an important point. The local economic partnerships are about empowering areas to address their specific needs and align them with the departmental priorities. There will, of course, be opportunities for all councils and all areas in them to do that. I know that every MLA and every councillor will make the case for their area: that is healthy. It is really positive that those partnerships are being established and that there will be the ability to shape the economic priorities of local areas. We will review those as they roll out.

Pádraig Delargy (Sinn Féin, Foyle)

Minister, will you provide an update on the Magee planning, given that its expansion is so vital to regional balance?

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

As the Member will know, the task force published its final report and action plan on 16 December. The report provides a comprehensive and costed plan to deliver 10,000 students for Magee and highlights the significant milestones that have already been achieved in the early stages of the expansion, including the identification of 16 capital projects, the acquisition of key pieces of land, an additional 500 student places in the academic year 2024-25 and tuition fee loan access for graduate entry medical school students from 2025-26, for which the Member made the case. Work has begun on marketing and other enabling projects to support the delivery of additional students. The final report also recommends an investment of £291 million of capital funding to deliver the facilities for 10,000 students by 2032.

Sinéad McLaughlin (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

What is the Minister's assessment of the Executive's performance as a whole in improving regional balance since last February? Is she confident that enough measures are being taken across government to achieve and deliver that goal?

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I thank the Member for her question. I know that it is an issue that she is passionate about. I share that passion. As an Executive, we have a focus on regional balance. That has come through in key decisions that have been taken across a number of Departments. The work that has been taken forward under the city and growth deals, for example, is positive and will see real change in the coming years. It will continue to take all of us who are passionate about the issue to ensure that delivery is being made on addressing the historical regional imbalances that have been faced, particularly in the west, south-west and north-west.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

We move now to topical questions.

Sinéad McLaughlin (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

T1. Ms McLaughlin asked the Minister for the Economy whether she accepts that the energy section in the Department is not adequately resourced and is ill-equipped to deliver net zero. (AQT 1051/22-27)

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I do not agree with the Member's assessment. Energy is clearly a priority for my Department and for me as Minister. One of the four key objectives of my economic mission is decarbonisation. Therefore, we are putting a significant focus on it from a departmental perspective by ensuring that there is budgetary cover and that the resources are there.

Sinéad McLaughlin (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

I thank the Minister. The Economy Committee recently received evidence from Transmission Investment, which informed us that the failure to produce proper policy on interconnection is placing the delivery of its interconnector at risk. This is a multimillion-pound investment that will lower electricity prices, provide additional energy security and support decarbonisation. What is the Department doing to support such investments? Will the Minister concede that her Department has not acted quickly enough to facilitate the drive to net zero?

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I thank the Member for her question. Clearly, the Department recognises the challenges that exist in delivering on its energy targets, and we have taken significant action already. The Member will be aware of the energy strategy that was published in the previous mandate and of the action plans that have been delivered since then. As I said, it is a key priority of my economic mission, and we need to ensure that we are taking appropriate steps. I recognise the issues relating to interconnection. As the Member is probably aware, the Department has commissioned research into energy storage policy and interconnection. We are due to receive that in April, and it will help to inform our way forward from a policy perspective.

Declan McAleer (Sinn Féin, West Tyrone)

T2. Mr McAleer asked the Minister for the Economy to provide an update on the 'good jobs' agenda. (AQT 1052/22-27)

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I thank the Member for his question. My Department's consultation on the 'good jobs' employment rights Bill prompted a range of stakeholders to present a significant number of complex and considered responses that have been very useful and that continue to be carefully considered by my Department. That analysis work is nearing completion and will help to inform decisions about how we best update our employment law framework. On15 January, my officials provided the Economy Committee with an interim update on the analysis of responses. My Department will continue to work with the Committee to ensure that members are engaged and informed of key developments.

Since my predecessor set out an economic vision for the North, my Department and its delivery partners have taken forward a wide range of initiatives to help to create more good jobs. As the Member will be aware, the 'good jobs' employment rights Bill public consultation focused on four aspects of a good job: terms of employment; pay and benefits; voice and representation; and work-life balance. Obviously, a lot of issues will fall into those areas. Detailed analysis is almost complete, and that analysis, along with other policy considerations, will inform my decisions about the way forward. I plan to bring Bill proposals to the Executive for agreement in the coming months.

A good work charter consultation will also be launched in the coming months. I look forward to working alongside the Labour Relations Agency and business and trade union leaders in co-designing a charter that will support businesses here to maintain and create good jobs for all. We want to stimulate high-value-added growth by promoting industries and sectors that have the potential to create high-quality jobs with good pay, conditions, security and opportunities. Last year, we published the action plans for the seven high-potential industrial sectors, a subregional economic plan and a social enterprise action plan.

Declan McAleer (Sinn Féin, West Tyrone)

I thank the Minister for her response. Does the Minister have any update on the work of Advice NI to promote the living wage?

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I thank the Member for his supplementary question. Advice NI began its work, supported by my Department, as the new accreditation partner here for the Living Wage Foundation in June 2024. My Department provides funding of £125,000 per annum to Advice NI. Advice NI has confirmed that the number of accreditations for businesses as living wage employers continues to rise, with 51 new organisations becoming accredited since the start of the project and 19 doing so between October and December alone. Up to the end of December, the total number of living wage employer accreditations here stood at 127. The Living Wage Foundation's new accreditation partner for the North, Living Wage NI, was launched in June 2024. That was established by Advice NI and supported by the Department for the Economy. The Department holds quarterly progress meetings with Advice NI. At the last progress meeting, Advice NI confirmed that, as I have outlined, the number of accreditations continues to rise.

Steve Aiken (UUP, South Antrim)

T3. Dr Aiken asked the Minister for the Economy, after noting that, as she said in her answer to Ms McLaughlin's topical question, energy is a priority for the Economy Department, to outline the implications of the further delay to the North/South interconnector until at least 2035 for us getting to net zero and for the project's additional costs. (AQT 1053/22-27)

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I thank the Member for his question. As he will know, my Department is working with the System Operator for Northern Ireland (SONI) and NIE Networks on the delivery of the North/South interconnector north of the border. That will be a really important project when it comes to increasing the electricity flow between both jurisdictions and improving the operation of the wholesale electricity market on the island. SONI recently advised of a delay, to which the Member referred, in the construction of the North/South interconnector following the assessment of the remaining programme of works in the South. The Department continues to engage with the Utility Regulator, SONI, NIE Networks and the Department of the Environment, Climate and Communications in the South on the progress of the project's delivery. Clearly, it is a priority for us.

Steve Aiken (UUP, South Antrim)

Thank you very much, Minister, for your reply. The Minister will be aware that somewhere in the region of £100 million of extra costs are anticipated because of the fact that there is no North/South interconnection, as reported in Dáil Éireann. Therefore, Minister, will you report back to the Assembly on the likely additional costs for Northern Ireland, particularly for Northern Ireland businesses? As she is aware, the integrated single electricity market (ISEM) is a virtual market: there is no physical connectivity. Considerable costs are being applied to our manufacturing sector and across our domestic sector.

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

As I outlined to the Member, the delivery of the North/South interconnector is important for our energy, particularly the flow of electricity across the island. I will get further briefings from officials on the issues that have been raised.

Sian Mulholland (Alliance, North Antrim)

T4. Ms Mulholland asked the Minister for the Economy to outline the engagement that she has had with the creative sector to understand the potential challenges of AI for that sector. (AQT 1054/22-27)

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I thank the Member for her question. AI has an interface with many sectors, and it poses some challenges for the creative sector. Some legislation is coming forward in Britain that is concerning to that sector. I have not yet had the opportunity to engage with the creative sector about that, but I am more than happy to do so.

Sian Mulholland (Alliance, North Antrim)

My question is a perfect follow-on from that because it is about the UK Government's consultation on the legal framework for copyright and artificial intelligence. Will you commit to engaging with representatives of the creative sector to understand their worries about that and ensure that they can meaningfully exercise their own copyright and exclusivity rights?

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I thank the Member for her follow-up question. Creatives have engaged with me on that. There is significant concern about the potential implications. I am happy to engage with the sector to try to understand those challenges and to see if we are able to bring any influence. It goes back to the point that, while there is huge potential with AI, it comes with challenges. We need to understand both.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Andy Allen is not in his place.

David Brooks (DUP, Belfast East)

T6. Mr Brooks asked the Minister for the Economy, referring to East Belfast, which, like many areas of Northern Ireland, has seen a proliferation of Airbnb-style short-term lets that significantly negatively impact on the availability of family housing, whether her Department will make the Tourism NI review of short-term lets a priority and whether she intends to introduce legislation to help to halt that decimation of local communities. (AQT 1056/22-27)

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I thank the Member for his question. That issue was raised with the Communities Minister at a recent meeting in Causeway Coast and Glens Borough Council. When the Minister brought forward the housing supply strategy before Christmas, he asked officials across Departments to work on particular issues, with that being one of them. My officials are happy to be engaged in that work.

David Brooks (DUP, Belfast East)

Will the Minister, perhaps through Tourism NI, look at the best international examples of regulation — I am thinking particularly of Amsterdam's 30-day cap, which seems to have worked well there — to see what we can learn to bring better enforcement regulation here?

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I thank the Member for the follow-up question. I had the opportunity to meet Tourism NI last week. It was an introductory meeting, but that issue was actually mentioned in passing. I am happy to look at it in more detail. It is important that we look to where there are good examples of things that work and that we are able to try to build on that best practice. I am happy to engage on that and to work with Tourism NI and the Communities Minister.

Paul Frew (DUP, North Antrim)

T7. Mr Frew asked the Minister for the Economy for an update on the North/South interconnector. (AQT 1057/22-27)

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

The Member may not have been in his place when I responded to a question from Mr Aiken on the North/South interconnector. I assume that he is referring to the delay that was announced in the South recently. SONI advised the Department of a delay in the construction following the assessment of the remaining programme of works in the South. My Department continues to engage with the Utility Regulator, SONI, NIE Networks and Department of the Environment, Climate and Communications officials in the South to progress the delivery of the project. The project is clearly highly important to the efficiency of our electricity transmission across the island, and it is important that we see progress quickly.

Paul Frew (DUP, North Antrim)

I thank the Minister for her answer. Figures are bandied about for the cost of actually building the interconnector and for the benefits that would then be derived from it, but those figures are now massively out of date. Can the Minister provide accurate figures for the cost to build and the benefit that will then be derived from the project?

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

The Member will appreciate that I do not have that information in front of me. I am happy to share it with him in writing.

Andrew McMurray (Alliance, South Down)

T8. Mr McMurray asked the Minister for the Economy what commitment she can give to support offshore renewables in Kilkeel harbour and the surrounding area. (AQT 1058/22-27)

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I thank the Member for his question. My Department, in collaboration with other Departments and key stakeholders, has developed the offshore renewable energy action plan to enable offshore renewable energy development in the North's marine area from 2030. DFE recently appointed RPS Ireland to undertake an update to the 2012 strategic environmental assessment and habitats regulation assessment of offshore renewable energy in the North's marine area. That will, in collaboration with other key delivery partners, help to identify suitable areas for offshore renewable energy development across various technology types, including wind, tidal and wave.

Andrew McMurray (Alliance, South Down)

Thank you, Minister. As part of delivering 80% renewables by 2050, how is the Minister working with the UK and our neighbours in the Republic of Ireland and across Europe to ensure that those in the offshore maritime industry remain competitive and at the forefront of their industry?

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I thank the Member for his follow-up question. We need to build on our previous success in renewables development, and the Executive need to take a collaborative, whole-system approach in order to facilitate the delivery of the 80% by 2030 target. While my Department has legislated responsibility for the target, collaboration across Departments and jurisdictions with wider stakeholders, including industry, is going to be essential to its successful delivery.

Oral Answers to Questions — Justice

Maurice Bradley (DUP, East Londonderry)

1. Mr Bradley asked the Minister of Justice to outline what action her Department is taking to ensure the required funding is available to increase the number of police officers to 7,000. (AQO 1600/22-27)

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

My officials have been working closely with the PSNI to develop a robust business case for the funding that will be required to recover workforce numbers over the course of the current mandate. I am pleased to confirm that that business case has been submitted to the Department of Finance for its consideration. I should stress that affordability remains a key issue for business case approval. Subject to Department of Finance approval, however, I will continue to work collaboratively with my Executive colleagues to seek the additional funding that is required.

Maurice Bradley (DUP, East Londonderry)

I thank the Minister for her answer. To add to your woes, Minister, how much do you think the Labour Government's employers' National Insurance rise will cost the PSNI?

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

It is difficult to speak specifically about how much it will cost the PSNI. I know that stabilisation pressures have increased by about £60 million due to changes in employers' National Insurance contributions, and that includes things such as the Northern Ireland Civil Service (NICS) pay award assumptions and legal aid fees as recommended in the Burgess report. There has been a considerable increase in stabilisation pressures in the Department. Looking to the PSNI specifically, excluding employers' National Insurance contributions and NICS pay award pressures, the pressures that it needs to meet stand at around £17·98 million in the current year.

Colin Crawford (UUP, North Antrim)

What actions is the Minister taking to support the police recruitment campaign and to dispel the negative commentary that has surrounded it?

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

First, it was really important that we were able to have a recruitment campaign. It is very important that the PSNI is right-sized to be able to provide the critical service that it does. I encourage any young person, irrespective of their background, to consider a career in the police, because it is important for public service that the brightest and best of our young people are engaged with the PSNI. I have made that case repeatedly when I have been interviewed and asked questions about the issue.

Clearly, there has been some negative commentary around the adverts that the PSNI launched, and some others have tried to intimidate and threaten those who would wish to join the PSNI, neither of which I view to be helpful. It is in all our interests as a community that we have a representative police force so that when people see the PSNI, they see themselves reflected in it and they know that its officers are members of our community, serving our community.

Diana Armstrong (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

2. Ms D Armstrong asked the Minister of Justice when she will outline her response to the recommendations of the review of the Northern Ireland Policing Board. (AQO 1601/22-27)

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

The report was received by my Department on 22 January 2025 and was published on 30 January 2025. I will now take time to consider the report’s findings and afford the Policing Board and the Chief Constable time to reflect on the recommendations that are relevant to them. I will outline my response to the recommendations in due course.

Diana Armstrong (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

I thank the Minister for her response. Minister, do you believe that policing has been overly politicised in the past, as per the report? What action will you take to rectify that from a DOJ point of view?

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

There is always a danger that policing will become politicised — by which I mean party politicised — because, of course, policing is inherently a political issue. It requires the support of the public and of politicians, and it requires us to engender confidence in policing. Policing is an inherent part of the transformation of our society, so it is inherently political in that sense. However, it should not become a party-political football, nor should its operational development be politicised.

When it comes to the Department of Justice, I am very clear that it is important that I respect the tripartite arrangements, that I allow the Chief Constable to be operationally responsible to the Policing Board and that I allow the Policing Board to hold the Chief Constable to account, rather than to do that through me in the Chamber, which some Members, I think, would prefer. Historically, our policing and our oversight arrangements are delicate and are informed by our experience. The results of the review show that, in the main, those arrangements are working, albeit they may need to be tweaked here and there in order to make them more effective, the review certainly does not say that we should rub them out and start again.

Patsy McGlone (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Mid Ulster)

Minister, you took us into the realm of the current tripartite arrangements. Will you outline your assessment, please, of the effectiveness of those arrangements with regard to accountability and delivery, given the recommendation in the review that they should be subject to a new partnership agreement?

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

There was no suggestion in the report that the current tripartite arrangements were not appropriate. However, what I think was suggested in the report, and something that I considered at length with the Policing Board in the previous mandate, was whether we needed, in light of there now being devolved institutions, which were not here at the time of the Policing Board being instituted and the PSNI reforms, to clarify the lines of accountability so that we can refresh people's minds about where the responsibility for different things lies. Any clarity that we can bring to the robustness and effectiveness of those arrangements would be helpful. Crucially, the strategic element that is highlighted in the report came from conversations with the board, which itself was saying that it wished to be strategic in its oversight of policing. That would be aided greatly by its own strategic plan and by the PSNI's strategic plan.

The current operations work pretty well. It was important that we did a health check after recent events, because we have a duty to ensure that the public have confidence in those arrangements, and not just those of us who are using and working through those arrangements on a day-to-day basis.

Linda Dillon (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

3. Mrs Dillon asked the Minister of Justice for an update on the operation of section 26 of the Domestic Abuse and Civil Proceedings Act (Northern Ireland) 2021 in relation to information sharing with schools. (AQO 1602/22-27)

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

The Domestic Abuse Information-sharing with Schools etc. Regulations (Northern Ireland) 2022, which make statutory provision for Operation Encompass, came into operation on 1 April 2022. The regulations were drafted by the Department of Justice in partnership with the Department of Education, the Department for the Economy and the Department of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs. However, whilst my Department introduced the regulations to provide for Operation Encompass, responsibility for its roll-out sits with the Department of Education and the Education Authority (EA). The EA's child protection support service operates Operation Encompass across all schools through the provision of advisory support, training and information-sharing with the PSNI. I am advised that the scheme is working well and allows staff to provide direct emotional support to child victims of domestic violence. The EA has completed a limited evaluation of the impact of the scheme within the school setting, and it is hoped that that will be shared with partners once it has been approved by the relevant EA governance procedures. Since the commencement of the pilot, there have been over 30,000 referrals to schools across Northern Ireland.

Linda Dillon (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Thank you, Minister, for your answer. Operation Encompass, as you outlined, came in under the Domestic Abuse Act, and it has been valuable. Do you see merit in broadening it out in its referrals to children who go into school?

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

As I said, since the commencement of the pilot, there have been over 30,000 referrals to schools, which shows how necessary that information-sharing protocol has been. The sharing of information creates an administrative demand on policing, particularly on sharing and then on teachers receiving that information. However, all parties fully agree that the ethos behind Operation Encompass is incredibly worthwhile and are now working together to streamline it and to automate the sharing of information where possible. That will reduce the administrative burden but, more importantly, should allow the information-sharing to be undertaken more quickly and without any delay so that we can provide the support to young people in the classroom more expeditiously.

In the past six months, the Police Service introduced an email facility for schools to ask for a callback when they were unable to reach the designated teacher. That alerts the designated teacher that there is a referral to be received. I am advised that the PSNI and the Education Authority are developing a mechanism to fully automate the process and make the referral via public protection notices (PPN). A PPN is required for every domestic abuse incident or crime that the police attend, and it collates a significant amount of relevant information to share with the schools. A small number of pilot schools in Belfast have been identified to test that latter concept via secure email accounts. It is hoped that the new phased pilot will be able to be rolled out and provide more timely interventions for young people.

Joanne Bunting (DUP, Belfast East)

I want to stick with the issue of domestic abuse a bit more generally, if I may. Minister, what is being done to support male victims of domestic abuse and coercive control and encourage them to come forward? Not to diminish in any shape or form violence against women and girls, I am concerned that men and boys could fall behind.

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

That is a really important and timely question. When we introduced the Domestic Abuse and Civil Proceedings Bill, which became the 2021 Act, to the House, I was clear that the provisions were to be gender-neutral so that, irrespective of a person's gender, sexuality, race, age or whatever they identify as, they could fall into the categories that were listed in the provisions.

I recognise that, while people always assume that domestic abuse is, stereotypically, a strong man physically abusing a weaker woman, that is not always the pattern. There can be many permutations. Whether the abuse happens in same-sex relationships or through a child's abuse of a parent in the home, for example, whereby a child who is the main carer can exert coercive control over a parent who relies on them for care, all of it is captured in the domestic abuse offence. It is therefore important that, when we see synergies, which we do, with the ending violence against women and girls strategy, we recognise that not all violence against women and girls happens in a domestic setting and that not all domestic offences are against women and girls. In our original advertising on the subject, we made sure that we showed a range of victims.

When it comes to the support that we provide for victims of domestic abuse, representatives of charities that are involved with male victims provide support for men who come forward and make such disclosures.

Connie Egan (Alliance, North Down)

What will happen in the next phase of Operation Encompass, and how will that evolve?

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

The harm that domestic and sexual abuse causes to the lives of children and young people is significant. There were strong calls for the domestic and sexual abuse strategy to include a fifth pillar in addition to partnership, prevention, support and provision and justice that specifically focused on meeting the needs of children and young people. We want to do more to prevent young people from becoming victims of domestic violence and abuse or from witnessing it in the home. The important part of that is the digitisation project that I mentioned that is being brought forward by the EA and the PSNI. By streamlining the communications between those organisations, we will be able to expedite contact with young people who may have been subjected to a domestic incident in the hours before they arrive at school. That incident may have required them to leave their home to find a place of safety. It may have meant that they did not get any sleep that night or that they have come to school without doing their homework or without their uniform. The school needs to be sensitive in handling those situations rather than escalating them to being a disciplinary issue that makes the young person dread going to school, so that the young person sees school as a place where they can get some respite from what is happening at home.

Cara Hunter (Social Democratic and Labour Party, East Londonderry)

Minister, I recently spoke to a domestic abuse survivor whose ex-partner repeatedly drives past her home. Sadly, that has not met the threshold for a stalking offence. In cases such as that, where behaviour is not technically deemed to be a domestic incident or a crime but could be seen as a form of psychological weapon, can we do more with Operation Encompass to have that data shared with a school?

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

Operation Encompass does not particularly pertain to an adult's experience of someone driving past their home. It is not appropriate for me to comment on individual cases, but a person's repeatedly arriving at your place of work or your place of residence, their initiating contact with you that, you have made clear, you do not wish to receive or their behaving in a way that is fixated, obsessive or unwanted, where that behaviour is repetitive, is the very definition of stalking. I encourage your constituent to seek further legal advice on whether there are legal avenues that they can pursue to get a non-molestation order or a charge of stalking against the individual involved.

Trevor Clarke (DUP, South Antrim)

4. Mr Clarke asked the Minister of Justice to outline the number of transgender prisoners housed in Northern Ireland. (AQO 1603/22-27)

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

There are currently no transgender prisoners housed in Northern Ireland.

Trevor Clarke (DUP, South Antrim)

I thank the Minister for that answer. Minister, given that there have been lots of conversations about transgender males going to female prisons, and given that none are housed in our prison system, is now the time to make a clear decision that, if you are a biological male, you stay in a prison for biological males and that, if you are a biological female, you stay in a female prison?

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

There is no need for a clear decision to be made. A clear decision has already been set out, which is that people will be housed in the prison system in a way that maintains and protects their dignity, their privacy and, crucially, their safety. That remains the policy that the Prison Service will follow.

Peter McReynolds (Alliance, Belfast East)

5. Mr McReynolds asked the Minister of Justice for her assessment of the pressures facing the Northern Ireland Prison Service. (AQO 1604/22-27)

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

The Northern Ireland Prison Service, like all public services, has faced budgetary pressures over a number of years. In response, it has made significant efforts to drive efficiencies, where possible. In doing so, however, it has at all times been mindful of the need to ensure the safety of prisoners and staff.

The rising prisoner population places pressure on the Northern Ireland Prison Service and on all prison services across the UK and Ireland. On 1 February 2022, the total prisoner population in Northern Ireland was 1,601. On 1 February 2025, it had increased by almost 20%, to 1,913. Between 1 February 2023 and 1 February 2025 alone, there was an increase in prisoner numbers of 170. The Prison Service is dealing with a greater number of complex individuals in custody with poor mental health and drug and alcohol addictions. It is also dealing with higher numbers of older people in prison.

As a result of the increase in the prisoner population, and following a review of operational staffing levels, I have approved the recruitment of a further 75 prison officers. The Prison Service remains focused on supporting the rehabilitation of people in custody so that, when they leave prison, they are able to resettle and contribute in a meaningful way that supports the Executive's commitment to making communities safer. The Prison Service's ability to deliver on that work, however, has been impacted on by the rising prisoner population, the high number of remand prisoners and short-sentence prisoners and a rise in the number of public protection cases.

In response to those pressures, the Prison Service has commissioned a review of its rehabilitation model. The review is scheduled to be completed within the next few months. Its findings may mean that additional funding is required in order to support rehabilitation work. I will consider any such funding requests sympathetically. The Prison Service is a robust and agile organisation that, over many years, has proven itself to be able to change and adapt. The results of the recent Hydebank Wood Secure College inspections are a testament to that determination, and I am confident that the Prison Service can continue to respond to the pressures that it faces from having a rising prisoner population.

Peter McReynolds (Alliance, Belfast East)

I thank the Minister for her response. What are the impacts of a rising prisoner population on each establishment?

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

I thank the Member for his question. Each prison establishment is distinct. Hydebank Wood is the smallest such establishment in Northern Ireland. Despite its size, it comes with its own complexity from housing young male and female prisoners on a single site. Although the young male population there has remained relatively stable, the young female population has increased from 70 to 113 between February 2022 and February 2025. Magilligan is an adult male prison that primarily holds sentenced prisoners as they progress towards release. Its prisoner population is being managed carefully in order to sustain it at as close to its capacity of 500 prisoners as possible. The reason for the careful population management is to alleviate the ongoing pressure on the prison. Maghaberry is the largest and most complex prison in Northern Ireland. It is a high-security prison for sentenced and unsentenced adult male prisoners in integrated and separated conditions. Since February 2022, the population of Maghaberry prison has increased by 25%, to 1,270. Nearly half of the prisoners held there — 632 — are on remand.

Stephen Dunne (DUP, North Down)

The number of assaults on prison staff has trebled over the past four years, from 32 in 2020 to 96 in 2024. Does the Minister feel that that has had an averse impact on the recent recruitment campaign? What more can be done to tackle what is a growing problem?

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

Based on the number of people who have applied, the recent recruitment campaign has been quite successful. Northern Ireland remains in a much healthier position than other jurisdictions that have run recruitment campaigns. The increase in the number of assaults has undoubtedly has an impact on the prison staff already in place, however. When there is more disruption and a more volatile situation in prisons, which is the case when prisoner numbers are increasing, people are often unable to benefit from having the full regime. As a result, they get frustrated, and volatility increases. It is therefore a spiralling situation. Nevertheless, we have managed to keep the prisons reasonably stable and safe.

As prisoner numbers grow, however, there is a challenge with the access that people have to opportunities to let off steam and to avail themselves of therapy and education as part of the full regime. That is challenging for prison officers as well, because it means that people are spending longer in their cell. It is important that the recruitment of new officers to the Prison Service allow us to have additional officers in place over the summer in order to restore the full regime. As I said, it will then be important, through the review, to look at what we can do around rehabilitation that better reflects the new prisoner population that we now have to manage in the establishments.

Doug Beattie (UUP, Upper Bann)

The Minister 's answer feeds in well to the question that I am about to ask about pressures and the moral component. The Department of Finance believes that the sickness-absence policy for the Northern Ireland Prison Service should be the same as that for all civil servants. Does the Minister agree that the policy should take account of the unique role of our Prison Service? What is she doing to get DOF to change the policy to reflect that unique role?

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

We recognise that, across the Civil Service, there are people acting in front-line roles whose jobs are distinct and different from those of people who are office-based and do not have to interact with members of the public who, often, are vulnerable and volatile. The Prison Service has a unique situation, which is why we have put unique supports in place, whether those are through access to the Police Rehabilitation and Retraining Trust (PRRT) — and the work that is done there in psychology, physiotherapy, rehabilitation and training, where required, for prison officers — or in the work that we do in prisons to support prison officers in their role.

It is important that we drive down sickness absence, but I recognise that sickness absence can be driven up because people work longer hours and take additional shifts when the Prison Service is under stress. One of the reasons that it is so important that we recruit a new cadre of officers is so that we can relieve some of that pressure and allow officers who are suffering from stress to make their way back into the system. Any HR system has to look at the roles and functions that somebody is involved in. That does not mean that there has to be a different system, but the system has to be sensitive to the nature of the role. That is standard HR procedure.

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

I thank the Minister for her answers thus far. Minister, to what extent are disputes with legal practitioners and the associated strike action putting the prison system under further duress?

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

To be clear, there is no dispute with legal practitioners; there is a dispute with the criminal Bar. The remainder of the legal practitioners continue to work and are working with me. Only the criminal Bar has withdrawn its services at this point — certainly, as far as I am aware, that is the case. I met the criminal Bar in the past week or so to work through some of the issues that it raised. Of course, the remand population increases if there are delays to trial. Delays mean that, potentially, there will be people in prison who should not be in prison and people who are not in prison who should be. The criminal Bar should reflect on that as it decides how to take its action forward.

Sinéad McLaughlin (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

6. Ms McLaughlin asked the Minister of Justice to outline when the final terms of reference will be published for the review of the case of Jonathan Creswell. (AQO 1605/22-27)

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

I published the terms of reference for the review of the case of Jonathan Creswell on Friday 21 February. I also confirmed that I had appointed Jan Melia as the independent reviewer. I believe that the terms of reference are expansive and provide the reviewer with the scope to look at any and all issues that she considers are relevant to the case. I am mindful that the family of Katie Simpson need to be at the heart of the review. As a matter of priority, the reviewer will engage with them to hear their voice directly and to understand how they wish to be engaged in and by the process. I have received confirmation from the key agencies that they will actively engage in and cooperate with the review. I welcome the commitment that they have shown to learning from the case. It is vital that the reviewer is now given the time and space to undertake this important piece of work and to report on her findings.

Sinéad McLaughlin (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

Thank you, Minister, I really welcome that progress. There were so many missed opportunities that, if taken, literally could have saved Katie Simpson's life. Does the Minister agree that that important piece of work should not limit its learnings to that tragic case but should export them across every incident and case, and that lack of resources should not be an excuse for a lack of professional curiosity from the PSNI?

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

To be clear, it will not be only the actions and interventions of the PSNI that will be considered. There was a range of opportunities across a range of statutory agencies, where earlier intervention may have made a difference to the outcome. None of us can say, with confidence, whether it would or would not have. However, we can say that, if those opportunities were missed, we would not want that to happen in another case.

It is crucial to say that, of course, we will want to embed any learning from this case within organisations. Undoubtedly — I have raised this in the Chamber before — when we lack resources for the key services that are provided, whether by the PSNI, the Probation Board, Health or any other part of the system, cases will fall through the net. As I explained, whilst many people do not see Justice as a matter of life and death in the same way as they view Health, it absolutely can be. It is important that Justice be properly resourced, but also, as you rightly said, we must engender professional curiosity in all sectors. This is not to be a finger-pointing exercise; it is to be a lessons-learned exercise so that we do not continue to repeat the mistakes of the past.

Nuala McAllister (Alliance, Belfast North)

I thank the Minister for her answer and welcome the publication of the terms of reference last week. It is a very positive opportunity to learn from missed opportunities in the past. On the partners to be involved, can the Minister confirm whether there is scope to include trusts other than the Western Trust? We now know that Katie Simpson, unfortunately, attended hospital in the Southern Trust area, on many occasions with Jonathan Creswell. It turned out that she was a victim of his abuse at the time, and he was the reason why she attended hospital.

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

The terms of reference cover all the key issues and the key Departments that we anticipate will have some input to make. However, they also give the independent reviewer scope to pursue whatever fields of enquiry are, she believes, relevant, and that will include any engagement with other trusts, hospitals and practitioners. Critically, the review will focus on learning, because it is important that we take away any lessons so that we can safeguard and better protect victims who are subject not only to terrible forms of abuse but, often, coercive control. The parameters are broad, and, while they are quite expansive, they allow other issues of concern, if raised with the reviewer, to be included even if they are outwith the terms of reference, which are set up in such a way that she has the freedom to do that.

Claire Sugden (Independent, East Londonderry)

7. Ms Sugden asked the Minister of Justice to provide an update on the future of Limavady courthouse. (AQO 1606/22-27)

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

Limavady courthouse has been closed since March 2020, with its business currently transferred to Coleraine. Prior to the building's closure, it operated as a hearing centre and was open one day a week for the delivery of Magistrates’ Court business. The Northern Ireland Courts and Tribunals Service's (NICTS) estate strategy, published in December 2023, provides a long-term framework for investment over the next decade and beyond. To implement the strategy, the Northern Ireland Courts and Tribunals Service is using data and evidence to baseline the existing estate against the agreed strategic outcomes; assess the adequacy of its buildings; and, in the context of the finite resources available, develop prioritised investment plans that will be subject to public consultation, as appropriate. The future use of Limavady courthouse forms part of that process.

Claire Sugden (Independent, East Londonderry)

I thank the Minister for that answer. My biggest concern for courthouses across Northern Ireland is primarily access to justice, but also the impact on rural areas of removing courthouses. As part of the review, will the Minister look at an impact assessment to ensure that we take into account all the aspects of why not having a courthouse is a good thing?

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

First, we have to make sure that those courthouses are accessible in the most basic sense, and many of them, unfortunately, are not fit for purpose. Many of the protections that we would wish to put in place — for example, for vulnerable victims and witnesses — are not possible, because everyone enters through the one door at the front of the courthouse, meaning that we cannot segregate in the way that is normally expected in some of our more recently opened, purpose-built facilities.

Limavady courthouse is the smallest courthouse in our estate, and, since 2002, it has heard only adult Magistrates' Court business. In 2023-24, only 476 cases were received by Limavady Magistrates' Court, and, historically, it has had the lowest business volumes in the court estate, which is one of the reasons why it was previously open for only a single day each week. However, it is right to say that access to justice will be one of the crucial issues in the decision-making process, but it has to be looked at in the round, including whether access to the buildings can be compliant with the Disability Discrimination Act and whether people live adjacent to them.

Ciara Ferguson (Sinn Féin, Foyle)

I previously asked about Derry courthouse, Minister, and you mentioned the potential for an additional extension and refurbishment. When can we expect a firm timeline or resourcing commitments, given the ongoing need to ensure adequate access to a modern justice system in the north-west?

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

As the Member will know, our initial thoughts were that we would not be able to provide the service at the current Bishop Street location, simply due to the constrained nature of the site and the listed status of the building. The plan had been to provide a new facility for the north-west.

However, fortuitously, we have been able to obtain enough land beside the courthouse to allow us to reconfigure business, so we should be able to provide that kind of modern facility. The process is still in its early stages, but I will be quick to let the Member know once we have a firmer set of propositions.

Again, that is part of the overall estates strategy that we have to work our way through. A number of our court buildings are old but are grade 1 and grade 2 listed and therefore need to be refurbished. Parts of the court estate are distributed into accommodation that we have to pay for whilst we have accommodation that is deteriorating rapidly through lack of use. We need to look at the whole strategy to make sure that we make best use of the buildings that we have; ensure that those that are genuinely historic buildings are maintained properly; and, crucially, ensure that we are able to maintain a justice system that works in tandem with the estate to provide people with the best possible service.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

We now move to topical questions.

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

T1. Mr McNulty asked the Minister of Justice, after stating that the operational independence of the police has been well rehearsed by her in the House, whether she takes any responsibility for the fact that, in the past decade, the number of Catholic police officers has stalled, at only a quarter of the force, and could start falling, given that her party has held the Justice Department for most of the past decade and a half. (AQT 1061/22-27)

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

It is not just that I rehearse the independence of the PSNI: your predecessors in the SDLP fought for the independence of the police service when it was being reformed during the Patten process. They argued strongly that no Minister should be able to intervene with policing in the way that it had happened historically in Northern Ireland and that we needed a fully independent Policing Board to ensure that. That system was introduced to ensure that people, irrespective of their religion, gender or ethnicity, would have confidence in the PSNI. I have consistently called for people from all backgrounds to get involved in the PSNI and be involved in a service to their community that is vital. I encourage the Member to do likewise. I know that he has many connections through sport and in the community, and I imagine that he, as somebody who is well respected in his community, could have great influence in getting young people to come forward and join the PSNI.

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

It is interesting that you put the responsibility on me, Minister. Since the devolution of policing and justice powers, your Department has held strategic oversight of the justice system and your party has successfully privatised recruitment to the post of Justice Minister to the exclusion of nationalists. Given the trust, funding and recruitment challenges in policing, you could and should have made public confidence in policing a priority: you have not. Please tell us what urgent actions you will take as Minister of Justice to ensure that policing reflects the society that it serves.

Naomi Long (Alliance, Belfast East)

I will say a couple of things about that supplementary question. The Member said that it is not his responsibility, but it is the responsibility of all of us to ensure that the PSNI is reflective of the community. Every Member who walks through the doors of the Chamber has a responsibility to ensure that their community has confidence in the PSNI, cooperates with the PSNI and creates an environment in which the PSNI is safe to do its job. I certainly will not wash my hands of that responsibility, and I hope that the SDLP is not going down the route of trying to do so.

On the wider issue that he raised about prioritising confidence in the PSNI, I have done that because I respect the independence of the Chief Constable. There would be nothing more toxic to policing in Northern Ireland than for politicians to start dabbling in the operational decision-making of the PSNI. With respect, Mr McNulty, you have a colleague on the Policing Board. I suggest that you converse with him about how you can best build confidence in the PSNI in your community.

Alan Chambers (UUP, North Down)

T2. Mr Chambers asked the Minister of Justice how many members of the PSNI have been excluded from taking ill-health retirement due to declared pre-existing conditions and what steps, if any, she is taking to try to address that matter. (AQT 1062/22-27)