Northern Ireland Assembly, 14 January 2025

305 contributions from 59 members. The official report.

Members' Statements

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

The first item in the Order Paper is Members' statements. The usual rules apply.

Pádraig Delargy (Sinn Féin, Foyle)

I rise to note the work of Foyle Search and Rescue, a voluntary organisation in Derry. Many Members will be aware of the pivotal work that Foyle Search and Rescue does to assist people who are in distress and despair in Derry and neighbouring areas along the Foyle. Recently, Foyle Search and Rescue published its incident reports for 2024, noting that it provided support during 237 incidents. What is at the core of Foyle Search and Rescue's work is that those are not just statistics; they are lives. They represent people who have been saved and families who have been supported.

Unfortunately, Foyle Search and Rescue also has to support many families through bereavement and the loss of a loved one. In common with many families in Derry, my family is forever indebted to Foyle Search and Rescue after losing our amazing aunt Patricia. With those other families, we have stood, and will continue to stand, shoulder to shoulder with the courageous volunteers of Foyle Search and Rescue. Derry people are known for their generosity, passion and love for their community. I thank the volunteers of Foyle Search and Rescue for their tireless work for our city, community and families through the most difficult times.

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

The Rathcoole multistorey flats have not just been a dominant feature of our local landscape for generations but have been home to generations of families who proudly call Rathcoole their home. For many years, the Northern Ireland Housing Executive has been on a crusade to demolish those homes and make the residents of Abbotscoole House homeless. Just last week, despite two residents' surveys being carried out by that body, with over 80% of residents rejecting the Housing Executive's proposals to demolish their homes, it submitted a business case to the Department for Communities seeking approval to demolish those vital local homes.

While the Housing Executive invests in tower blocks in other parts of North Belfast, it expects the community that I represent to accept second best. While local families are in housing crisis, the Housing Executive expects us to accept dereliction in Rathcoole.

Whilst it attempts to make an 87-year-old grandmother homeless in Rathcoole, it expects us to remain silent.

The Housing Executive will underestimate the community of Rathcoole at its peril. It is known for its community campaigning and for sticking together in the most difficult of times. Last week, when the Housing Executive informed us of its decision, we launched a community petition campaign to show the clear opposition to the proposals. In just five days, hundreds and hundreds of residents from across Rathcoole and North Belfast signed up to our campaign because they will no longer accept North Belfast's being seen as a place of dereliction. They will no longer accept local homes being demolished, and they will not accept proposals from the Housing Executive to replace family homes with dereliction and grass seeds.

My message to the Department for Communities is clear: there is a housing crisis not just in Rathcoole but across North Belfast, and any attempt to remove those vital family homes will be strongly resisted.

Nuala McAllister (Alliance, Belfast North)

I welcome the announcement by the Justice Minister of the review of the case of Jonathan Creswell. I submitted a question for priority written answer to the Minister regarding Jonathan Creswell and the operation of public protection arrangements. I am glad to see two aspects under review: his case specifically and the wider issue of referrals into public protection arrangements.

As more continues to emerge about failings in relation to the death of Katie Simpson, I am glad that the Justice Minister is taking the matter seriously, and I welcome her commitment to shed light and identify learnings. I have been working on uncovering the failings surrounding Katie Simpson's death for a number of years — across the community in Armagh, in Tynan and in the Police Service, social services and many agencies in Northern Ireland. It is unfortunate that it has come to such circumstances in which we have seen the death of a woman in 2020 still being talked about in 2025 without justice having been done.

Long before the death of Katie Simpson, Jonathan Creswell was convicted of the gruesome assault of a partner. I commend Abigail Lyle for speaking publicly about the abuse and violence that she suffered at his hands. That conviction should have triggered public protection arrangements, but it did not. We will, hopefully, have learnings from the review, and we will see what we can change, not just for Katie but for all women across Northern Ireland. Tackling violence against women and girls is something that we will not speak in platitudes about but take action on. We will get to the root causes of the problem — the perpetrators — so that every woman in Northern Ireland is safe and never again is any woman failed as Katie was.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

The year 2024 was the first in which the globe recorded a temperature rise of 1·5°C above pre-industrial levels. That number is an important one, but not in a good way. A decade ago, at COP21 in Paris, the major participant nations in that conference agreed to limit global temperature rises to below 1·5°C. For decades, that has been deemed to be a critical threshold that the world cannot cross. Recording one year's rise on that scale does not completely breach the barrier, because the 1·5°C threshold has to be recorded as a median over a number of years, but it shows that climate breakdown is happening faster and more aggressively than people thought in 2015 and than we have been planning for. It is frightening. It is chilling — no pun intended.

We have seen the images from Los Angeles in recent days. This is January. Most of the wildfires that plague that part of the United States happen at the height of the summer, but, in January, those wildfires are raging. They have left dozens dead and destroyed thousands of homes and businesses in one of the wealthiest and most affluent parts of the planet.

Last year, across the world, including in Spain and Mexico, we saw extreme weather events. We will keep seeing extreme weather events as climate change and breakdown bites. It is happening. Climate change is not deniable any more, nor is it something that we can simply put a stop on. We can mitigate it with our policy response, but we can also continue to work to limit it by moving towards net zero.

Often, we in Northern Ireland have acted as though climate change is happening somewhere else and that we can continue living and acting as though it does not matter. Certainly, it took us a very long time in this place to adequately respond to climate change. I am pleased that we passed a Climate Change Act at the end of the previous mandate. We were the last jurisdiction in these islands to do so. We have been a laggard not just in dealing with climate but in environmental action and nature restoration more generally.

In this mandate, or in what is left of it, we need to see those targets and plans put into meaningful action. We need the Executive to agree a climate action plan urgently. I commend genuinely the Environment Minister for bringing such a plan to the Executive, but we now need to see practical action. It is not just going to affect us all; it will completely transform the way that we live over the century. Let us be serious about it and start to deal with it in this jurisdiction.

Jemma Dolan (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

Last week, I was contacted by numerous Royal Mail staff members in Enniskillen who expressed deep concerns about a decision by their employer to cut overtime for its postal workers. That decision will have serious repercussions for my constituents across Fermanagh, particularly those who are in more rural communities. The cuts threaten the reliability of postal services, with delays already being felt by families, businesses and the most vulnerable. Many of my constituents depend on the timely delivery of essential items such as medical appointment letters and social welfare correspondence. For elderly residents and those who live in isolated areas, the post is often a critical lifeline.

I have written to Royal Mail to urge it to reconsider the decision, prioritise investment in rural services and engage with postal workers and the communities that they serve in order to find solutions. Unfortunately, that is not the first time that I have had to contact Royal Mail about delivery issues. In October last year, I had to contact it regarding complaints about the delayed delivery of post in Belleek and Kesh. As far back as December 2023, I raised with it the concerns of my constituents in Enniskillen. In my opinion, Royal Mail has been chipping away at the service.

Rural communities, such as those across Fermanagh, already face challenges due to their limited infrastructure and services. Cutting overtime for hard-working postal staff will only exacerbate those inequalities, potentially leaving my constituents at an unfair disadvantage compared with those in urban areas. It is not just an issue of efficiency; it is an issue of fairness. Royal Mail, which has a universal service obligation, must recognise that its duty extends to every citizen regardless of their location. For many here, it is not about luxury: it is about basic access and inclusion.

Keith Buchanan (DUP, Mid Ulster)

This coming weekend, we will remember those who were murdered at Teebane between Cookstown and Omagh. On 17 January 1992, eight Protestant workmen were murdered and another five were injured when an IRA roadside bomb blew up their minibus at Teebane crossroads. Apparently, the men were targeted because they carried out work for the security forces. They were returning from work at Lisanelly army barracks. They all worked for Karl Construction. Those men were simply tradesmen doing an honest day's work.

The bomb contained an estimated 600 lbs of home-made explosives in two plastic barrels, and later estimates reported that it was a 1,500 lb device. The Provisional IRA detonated the bomb from about 100 yds away using a command wire, and witnesses reported hearing automatic fire immediately prior to the explosion. The blast was heard at least 10 miles away. The Provisional IRA's Tyrone brigade claimed responsibility for the bombing shortly after, saying that the workers were killed because they were "collaborating" with "the forces of occupation".

To date, no one has been convicted in connection with the bomb attack. It is important not to have a hierarchy of victims, and no murder is any more deserving of investigation than another. We will continue to remember those who lost their life during the Troubles, and I again highlight the importance of bringing any knowledge and information about the activity of terrorists during the Troubles to the police. To those cowards who ran away that day — they did run away — if you are still on this earth, there will not be a day that you will not think about what you have done — not one day when you will not think about what you did. There will not be a night when your head touches the pillow that you do not think about what you did.

To those who think that there was no alternative, I say this: there was. Those who carried out that attack may have escaped justice in this world, but they will most certainly not escape it in the next.

The men who were killed that day were Gary Bleeks, Cecil Caldwell, Robert Dunseith, Oswald Gilchrist, David Harkness, Bobby Irons, Richard McConnell and Nigel McKee.

Kate Nicholl (Alliance, Belfast South)

The skills shortages that we face in Northern Ireland are one of the most significant blocks to our future economic growth. We have serious vacancy levels, and, according to the Audit Office, more than one in three of those vacancies is attributable to the skills gap. It estimates that that results in a loss of over £700 million gross value added every year. We cannot afford to ignore that substantial economic impact.

One UK Government initiative aimed at addressing those issues is the apprenticeship levy. However, that initiative does not work for us here. The levy requires many employers to contribute 0·5% of their payroll to apprenticeship funding. As stated by the Institute of Directors in 2023, Northern Ireland businesses contribute around £60 million as a result of that levy. Despite contributing, Northern Ireland does not directly receive funding from it.

This is a critical issue that needs to be addressed. We must be more creative and innovative in how we get the right skills into our economy to support further growth. Devolution of the apprenticeship levy would allow us to reinvest that funding much more directly into skills redevelopment, addressing those gaps in a way that could be adapted to our local needs and priorities. In particular, we could focus on the skills required to support and expand the green economy. There is no green growth without green skills, and the ability to adapt and tailor investment locally would allow us to develop the skills that we need in our economy and to contribute to our net zero obligation.

Growing our skills base has the potential not just to unlock job opportunities but to transform living standards, boost the economy and increase employment. The devolution of the apprenticeship levy could therefore be critical in helping us to deliver economic growth and support people into work. I will write to the Economy Minister and the UK Government on this issue in the coming days and will continue to work alongside my colleague Sorcha Eastwood MP in Westminster to deliver a fairer, more effective model to support skills development in Northern Ireland.

Philip McGuigan (Sinn Féin, North Antrim)

I rise to voice my concerns about the introduction of the electronic travel authorisation (ETA), an unnecessary barrier to travel by visitors to this island that is being imposed upon us by the British Government. The ETA requirement will mean that all non-European travellers will have to apply and pay for a digital permission to visit here. The ETA comes with a processing delay of three working days after application that will, effectively, end spontaneous travel northwards.

Around 70% of tourists arrive in Ireland via Dublin, so there can be no doubt that the ETA will cause detriment and harm to the tourism and hospitality industry, tour operators, accommodation and transport providers and our many excellent restaurants, cafes, shops and bars, threatening the significant revenue that our local economy currently enjoys from those visitors. Recently, that value to our economy was estimated to be around £210 million over a 12-month period. The Economy Minister, Conor Murphy, has raised the issue directly with the British Home Office, urging it to listen to the concerns put forward by the sector here in the North and pointing out that this island of Ireland is marketed internationally as one entity and that tourism has been the success story of the peace process and should be protected. The ETA jeopardises years of progress, and we must continue to challenge it. To ensure that we can maximise our tourism potential and continue to grow our economy, it is vital that an exemption from the ETA requirements be agreed for tourists wishing to travel throughout the island of Ireland. There can be no further delays. Tourism and hospitality businesses need action now.

Tom Buchanan (DUP, West Tyrone)

Last Thursday, 9 January 2025, marked the 35th anniversary of the cold, callous, premeditated, brutal murder of Olven Kilpatrick, a young businessman in Castlederg. Olven was a family man, a businessman and a part-time UDR soldier, and he was highly regarded and respected by all who knew him in his community.

Just before 5.30 that evening in 1990, when the shops were closing up for the day, Olven Kilpatrick was serving two ladies in his thriving business, a shoe shop, when two hooded and masked IRA men walked into the shop and shot him at close range. As he lay mortally wounded, the two bloodthirsty murderers, not content with the murderous act, planted a bomb in a shoebox, which exploded while police and army were securing the area, injuring two RUC officers and setting the shop alight, resulting in the Fire Brigade being unable to retrieve the body until the blaze was brought under control at 10.00 pm.

Within five minutes of that brutal act of premeditated murder, the IRA gangsters were in their safe haven across the border in the Irish Republic, while another family in Castlederg was left without a husband and father and the community of Castlederg was once again plunged into shock and mourning at the brutal and callous murder of an innocent businessman. That is what, the First Minister for all has said, there was no alternative to: a young wife, widowed; children growing up without a father figure in the home; and an elderly mother in mourning for her beloved son. How anyone can justify a statement of "no alternative" to such an atrocity is beyond comprehension and must be called out for what it is.

Olven Kilpatrick is only one of the 23 people who were murdered in Castlederg, and, today, not one person has been brought to justice for those murders. Today, I salute the memory of Olven Kilpatrick. I thank God that he was a man who had a personal faith in the Lord Jesus Christ — he is with him today — but we will never forget the men and women who were brutally murdered by the IRA and the price that their families had to pay.

Sinéad McLaughlin (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

Last month, I launched the online consultation for my private Member's Bill on regional economic balance. I am grateful to all those who have responded to date and to those who will do so during the period of consultation. It is a cause that is close to my heart, as many people will know, and, to me, the law is long overdue.

Recently, I looked back at the 2011-15 draft Programme for Government. It talks about:

"addressing regional imbalance as we move ahead"

and contains specific interventions for places in my council area such as Fort George and Ebrington, but words are cheap. It lacks any mention of transformational legislation. We know that regional inequalities are still a running sore, more than 10 years later; in fact, poverty indices show that the gaps are getting wider. For many, that sounds all too familiar. The places that the Bill intends to help deserve better than the same thing simply being done over and over again.

Everyone knows that I am never shy about standing up for my home city. It is our second city, and, in order for the whole of Northern Ireland to grow, it makes sense that we invest in a place with such huge potential. If we turn a blind eye to the wider north-west, the whole of Northern Ireland suffers, but the Bill is for every area of Northern Ireland that has been left behind. We are all too aware that it is simply a myth to say that everywhere east of the Bann prospers while everywhere west of the Bann suffers. Our economy is much more complex than that. Yes, our city — the second city — demands urgent intervention, but it is also important to say that there are areas of Belfast that face deeply rooted disadvantage. I am looking at my colleague across the Chamber from North Belfast. There are areas of Tyrone and Fermanagh that feel cut off from being able to get ahead, and there are areas of Newry, Mourne and Down where poverty is still too high. The Bill is for every area that is left behind so that our economy can work for everyone.

As the consultation progresses, we will publish our proposals on the specific case, as we see it, for legislation. I look forward to engaging with Members from across the House as we do so. We seek to build an economy that works for all of our constituents. I ask Members to have a look at the consultation and to, please, respond. The consultation closes on 16 February.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

The vote on the protocol that was held in the Chamber just before Christmas was the most significant vote in Northern Ireland's history. Never before had the representatives of the people of the Province been asked to sign away their right to shape the laws to which they are subject. Yet, on that occasion alone, for the first time in 50 years, the vote was decided on a simple majoritarian basis.

Of course, even before the vote took place, everyone knew what the outcome would be, because of the nationalist and republican alliance in the House. Having trashed the principle of cross-community consent on a key issue, the EU was happy to leave the completion of the process to its lackeys in Stormont, who duly delivered for it.

Such an outcome was entirely predictable. However, before the restoration of devolution, the unionist people were told that they had nothing to worry about on that score, because, if there was not cross-community support for the protocol, that would trigger a review. That review was announced last week, and its terms of reference were published. Of course, some people were not interested in what the review was going to do and say. The Alliance Party, for example, put out a statement about what Lord Murphy should do two hours before the Northern Ireland Office (NIO) got round to sending a copy of the terms of reference to anyone, including the House of Commons Library. Regardless, I trust that some in the House will be interested in what the review says.

I draw Members' attention to paragraph 3.5:

"In making recommendations to the Government in its report, the Review must give consideration to and set out how any recommendations ... will command the support of both communities in Northern Ireland".

While the protocol required a simple majority in the Chamber, the review, which has been triggered by the lack of cross-community support, requires cross-community support for any of its recommendations. There was no veto for unionists in December, but there is a veto for nationalists in January. Such double standards will serve only to underscore the feeling in my community that the process of which the Chamber and the Executive are a central plank is loaded against unionism at every turn.

Will anyone on the Benches to my right repeat the claims that that party used to justify its return to a terrorist-inclusive Executive? Once more, unionists have been treated as fools. Either the DUP was conned on the issue or, shamefully, it sought to con the unionist people. Members, either way, the result is shameful.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

I am raising the issue of tenancy succession for Housing Executive tenants. In recent days, I have been contacted at my office by multiple West Belfast residents who are being evicted after suffering a family bereavement. That is completely unfair and counterproductive. The Housing Executive has been dragging its tenants through court to try to claw back homes under its succession policy.

It is important that social housing use is maintained and protected and that an avenue for people to have somewhere to live is kept open for all sorts of obvious reasons, not least because people are being ripped off by the cost of private rent in Belfast, which has reached over £1,000 per month. The Housing Executive should be preventing people from being made homeless rather than adding to homelessness figures by turfing people out of their homes. It defies belief that it should happen to anyone in any constituency, but someone in my constituency with a visual impairment is being evicted from a home that was adapted to suit her needs. Another person in the Beechmount/Clonard area is being kicked out of a Housing Executive home despite there being at least 200 empty homes in that area.

The current succession policy, introduced in 2022 by the then Communities Minister, Deirdre Hargey, does not work. It is unfair, and it disproportionately affects children, women, people with disabilities and those from a Catholic background. It causes havoc in communities and is tearing up the social fabric of communities and the connections that people have made over years and generations. This reasonable question could be asked: how many people are impacted by that policy? The Minister has told us that he does not have the figures. I seriously doubt that.

The Assembly declared a housing emergency a matter of months ago. This issue is part of the housing emergency. I support the call of the Community Action Tenants Union (CATU), Participation and the Practice of Rights (PPR), An Dream Dearg and many other organisations in calling for an end to evictions, an end to the eviction of Housing Executive tenants and a review of the current outdated policy. I will put that call directly to the Housing Executive in a matter of days.

Daniel McCrossan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, West Tyrone)

Over the Christmas period, our emergency departments featured strongly on the news daily. Each of us was inundated over the Christmas period by messages from worried constituents whose loved ones, perhaps vulnerable family members, were sitting in overcrowded emergency departments. Some people waited for prolonged periods on seats, often in pain and without getting the attention that they needed and deserved.

There is no dignity whatsoever in an emergency department. You are exposed entirely in your very vulnerable state while in a very stressful environment. A person who is unwell and sick goes there as a last resort. Believe me, it is becoming more and more of a last resort for people, because many often try to avoid our emergency departments. It really is getting worse. We talk about the state of the emergency departments every year, yet they seem to get worse. The situation seems to worsen, and our staff seem to be under even more strain and pressure. As a result, we will see a significant increase in sickness rates among staff and in people not taking up important posts in emergency departments, so the unfolding crisis will worsen.

The emergency department in Altnagelvin, in particular, can only be described as an absolute disgrace, to be honest. People are expected to go there and sit in an overcrowded and busy environment. They include those with mental issues; people who are intoxicated from drugs and alcohol; vulnerable elderly people, some of whom have no family members to support them, who are scared — that is the word that has been used to me — sitting there; and dementia patients, who have to sit in that environment without proper support. There is access to one toilet — one toilet — in the emergency department in Altnagelvin. That is an absolute shambles.

It is time that the Western Health and Social Care Trust, the Department of Health, the Minister and the Executive collectively got a handle on the situation, because, to be very blunt, it affects each and every one of our families. People do not go to an emergency department to sit there for no reason; they go there because they are seriously ill. Unfortunately, people are dying in emergency departments, because they are not being triaged, triaged appropriately or seen on time. They are being left on seats for hours.

Unfortunately, over the past few months, there has been a huge increase in the number complaints that I have been dealing with about how people have been treated in emergency departments. That is not down to the staff. The problem is that, for every problem, the solution from GPs, mental health services and everybody else is, "Go to the emergency department". It is an absolute shambles, and it is getting worse. We need to get a handle on it. It affects each and every one of us in the House, our family members, our grandparents, our parents and our children. It is time that we dealt with that very serious problem.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Thank you. That brings to a conclusion Members' statements. I ask Members to take their ease before we move to the next item of business.

(Madam Principal Deputy Speaker in the Chair)

Opposition Business

Sinéad McLaughlin (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

I beg to move

That this Assembly expresses horror at the epidemic of violence against women and girls in Northern Ireland; expresses regret that several recommendations made in the Gillen review 'Report into the law and procedures in serious sexual offences in Northern Ireland', particularly those relating to reforming laws around the defence of reasonable belief and to introducing pretrial jury education, have not been implemented; and calls on the Minister of Justice to introduce pretrial jury education and to bring forward legislation to reform the legal definition of reasonable belief, in line with the Gillen review, by the end of the 2022-27 mandate.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

The Business Committee has agreed to allow up to one hour for the debate. The proposer of the motion will have five minutes to propose and five minutes to make a winding-up speech. As an amendment has been selected and published on the Marshalled List, the Business Committee has agreed that eight minutes will be added to the total time for the debate. Before I invite Ms McLaughlin to open the debate, I wish to inform the Assembly that the Justice Minister is not able to be in the Chamber today and junior Minister Reilly will respond on behalf of the Executive. Sinéad, please open the debate on the motion.

Sinéad McLaughlin (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker.

I begin by putting on record my horror and deep concern over the epidemic of violence against women and girls that continues to plague Northern Ireland. It is a subject that we have discussed many times in the Chamber, and it continues to blight the lives of far too many women and girls in our communities.

In 2023, 33,000 domestic abuse incidents were reported to the police. That is 33,000 individuals who have gone through the most unimaginable horror and who will have to go through an incredibly difficult healing process. We all know, however, that that is only the tip of the iceberg. The wider consequences that many children and families have to endure as a result of the trauma of domestic abuse and violence are really affecting our society. No part of this island has been untouched by the epidemic of violence. We have seen an unprecedented amount of violence throughout our towns and city centres that has left women and girls fearing for their safety and unable to leave their home. That is unacceptable in a modern society.

The ending of violence against women and girls is not just a policy matter but a moral obligation for all Members. We must ensure that that violence is stamped out so that women and girls are no longer subjected to it. The recent publication of the ending violence against women and girls strategy represents a step in the right direction. The strategy focuses on important aspects of the issue, such as prevention, protection and justice. It will, however, ultimately fall short of generating the real change that we need to see if we do not address critical legislative gaps.

That is why the full implementation of the Gillen review must continue. As has been said many times before, that comprehensive piece of work offers us the potential to transform how the justice system responds to sexual and domestic violence. Although admirable progress has been made in some areas, some of his recommendations remain unfulfilled. Reform of the reasonable belief defence and pretrial jury education are absolutely needed.

The reasonable belief defence has allowed subjective excuses to shield offenders from facing the consequences of their actions. We saw that play out in the 2018 rugby rape trial, as the defendants, who were ultimately found not guilty, argued their innocence based on the presumed belief that the victim had consented. We must introduce a robust and objective standard that ensures that perpetrators cannot easily claim ignorance of whether consent was given. Not only would such reform better protect victims but it would help strengthen public confidence in the justice system.

Restoring public confidence and addressing societal issues and attitudes through a form of pretrial jury education is also an integral part of the Gillen review. Research has previously found that the conclusions of juries are sometimes determined, at least in part, by jurors' previously held beliefs instead of on evidence and actual deliberations. In trials, we must ensure that informed decision-making happens that is based on facts, not on stereotypes and myths. As with many things, education can be the greatest tool to deal with an issue, and that is why we are calling for pretrial jury education. The road to eradicating violence against women and girls is long, but it must be one that encompasses the whole of society through education and awareness campaigns that challenge deeply entrenched misogynistic attitudes.

The motion gives the Assembly the opportunity to dedicate its support to the countless women and girls who have suffered because of violence and systemic failures. Such support and reform cannot be achieved by the Department of Justice alone. Rather, it must be the responsibility of the Executive to deliver. It is time for us to come together to ensure that the motion translates into tangible progress, delivering justice and safety for women and girls right across Northern Ireland.

Joanne Bunting (DUP, Belfast East)

I beg to move the following amendment:

Leave out all after "implemented;" and insert: "and calls on the Minister of Justice to consult on, and introduce, pretrial jury education and to consult on proposals to clarify the legal definition of what constitutes reasonable belief in consent, by the end of the 2022-27 mandate."

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Thank you, Joanne. You have five minutes in which to propose the amendment and three minutes in which to make a winding-up speech. All other contributors will have three minutes.

Joanne Bunting (DUP, Belfast East)

Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. We agree with the thrust of the motion but have sought to add another layer to the process by inserting the need for consultation. The issues and rights are very sensitive, difficult and finely balanced, and it is imperative that everybody — complainants, victims, witnesses, defendants, families and society as a whole — can have confidence in the law, the justice system, due process and the right to a fair trial. Gillen came in post the rugby trial.

We are years further on, and there has been considerable learning since that was introduced. Society has moved on in some ways with regard to relationships and intimacy, so it would be helpful for the public to have their say.

From the outset, I wish to be clear that we in the DUP are committed to supporting measures that improve experiences of the criminal justice system for victims of violent and sexual crime throughout Northern Ireland. In particular, we want to raise confidence among women and girls who are victims of such abuse to pursue prosecutions, bring their perpetrators to justice and obtain the support that they need. Consultation, engagement and building a clear and informed evidence base for moving forward are necessary also to uphold the right to a fair trial for defendants in such cases. That said, our proposal for consultation should in no way be regarded as an attempt to delay or limit progress towards providing better support to victims of violence against women and girls.

A sexual attack or sexual abuse is, to my mind, one of the worst things that can happen to a person; it is life-changing. Likewise, to be wrongly accused is also devastating and life-changing. That is why any move that we make must ensure that the balance within a trial setting is right and that the pendulum does not swing in one direction or the other. The focus must be on due process in which everybody concerned, and everybody looking on, can have confidence. Therefore, with regard to the defence of reasonable belief, however we move, we need to be very clear about what exactly in law is a failure to ascertain consent. Also, rather than on a case-by-case basis, which can be a moveable feast, there should be a degree of certainty about what constitutes an offence and a breach of the law. There needs to be clarity about what are the reasonable steps to ascertain consent, and what constitutes a failure to take them — not just for jurors, the judiciary and lawyers but for society.

People navigating relationships in this difficult age need to be clear what the law is and what will be regarded as a crime. In some cases, it will be incredibly obvious. Unfortunately, those are not the cases that these recommendations seek to address. Moreover, in difficult cases, it is often likely that judgement on one or both sides will be impaired by drugs or alcohol. In those circumstances, it is going to very difficult for jurors to establish, one way or another, what the position is on consent, so there needs to be a discussion as to whether everything around this can be more straightforward and clearer. Additionally, consultation would prove valuable in that it should focus the public's mind on the issue of consent and allow for public discourse.

On rape myths education, a number of steps have already been taken by the Lady Chief Justice and the Courts and Tribunals Service to advance Gillen's recommendations for the trial education of jurors, particularly in respect of legal responsibilities in the use of social media. We welcome that, as will those who are affected by cases. The outstanding commitment to provide jurors with rape trial myth education materials engages sensitive issues. We agree that Northern Ireland should await the findings and insight from the pilot in England and allow those to inform us. We will need to be clear what rape myths are, and what exactly the jury is being educated in. Jury education is fundamental and has immense power to sway or determine the outcome of any case. Therefore, it must be done in such a way that it does not constitute putting a thumb on the scale either way. Again, consultation is helpful and allows the public to engage in the debate, keeping those issues to the fore.

Whilst the motion focuses on two discrete elements that impact on the handling of prosecutions relating to violence against women and girls, there is one further point that I wish to make. We must remember that this is a societal problem requiring a collaborative, whole-society approach. Also, it should not be the case that the Executive's strategic framework on ending violence against women and girls translates into lesser focus and a lack of urgency on the part of the police, the criminal justice system and society in tackling harm against male victims of this terrible abuse.

However we proceed, we must do so with due care and diligence. It is essential that we get this right. Sexual offence cases are complex to investigate and prosecute, and we must enable and encourage victims to seek justice, ensure that prosecutors have the opportunity and tools to bring forward these cases, and equip jurors and the judiciary with an informed and impartial understanding of the law in these areas. We must ensure that everyone with a stake in the criminal justice system is treated equitably and fairly. The recent, steady, long-term picture of sexual offence prosecutions —

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Time is up.

Joanne Bunting (DUP, Belfast East)

— must not be undermined by legislation that adds confusion or complexity. Ultimately, it is critical that the guilty are convicted but crucial that the innocent are acquitted.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Time is up.

Joanne Bunting (DUP, Belfast East)

I urge Members to support the amendment.

Emma Sheerin (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I support the motion. The last time I spoke about the issue in the Chamber was on 21 October last year, at which time I lamented the fact that, in the previous eight years, 42 women had been murdered in the North. Even since then, another woman has been murdered here, and, at this time, I send my condolences to the family and friends of Karen Cummings. Just three days ago, we learned of the murder of another woman, Annie Heyneman, just across the border in County Cavan. Again, I send my thoughts and sympathies to all who have been affected by that. All of that is to say that we can barely get through an Assembly recess period without the murder of a woman or girl in this part of the world. These headlines have now become the norm here, but nothing about this is normal, and we need to reflect on that.

The North of Ireland is the most dangerous place in Europe to be a woman, and the most dangerous place to be a woman in the North of Ireland is in her own home. Most of these women are murdered within their own houses by people whom they know. Again, the statistics tell us that the most at-risk time for a woman in an abusive relationship is when she attempts to leave that relationship, yet still we hear: "Why was she with him? What did she stay for?" That is why she stayed. It does not begin with busted lips or black eyes or broken glasses. It does not begin with another of the headlines that are less and less shocking as they build up. It does not begin with a murder. We know that there is a pyramid of violence against women and girls. It begins in playgrounds. It begins in changing rooms. It begins within the confines of group chats, memes, innuendoes and remarks, and there is a running commentary that overtly sexualises women, dehumanises an entire section of our society and reduces an awful lot of women to the sum of their body parts — body parts that, ultimately, they do not own, because they end up another statistic.

At this point, I take the opportunity to send solidarity to our former colleague in the House, the Alliance MP, Sorcha Eastwood, for her incredibly brave statement the other day, which I am sure that many of you will have seen. It was so commendable for her to speak so openly about her experience, and I am sure that there is not a woman in the Building who will not have found herself relating to some of the words that Sorcha sadly expressed.

There is a duty on all of us to work together to end this phenomenon, and I am glad that the strategy is going to work.

Connie Egan (Alliance, North Down)

I stand today to make some of my first remarks in a debate in 2025. Despite it being the new year, we are unfortunately faced with the same problems. My colleagues and I are still filled with the same horror and concern at the epidemic of violence facing women and girls in Northern Ireland, which, in 2025, is still one of the most dangerous places to be a woman.

The Gillen review has made good progress over recent years despite the stop-start nature of our government, and I commend the work of Justice Minister, Naomi Long, in enabling her Department to deliver on that. I was pleased to learn recently in a Justice Committee meeting that 195 out of 253 recommendations from the Gillen review have been actioned or partially actioned, with plans to bring forward much of the remaining needed actions by the end of the mandate. The Gillen review action plan was published in 2020 and, since then, for two years of that time, the Assembly was down. It is welcome that we are making the progress that we need to make on the issue.

The motion deals substantively with two aspects of the Gillen review recommendations: pretrial jury education and the legal definition of "reasonable belief". I will respond to each of those separately in the limited time that I have.

It is imperative that we put in place a legal definition of "reasonable belief" to create an increasingly victim-centred definition of consent in the law. The Gillen review made a series of recommendations on how to improve the current definition of "reasonable belief" in the Sexual Offences (Northern Ireland) Order 2008. I welcome the fact that, although this matter is complex and needs to be sensitively considered, proposals are planned to be developed by the end of the mandate. A more informed definition of consent is key if we are to ensure that our legislation is inherently victim-centred and trauma-informed.

As the motion notes, the Gillen review also made recommendations on pretrial jury education. There is a lot of evidence to suggest that rape myths influence every stage of the criminal legislative process, and some individuals are likely to allow that to impact on their judgement while acting as jurors. Although it is crucial that there is some form of education, we must accept that a Minister cannot direct how the judiciary operates in the courtroom and that training for the judiciary is at the discretion of the Lady Chief Justice.

Stewart Dickson (Alliance, East Antrim)

I thank the Member for giving way. Does she agree, given that she referred the fact that judicial training is the key element in all this, that our judges need to have a clear understanding of what is front of them and that the Lady Chief Justice has a clear responsibility to ensure that that training is rolled out to all our judges?

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

The Member has an extra minute.

Connie Egan (Alliance, North Down)

Thank you. Yes, I absolutely agree and align myself with those comments.

Ultimately, we need a legal system that places victims at the centre. Hopefully, one thing that we can all agree on across the Chamber is that introducing pretrial education and reforming the definition of reasonable belief are steps that we can take to do so.

I have very little time, but I will touch on the wider issue of violence against women and girls. It is endemic in our society, and we need a whole-society approach to tackle it. It is an issue not just for the Department of Justice; the ending violence against women and girls strategy recognises that we need cross-departmental collaboration and initiatives across the Executive, local government and in our communities. Since 2020, 25 women have been murdered in Northern Ireland, and evidence shows that 98% of women have experienced at least one form of violence or abuse in their lifetime. That has to stop, and we all need to work together to end it.

Doug Beattie (UUP, Upper Bann)

Violence against women and girls and serious sexual offences in particular are an issue that we will have to face head-on. Lots of Members have mentioned the fact that it is a cross-departmental issue — it is not just for Justice but for Health, Education and the Executive Office. The framework for ending violence and abuse against women and girls is welcome. I added the word "abuse" because it is not just about violence; there is abuse as well. Violence starts with something else, and the word "abuse" needs to be added. However, in delivery, the Executive Office must be far more robust than what I am witnessing from it now. Throwing money to local councils to do something about ending violence against women and girls is, in principle, good practice. However, in reality, the councils are bidding for money without a joined-up plan on how best to use it. That makes it absolutely ineffectual, so we need to look at that.

The motion is absolutely welcome, and, of course, the Ulster Unionist Party will support it. It raises a couple of issues. For me, the first is education. Education is at the heart of how we deal with ending violence against women and girls. That education must be delivered at every level — in our schools, in our workplaces, to our public services and in various arms of government. Via education, it is important that young men — it is predominantly for young men but not confined to them — understand what sexual consent means. There can be no ambiguity and no blanket "reasonable belief" defence. There must be detail, guidance and legislation to assist our judiciary. Our judiciary needs compulsory continuous training if judges are to fully understand the issues faced by women and girls. Their language should reflect that understanding. We were all outraged by the judge who told a convicted sex offender to "find a wife" in his summing up. That was awful. There must be pretrial education for jurors on sexual offence trials or if there are any aspects of a trial that may include matters of a sexual nature. That pretrial training must be substantial and not a training package that says, "Watch a video". The judge must be curious about it.

The second issue is sentencing. We must use sentencing as a means of saying to people, "This is not acceptable". The processing time for sexual offences in Northern Ireland is approximately 675 days. Our criminal justice system is too slow and too weak, and we need to do something more. We need to stop talking about ending violence against women and girls —

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Your time is up.

Doug Beattie (UUP, Upper Bann)

— and start acting to stop violence against women and girls. Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Thank you, Doug.

Sinéad Ennis (Sinn Féin, South Down)

I thank the Members who tabled the motion for the opportunity to discuss this important topic. Violence against women and girls casts a long shadow over our society. It is a subject that we cannot afford to ignore, particularly here in the North where statistics are alarming and heartbreaking. As has been outlined, five more women and girls were murdered between October and December 2024. Violence against women is not just a private tragedy; it is a public crisis. Every act of abuse, whether it be physical, emotional or sexual, ripples through our families, our communities and our collective consciousness. In the North, police reports reveal the stark reality that incidents of domestic abuse are at a record level. That is not just a statistic; these are real lives: women waking up each day in fear; children growing up in households in which safety is a fragile dream; and communities struggling under the weight of silence and stigma. The impact is profound. Economically, the cost of gender-based violence drains resources from our health service, our justice system and our social care system; socially, it erodes trust and perpetuates inequality, reinforcing cycles of abuse that we are morally obliged to break; and emotionally, it leaves scars that linger for generations.

We must speak of hope, however, and we must give hope, because change is possible. Across the North, organisations, advocates and survivors are raising their voices to challenge outdated attitudes and demand better protections. We need to support them, not just with words but with actions. Like my colleague, I commend those who, inside and outside the Chamber, recently and previously, raised their voices and spoke about their experiences. I say to those who may not be able to speak about their experiences at this time that they will be believed and supported. That is why I am proud that Sinn Féin and the Executive have made ending violence against women and girls a priority. Michelle O'Neill recently outlined the Executive's delivery plan for that, which will be accompanied, in the first instance, by a £3 million fund for change.

Eradicating the scourge of violence against women and girls means having better education and robust legislation and ensuring that resources for prevention and support are prioritised. Above all, we need to confront the cultural underpinnings of such violence: the normalisation of misogyny, the silence that enables abuse and the lack of accountability for perpetrators. Let us never forget that every woman has the right to live free from fear. Every one of us has a role to play in making that a reality. Together, we can create a new society and a new Ireland in which violence against women is not just addressed but eradicated. I want my family, my sister, my friends, my colleagues and my daughters to live in a place where every woman feels valued, protected and empowered. I want that for myself as well. That is our right — it is the right of every woman — and we need to make sure that it is the reality for every woman.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Thank you, Sinéad.

Stephen Dunne (DUP, North Down)

I welcome the opportunity to speak on this important issue. The statistics around violence against women and girls are truly shocking and totally unacceptable. The sad reality is that the figures may not even be an accurate or up-to-date reflection of where we are with this terrible issue. The figures may not demonstrate the true scale of the problem, as, tragically, many cases of domestic and sexual abuse go unreported due to fear and coercive control. As has been said, not even a home is always a safe place. This issue is a scourge that cannot and must not be ignored. Every life lost, every harrowing account of an incident and every family left devastated by such acts of violence call us to act decisively. I hope that the measures that are being discussed today can have a positive impact on female and male victims of gender-based violence as we seek to eradicate a scourge that affects every corner of Northern Ireland.

The Justice Minister must take clear, affirmative action to ensure that our laws and the justice system are robust enough to protect victims, deliver justice and send a clear message that that kind of violence has no place in our society. A key part of the process is supportive measures that increase confidence amongst women and girls who are victims of such abuse to pursue prosecutions and bring perpetrators to justice. I welcome the work that has been undertaken by the Justice Department and the Executive Office, including the recent investment through the local change fund, which was announced this month, in collaboration with councils. That is a positive step forward and something on which to build.

Unfortunately, evidence from the Commissioner Designate for Victims of Crime through the recent victims' survey suggests that confidence in our criminal justice system is currently lacking, with 50% of victims reported as being "dissatisfied" or "very dissatisfied" with how they were treated. Meanwhile, 77% of those who responded to the survey reported that they were not given enough support during their court experience. Those startling realities are a reminder of the need to do better. The lack of support and confidence in our system will only discourage victims from coming forward. There is certainly a clear body of work to be done to improve everyone's experience of our justice system.

Our amendment, which was ably proposed by my colleague from East Belfast Joanne Bunting, seeks to ensure that any changes in approach are firmly grounded in careful assessment and prior consultation. Doing so will ensure that protections are improved for victims while maintaining the important right to a fair trial.

I acknowledge the valuable work carried out daily to support women who have experienced violence. I have seen in my constituency how valuable the live-saving and life-changing work of organisations such as Women's Aid is. Legislation alone cannot —

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Time is up.

Stephen Dunne (DUP, North Down)

— address the epidemic. Education, prevention and support services must go hand in hand with urgent legal reform.

Stewart Dickson (Alliance, East Antrim)

I thank the Opposition for bringing this important motion to the House today. We stand here confronted with a harsh truth: violence against women and girls in Northern Ireland is not just a problem; it is an epidemic. Statistics show that women in Northern Ireland will face at least one form of gender-based violence or abuse in their lifetime. More than two thirds will have at least one experience of unwanted sexual contact during higher education alone. That is a harrowing and shameful statistic. It represents a collective failure to educate perpetrators, protect survivors and deliver justice.

I send my best wishes to my party colleague the Justice Minister. As Members will know, she was struggling with a cold yesterday. She has shown remarkable leadership in this area. I thank her for the work that she has done. Her Department has overseen many critical reforms, particularly those from the Gillen review, which continues to address some of the failings of our justice system in handling serious sexual offences. The establishment of the sexual offences legal adviser has provided more than 2,000 adult survivors with vital access to legal advice and support. That will soon be extended to children, making sure that their voices are heard in the courtroom. The creation of remote evidence centres, which I visited during my tenure on the Justice Committee, has provided so many vulnerable witnesses, including children, with a safe and comfortable space in which to give their best evidence by video link. Those centres supported more than 300 people in 2024.

Those strides are in the right direction, but there is a long way to go. The Gillen review has laid bare the systemic issues and the changes that are needed to deliver justice and support for survivors, but some recommendations remain outstanding. Reforming the legal definition of "reasonable belief" in consent must be considered urgently. The current legislation fails to understand consent and leaves far too much room for ambiguity and dangerous assumptions. Likewise, we must do as much as we can to create a system that does not re-traumatise survivors or dismiss their experiences. The introduction of pretrial education is a vital step that must be prioritised. Myths and stereotypes continue to pervade public understanding and courtroom decisions. Educating jurors before they hear cases would be a simple but powerful step in ensuring that justice is based on facts rather than misconceptions.

The DUP amendment risks undermining the progress that has been made so far and further delaying the reforms that are so urgently needed. The Gillen review was built on extensive consultation with survivors, experts and stakeholders. Having more consultation at this stage would only further stall the urgent reforms that survivors deserve. Therefore —

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Time.

Stewart Dickson (Alliance, East Antrim)

— the Alliance Party and I cannot support the amendment today.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Time is up.

Stewart Dickson (Alliance, East Antrim)

Thank you very much, Principal Deputy Speaker.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Thank you, Stewart. I appreciate that.

Diana Armstrong (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

I welcome the motion that has been moved in the Chamber this morning. Many Members have articulated clearly the horrifying impact of violence against women and girls, but it is a societal issue that, even with the parameters of the Assembly, we cannot truly come to grips with.

Twenty-five women have been murdered in Northern Ireland since 2020. Worse than that, since 1996, 272 women in the Republic of Ireland have met a violent death, the most recent a woman in Ballyconnell. To her family I send my sincere sympathy. Those women are not just names; they were people with families, friends and lives to live that were brutally cut short. They must not be forgotten, and we must tackle the ever-rising rate of femicide. However, we cannot let emotions cloud our judgement. We must legislate carefully and ensure that what is done is practical and is not rushed and impotent.

The experience of female students at university here shows that 67% of that cohort have had at least one unwanted sexual experience. That is not to mention the many victims of spiking in clubs or bars or those who are catcalled and harassed in the street after dark. Those actions represent a vile and pervading misogynistic underbelly that is prevalent in society.

There has been a systematic failure to safeguard women and girls on such issues. Indeed, we have seen just recently how, in England, victims of grooming gangs have been failed by the refusal of the Labour Government to set up a public inquiry. It is imperative that we do not allow something as sick and gut-wrenching as organised grooming gangs to operate here. Those gangs and perpetrators of such heinous and depraved crimes must be apprehended and should face the full force of the law.

We desperately need transparency on what the Justice Ministry is doing to stop gender-based violence. That Ministry is the primary institution responsible for upholding justice and protecting citizens, so the answers must come from the Minister. Women and girls are terrified in their own homes and in their places of work and education. Those are places where women and girls should feel safe to flourish, but, instead, they must live in fear. In Northern Ireland, the PSNI receives a call related to domestic violence every 17 minutes. The onus of protecting women against violence and abuse has seemingly been left to women themselves. They police themselves on where they can and cannot go without someone knowing where they are or having someone go with them.

To address the amendment, there is a distinct need for consultation before implementation to ensure that pretrial jury education does not bias the jury. Moreover, consultation allows stakeholders and support groups to have input on important legislation, while providing educational content that is relevant and does not overwhelm jurors. There is a desperate need for consultation on the legal framework for reasonable belief in consent, as it can vary in interpretation, leading to inconsistencies in court rulings. Consultation helps to refine that definition —

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Time is up, Diana.

Diana Armstrong (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

— to ensure that it is clear on consent.

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

I rise to speak on this important SDLP motion calling for immediate actions to put an end to the scourge of violence against women and girls, a scourge that is rampant in our society. The North of Ireland is one of the least safe places to be a woman in all of Europe. That is frightening and shameful, yet, unfortunately, it is not surprising. Violence is embedded in the very fabric of our society, and that has contributed to 25 women being tragically murdered here in the past four years, in most cases by someone known to them. Figures on domestic and sexual abuse paint a similarly disturbing picture, and the experience of victims and survivors pursuing justice through the justice system is shaped by more trauma.

Significant resources have been put into reviews and strategies, and we know what is needed to improve the system, so why is it not being done? Almost six years since the Gillen review was published, we still wait for many of the recommendations to be fully implemented. The pace of change has been far too slow, and people here are facing the consequences of that inaction. The Gillen review calls for the defining of what does and does not constitute consent. I urge the Minister of Justice to bring forward the recommended changes to the existing legal definition of consent to ensure that victims of sexual violence are taken seriously and given the opportunity to pursue justice, unhindered by loose definitions of consent predicated on misogynistic stereotypes.

Similarly, rape myths are all too prevalent across our society. Those stereotypes pervade each step of the justice system and process from the moment that someone decides to come forward to report a crime to the moment that the jury issues a verdict. That is a direct barrier to justice. I would like to know why the Minister has not implemented the numerous recommendations in the report in order to tackle rape myths across society and, in particular, in the justice system. The overarching theme of the review was cultural reform. We must challenge the violent, misogynistic stereotyping and victim-blaming attitudes that are present through all levels of society and have fostered an environment that allows murder, domestic abuse and sexual abuse to take place.

I pay tribute to my colleagues in Newry, Mourne and Down District Council, who brought forward a motion on tackling violence against women and girls. Consequently, the council is leading with 16 training days this year to tackle the issue.

Finally, I want to highlight my concern about the low levels of investment in the ending violence against women and girls strategic framework. Serious reform is required to tackle the issue, yet only £3 million has been allocated thus far. That is totally inadequate given the severity of the issue, and I urge the relevant Executive parties and Departments to make sure that the strategy is fully funded so that it can be effective.

I finish by returning to the 25 women who have been murdered here since 2020. Those 25 women were mothers, daughters, sisters, friends and so much more. My heartfelt sympathies go out to the families of each of those women.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Your time is up, Justin.

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

Go raibh maith agat, a Phríomh-Leas-Cheann Comhairle.

[Translation: Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker.]

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

I appreciate that. Thank you very much.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

I preface my remarks by saying that I listened with some disbelief this morning to the Member from Sinn Féin pontificate about violence against women and girls. There was no such concern shown by the republican movement, which decided that an innocent woman in my constituency, Yvonne Dunlop, should die. There was no pretrial education for the killers of mother of 10, Jean McConville.

Members, we all know the name George Floyd. This Building was lit up in solidarity with the Black Lives Matter movement. We all know the name Stephen Lawrence. His family are to be commended for their fight for justice. How many in the Chamber know the names Lucy Lowe, Charlene Downes and Victoria Agoglia, who were all murdered by Pakistani rape gangs? When there was a chance to do something about that issue and call a public inquiry, what did the MPs from the parties represented in this House do? Sinn Féin, the SDLP, Alliance and three of the five DUP MPs were nowhere to be seen. The calls for a national inquiry into abuse by grooming gangs will, however, not go away, nor should they.

I have always been opposed to violence against women and girls. That is not something that the First Minister can bring herself to say. I tabled a question for written answer on 24 September 2024 asking the First Minister and deputy First Minister:

" in light of the publication of the Strategic Framework to End Violence Against Women and Girls, for their assessment of whether violence against women and girls in the period between 1969 and 1998 was wrong."

The reply came back two months later:

"All violence against women and girls is wrong."

Members, I am still waiting for an update on a follow-up question, which asked them to provide an answer in the past tense.

That said, I want to explain why I will oppose the motion. My opposition relates to its call for the introduction of pretrial jury education. Jury independence is of paramount importance. Pretrial jury education smacks of trying to shape jury thinking, as per the educator. Importantly, juries in sex cases already get special direction. For example, a juror cannot infer anything from how the victim was dressed. In addition, those juries, like every jury, are directed on the law by the judge before they retire to consider their verdict.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Will the Member give way?

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

Yes.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Does the Member see the contradiction in what he has just said? He said that he does not believe in pretrial education, but he then said that judges direct juries in every criminal trial. Is it not the case that there is, by definition, instruction and education for jurors in every trial? Our motion calls for that to be enhanced, as does the Gillen review.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

The Member has an extra minute.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

I thank the Member for his intervention. The difference is that it is up to the judge to direct within the legal setting rather than somebody who can put their own slant on it. It is carefully managed in the courtroom by the judge, which is not what the motion calls for. There is no stipulation or guidance on what pretrial education would look like. The Member fails to recognise that something being dressed up as education would be in danger of colouring the thinking of the jury, thereby diminishing the independence that comes from the life experience of its members. I want to see an end to violence against women and girls, but I am not in favour of meddling with our tried and tested jury system.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

The next speaker is Gerry Carroll. Gerry, I advise that you have two minutes.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker.

I support the motion. As Members have said, we should be horrified and outraged that 42 women have been murdered in the North in the past eight years. It should be a source of shame for the Executive that no meaningful progress has been made on tackling gender-based violence, the epidemic of which is, unfortunately, getting worse. In 2023 alone, more than 33,000 domestic abuse incidents were recorded. Lip service from Executive parties will not cut it. Women deserve so much more than aspirational —.

Nuala McAllister (Alliance, Belfast North)

Will the Member give way?

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

Yes, I will give way.

Nuala McAllister (Alliance, Belfast North)

Will the Member recognise that legislation that was introduced in the previous mandate has brought about significant change as a result of the offences with which we can now charge perpetrators? Non-fatal strangulation is just one example. Although I recognise that he is passionate about the issue, as we all are, we must give credit where credit is due to members of the Executive. I am talking not just about the Minister of Justice —

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

OK. Interventions are meant to be brief.

Nuala McAllister (Alliance, Belfast North)

— taking the issue seriously.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Excuse me. Interventions are meant to be brief. Unfortunately, Gerry, there is not enough time left in the debate to award you an extra minute.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

Change has been slow. That is all that I will say, because I have limited time.

I send my solidarity to all women who have been impacted on by violence and threatening and abusive behaviour, including women in the Building who have spoken out in recent days such as the MP for Lagan Valley.

We need to be careful about focusing our language on racial minorities and on thoughts or perceptions that people from the Muslim or Asian communities are perhaps more predisposed to committing violence against women. That is nonsense. It is factually incorrect. It is dangerous language to use and a dangerous road to go down. Across these islands, perpetrators are more likely to be white and, as the Member opposite said, more likely to be a family member or known to the victim. People should therefore be careful about the language that they use in the debate.

Any serious plans to end violence against women and girls must be clearly targeted at the root of gender-based violence. Deep-rooted, institutional misogyny stems from old ideas about women and their bodies being the personal property of men. Those ideas, as outdated as they seem, are —

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Gerry.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

— still being reinforced by the system today.

I have plenty more to say, but, unfortunately, time is against me.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Yes, unfortunately, it is. Apologies about that. The Business Committee agreed the time that is allowed for the debate.

Junior Minister Reilly, you have 10 minutes in which to respond to the debate.

Aisling Reilly (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

Go raibh maith agat, a Phríomh-Leas-Cheann Comhairle.

[Translation: Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker.]

I am responding to the debate on behalf of the Minister of Justice, and I wish her well. I know that she will be back in the Chamber as soon as she can.

The Minister is grateful to the leader of the Opposition for tabling the important motion that is before the House. On the DUP amendment, I can confirm that it is the Minister's intention to consult on proposals to clarify the legal definition of what constitutes "reasonable belief in consent" before the end of the current mandate. On pretrial jury education, resources are already available to assist and educate jurors, including written guidance on their legal responsibilities, on contempt of court and on the laws around their use of social media. The judiciary also provides oral directions on social media use and on rape myths. The Minister will continue to keep under review whether further actions and/or resources could enhance jury education and will consult as appropriate.

The Minister wants to make it absolutely clear that all violence against women and girls is completely unacceptable, and she knows that all Members are deeply appalled by the increase in violence against women in recent months. There must be a collective effort from across society and across all Departments, not just Justice, to address the issues. That is why it is right that we in the Executive Office have lead responsibility for the delivery of the strategic framework for ending violence against women and girls.

The Department of Justice has an important contribution to make, however. It is making that contribution, particularly through its work to address domestic and sexual abuse and through its delivery of the Gillen review recommendations. The domestic and sexual abuse strategy, which was launched in September 2024, sets out a range of specific actions that are intended to create lasting change and, fundamentally, to keep those who are at risk from domestic and sexual abuse, including women and girls, safer. Clearly, there is interdependence between that work and the Executive Office's strategic framework for ending violence against women and girls. The Justice Minister will ensure that her Department continues to work in partnership with TEO and other Departments to deliver positive change.

For the First Minister, the deputy First Minister, junior Minister Cameron and me, ending violence against women and girls has been a day-1 priority. We are determined to work with our Executive colleagues and with the groups and organisations that already do sterling work on the ground to end the scourge of violence, harm and abuse that has an impact right across our society. The motion focuses particularly on the delivery of the Gillen review programme. That is a critical programme of change that will deliver vital measures for victims of serious sexual offences. We know that women and girls are affected disproportionately, but not exclusively, by such offences.

Of course, the vision set out in the Gillen review cannot be achieved solely by the Department of Justice. The review envisaged societal change that needs a collaborative, cross-Executive response, involving Education and Health and cutting across the Executive Office's responsibility to end violence against women and girls. That collective approach and collective responsibility underpin the Executive's work to build a changed society where women and girls feel safe and are safe everywhere. Collaboration is essential for us to start to build the transformative change that is needed to achieve that aim. The Justice Minister is fully committed to the implementation of the review, and good progress has been made in partnership with others. The focus has been on progressing the recommendations that have the most beneficial impact on victims. In spite of the challenges, DOJ has introduced many measures, services and reforms that deliver real and meaningful improvements for victims of sexual crime.

In practical terms, what is different now? The justice system can be disorientating and difficult to understand, so complainants in sexual offence cases are now able to access new supports, including a domestic and sexual abuse advocacy service and the sexual offences legal adviser (SOLA) scheme, that help to inform and empower complainants by providing a free legal service. The SOLA scheme has helped almost 2,000 complainants to date, and feedback has been overwhelmingly positive. The Justice Minister plans to build on that service by establishing equivalent support for child victims — that service should launch next month — and by legislating to clarify complainants' rights to pretrial third-party legal representation. That would allow SOLAs to represent them in the courtroom in order to object to the disclosure of their private material or the introduction of their previous sexual history.

Many victims say that the most stressful aspect of their criminal justice experience is standing up in a courtroom to give evidence. The Department of Justice has been working to reduce that trauma. New legislation is in place to protect victim anonymity and to exclude members of the public from the courtroom during serious sexual offence trials. In addition, remote evidence facilities have been established in Belfast and Craigavon to reduce trauma and provide a less intimidating, secure venue for giving evidence away from the courthouse. Promotion of the remote evidence centres has led to an increase of over 600% in bookings last year compared with 2023. While it is still early days, it is also noteworthy that, in the past calendar year to 1 November, the conviction rate for completed trials where the witness had opted to use one of the facilities was 92%. Almost half of those convictions were by guilty plea, without the need for the victim to give oral evidence at the trial. The use of the Belfast remote evidence centre for domestic abuse contests has proved equally successful, with, again, a conviction rate of over 90%.

Under the disclosure improvement plan, the PSNI and PPS have led work to improve the operation of the disclosure process, and that is making a significant difference. Training has been delivered to prosecutors and police officers, and new file standards have been agreed. As a result, the volume of prosecution files returned to the PSNI for failing requirements dropped from an average of almost 78% in 2020 to about 11% in 2024. Further measures are planned, and the Department of Justice is consulting on legislative proposals to regulate the disclosure process and enhance protections relating to the disclosure of private information in serious sexual offence cases.

Separate work through a judge-led under-13s protocol is reducing delay in cases that involve young children, which helps to reduce retraumatisation and to allow children to start their recovery journey sooner. Criminal justice organisations that are participating in the protocol have agreed to seek to expedite similar cases involving witnesses aged under 16 years across all court divisions. Wider work that is also improving the experience of child complainants includes dedicated child-friendly remote evidence centre facilities, the imminent launch of children's sexual offence legal advisers and work on improvement in achieving best evidence (ABE). ABE interview training has improved with input from registered intermediaries, child psychologists and members of the legal profession. Appropriate interview suites have also been refurbished, with children's toys or props available where required. An ABE cadre of police officers and social care staff was piloted and proved beneficial.

Other measures are designed to deliver a cultural and organisational change, again to benefit victims. They include the development and roll-out of a trauma-informed training framework to enhance the understanding, skills and sensitivity of those who work with victims of sexual crime in the criminal justice system. The Department of Justice has also worked with the PSNI and the Executive Office to develop a campaign to tackle the underpinning behaviours and attitudes that can fuel sexual offending and gender-based violence. The Minister of Justice anticipates that the campaign will launch later this month.

The motion specifically cites recommendations that relate to reforming the laws around the defence of reasonable belief and introducing pretrial jury education. The Minister of Justice supports the conclusion that legislative steps need to be taken to underpin the key principle of consent as defined in article 3 of the Sexual Offences (Northern Ireland) Order 2008, which states:

"a person consents if he agrees by choice, and has the freedom and capacity to make that choice."

The review made a number of recommendations as to how that might be achieved. It remains the Minister's intention to develop relevant policy and legislative proposals before the end of the current mandate.

On pretrial jury education, the review specifically recommended that the judiciary should give clear directions to jurors about the use of social media during trials. While the judiciary is wholly independent, officials in the Department of Justice have engaged extensively with the Lady Chief Justice's office to work collectively on a number of the Gillen recommendations in that area. The Lady Chief Justice's office has advised that guidance on the matter is provided in the judicial bench book, which contains specimen directions for judges to give to the jury.

The Lady Chief Justice has statutory responsibility for the provision of training for the independent judiciary, and judges have received specific training on the matter. It is standard practice for judges to give clear and concise direction to jurors on their legislative obligations on the first day of the trial and as required at the conclusion of each day's hearing. As previously mentioned, the Lady Chief Justice has a statutory responsibility for judicial training and, in relation to raising a jury's awareness of rape myths, the Lady Chief Justice's office has advised that judicial training on such matters is regularly delivered and refreshed. The judiciary provides oral directions about rape myths at the start of sexual offence trials. Those instructions are straightforward and cover everything required. Judges will also intervene during a trial as appropriate.

Mar fhocal scoir, a Phríomh-Leas-Cheann Comhairle

[Translation: Finally, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker]

, I reiterate my condemnation of all violence against women and girls. I reaffirm the Minister of Justice's commitment to working with Executive colleagues and other partners to end violence against women and girls and safeguard all those who are at risk from harm. Violence against women and girls is wrong and has no place in our society, and there is something that everyone can do to stop it. It can affect anyone in villages, towns and cities right across our society. My thoughts are with those who have lost their lives to this horrendous epidemic, but also with those who suffer from it every single day. We see you, we hear you, and we will work together to change our society for the better.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Go raibh maith agat as sin.

[Translation: Thank you for that.]

Thank you, junior Minister.

I call Maurice Bradley to make a winding-up speech on the amendment. I advise Maurice that he has three minutes.

Maurice Bradley (DUP, East Londonderry)

Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. I support the DUP amendment on the serious issue of violence against women and girls. I highlight the fact that it is a societal problem that must never be tolerated, and it is our collective responsibility to protect the victims.

Legal reforms must be carefully considered, evidence-based and balanced to ensure fairness for victims and the accused. Sexual crime cases often face low conviction rates and difficult legal processes, but progress is being made and there are increasing conviction rates. The focus should be on fair, transparent justice and not just statistics. Education is vital to challenge harmful rape myths, but interventions must be carefully calibrated to reflect juror attitudes. Delays in sexual offence cases cause further harm to the victims. The justice system must be reformed to address inefficiencies and reduce those delays. The laws around consent must be clear and fair for all parties and developed through consultation with victims, legal experts and the accused. Any legal changes, particularly to the reasonable belief defence, must consider the rights of defendants, ensuring a fair and balanced justice system.

Many Members have highlighted the disgust that abides in the Chamber around the issue of violence against women and girls. Sinéad McLaughlin called for greater education to ensure confidence in the justice system. Emma Sheerin made a passionate plea for the case that Northern Ireland is the most unsafe place in Europe and highlighted the fact that 25 women have lost their lives since 2020. Connie Egan said that problems still exist and that, while the Gillen review is welcome, it needs further implementation, and she called for more judicial training. Doug Beattie called for a cross-departmental approach to dealing with the problem, and said that he would add the word "abuse" to the heading "violence against women and girls". He talked about the importance of early education. Sinéad Ennis highlighted the unwelcome shadow of violence and domestic abuse and the effect that it has on children and families across Northern Ireland. She called for the safety of all women and girls throughout the province.

Stephen Dunne highlighted the number of incidents that go unreported because of fear. According to Stewart Dickson, violence against women and girls is an epidemic: I agree. He called for a collective effort to tackle the failure to firmly take on violence against women and girls. Diana Armstrong highlighted the failure to tackle violence against women and girls and the misogynistic mindset across Northern Ireland, where women live in fear in their own home, in workplaces and in society in general. Justin McNulty made another passionate plea and called for an immediate end to the scourge of violence against women and girls. He criticised the slowness in implementing the Gillen report. Timothy Gaston highlighted historical violence against women and girls and the lack of movement in recognising it.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Maurice, your time is up.

Maurice Bradley (DUP, East Londonderry)

I apologise for Gerry, because he did not have much time either.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Thank you. I call Matthew O'Toole to conclude and wind up the debate on the motion. Matthew, you have five minutes.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

I thank all those who participated in the first of today's Opposition day motions on violence against women and girls. It has been said repeatedly during the debate that we face a crisis in this society: that is true. I thank all those who participated in the debate and commend colleagues for the seriousness and depth with which the debate was conducted. I will not go through every point that was made, but I will tackle a few.

First, I want to reflect on the depth of the crisis that we face and what it means for our society, our people, ourselves and our families. A lot of the most impassioned people to speak on the subject are, necessarily, women. Female MLAs have spoken today with extraordinary intensity, as Sorcha Eastwood did in the House of Commons last week. My colleague Sinéad McLaughlin opened the debate. Emma Sheerin spoke with immense insight and passion, as she has done many times in the Chamber. Joanne Bunting, Connie Egan and Diana Armstrong gave passionate speeches. Diana spoke about the most recent victim of the horrendous epidemic of femicide on this island in Ballyconnell in County Cavan, which is near where she represents.

It is important that male politicians and men in general also speak about the subject, because, in many ways, men and male behaviour are at the root of many of the problems. It is important that we speak sincerely and honestly about the seriousness of the challenges and what we need to do to overcome them. Today's motions are about tackling the range of policy interventions that we can make, some of which are covered in the violence against women and girls strategy and others are not.

As a husband and father, I think that it is sometimes important to reflect on the matter at a personal level. I was having a conversation with my wife recently about something as mundane as going running and taking exercise. We live in south-east Belfast, quite close to Cregagh glen, which is just on the border of my constituency and that of Joanne Bunting. I was encouraging my wife, who is no shrinking violet, to go for a run or a walk in Cregagh glen. If you have not been to it, I can say that it is a lovely little glen just off the ring road. I sometimes go there for a run. It is a great place to clear your head at lunchtime. She said casually, "I wouldn't, because I would feel a bit exposed going there alone." That stopped me in my tracks. I thought, "Jeez, this is not something that I ever have to think about". In a couple of months' time, my wife will give birth, and we are going to have a baby daughter. It really makes you stop, pause and think, not just as a politician but as somebody who has a wife and will soon have a daughter, about the extent of the crisis of violence against women that we face.

Twenty-five people since 2020 have lost their life. They are not just statistics. They are Natalie McNally, an activist, an Armagh fan and a passionate, brilliant campaigner; in County Offaly, Ashling Murphy, a primary-school teacher; Annie Heyneman, who has just lost her life in County Cavan; and Karen Cummings, the nurse from Banbridge who lost her life. They are not statistics or dry abstract numbers; they are real people who had lives that were taken away from them cruelly.

Our motion today calls for the implementation of two specific parts of the Gillen review. One is on reform of the reasonable belief defence. I welcome the fact that the junior Minister has confirmed that the Justice Minister will consult on taking action on that. I acknowledge that the Justice Minister was suffering from a cold yesterday, so it is fair enough that she is not here today. I asked her a question late last year and have not received a response, but I am glad that we have some confirmation that we will see reform of that issue.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

Will the Member give way?

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

I do not think that I will get an extra minute, and I have a few things to get through.

I welcome that confirmation from the junior Minister.

A number of points were made about pretrial jury education. It is critical that, in our justice system, we retain free and fair trial processes and that the judiciary has discretion, but that happens already. It has to be said that a few particularly lurid comments were made about that, particularly by Mr Gaston. Judges give direction; jurors are given education. That was reflected on in the Gillen review. The justice system is the downstream part of the policy intervention in the crisis that we face, but there are real things that we can do. Our motion calls for specific, overdue action to implement them. Justice Gillen is not some left-wing, trendy academic; he is a former Appeal Court judge. They are serious, practical proposals. Let us get on with them.

This is the first of our motions today. I am a little concerned about the DUP amendment —

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Time is up, Matthew.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

— because we have had a lot of consultation in this area. We commend the motion, and I thank all of those who spoke today for the seriousness with which they approached the subject.

Question put, That the amendment be made.

The Assembly divided:

Ayes 31; Noes 47

AYES

Dr Aiken, Mr Allen, Ms D Armstrong, Mr Beattie, Mr Bradley, Mr Brett, Mr Brooks, Ms Brownlee, Mr K Buchanan, Mr T Buchanan, Mr Buckley, Ms Bunting, Mr Butler, Mrs Cameron, Mr Chambers, Mr Clarke, Mr Crawford, Mrs Dodds, Mr Dunne, Mrs Erskine, Ms Forsythe, Mr Frew, Mr Givan, Mr Harvey, Mr Irwin, Mr Kingston, Mrs Little-Pengelly, Mr Lyons, Miss McIlveen, Mr Robinson, Mr Stewart

Tellers for the Ayes: Mr Bradley, Ms Bunting

NOES

Dr Archibald, Ms K Armstrong, Mr Baker, Mr Blair, Mr Boylan, Ms Bradshaw, Mr Carroll, Mr Delargy, Mr Dickson, Ms Dolan, Mr Donnelly, Mr Durkan, Ms Egan, Ms Ennis, Ms Ferguson, Ms Flynn, Mr Gaston, Mr Gildernew, Miss Hargey, Mr Honeyford, Ms Hunter, Mr Kelly, Ms Kimmins, Mr McAleer, Miss McAllister, Mr McCrossan, Mr McGlone, Mr McGrath, Mr McGuigan, Ms McLaughlin, Mr McMurray, Mr McNulty, Mr McReynolds, Mrs Mason, Mr Mathison, Mr Muir, Ms Mulholland, Ms Á Murphy, Mr C Murphy, Ms Nicholl, Mr O'Dowd, Mr O'Toole, Ms Reilly, Mr Sheehan, Ms Sheerin, Ms Sugden, Mr Tennyson

Tellers for the Noes: Mr McGrath, Ms McLaughlin

Question accordingly negatived.

Main Question put and agreed to.

Resolved:

That this Assembly expresses horror at the epidemic of violence against women and girls in Northern Ireland; expresses regret that several recommendations made in the Gillen review 'Report into the law and procedures in serious sexual offences in Northern Ireland', particularly those relating to reforming laws around the defence of reasonable belief and to introducing pretrial jury education, have not been implemented; and calls on the Minister of Justice to introduce pretrial jury education and to bring forward legislation to reform the legal definition of reasonable belief, in line with the Gillen review, by the end of the 2022-27 mandate.

Cara Hunter (Social Democratic and Labour Party, East Londonderry)

I beg to move

That this Assembly expresses alarm at the growing issue of online violence against women and girls, particularly the increasing use of deepfake imagery; notes that deepfake abuse disproportionately targets women, with studies indicating that over 90% of non-consensual deepfake imagery involves female victims; acknowledges that current legislative frameworks are unfit in addressing emerging forms of online abuse, such as deepfake technology; calls on the Minister of Justice to commission a comprehensive review of existing criminal law on online violence against women and girls to ensure that all forms of abuse are adequately captured and dealt with; and further calls on the Minister to write to the Secretary of State for Culture, Media and Sport and the Secretary of State for Science, Innovation and Technology, requesting a clear timeline for the introduction of legislation to adequately criminalise deepfake abuse.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Thank you, Cara. The Business Committee has agreed to allow up to one hour for the debate. The proposer of the motion will have five minutes to propose and five minutes to make a winding-up speech. As an amendment has been selected and published on the Marshalled List, the Business Committee has agreed that eight minutes will be added to the total time for debate.

Before I invite you to open the debate, I inform the Assembly again that the Minister of Justice is not available to be in the Chamber today due to illness. Junior Minister Cameron will respond on behalf of the Executive. Cara, please open the debate on the motion.

Cara Hunter (Social Democratic and Labour Party, East Londonderry)

Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. I welcome the opportunity to address these critical and timely issues, which not only affect survivors and victims but act as a threat to our democracy. I rise to discuss the need to regulate deepfakes, a technology that has moved from the realm of novelty to become a tool for harm, exploitation and, of course, deception.

I welcome the fact that, in recent weeks, the British Government have moved by announcing plans to change the law to address the malicious use of the technology. While that is a step in the right direction, we cannot wait to have that law brought forward, nor can we afford to wait. We need action now, and we need to keep the pressure on to ensure that there is immediate implementation. The words from the mouth of the British Government are "when time allows", but that language will offer little comfort to victims and survivors and future victims of the malicious use of the technology.

Deepfakes are manipulated digital content that appears to be real. They are being used to humiliate, exploit and, of course, intimidate, targeting women in particular. They are so easily made — in mere seconds — through the click of a button on an app. A recent survey found that 96% of deepfake videos are non-consensual pornography. In the UK, a 2023 report stated that image-based abuse, particularly deepfake creation, is up 80% over the past three years. That rise really underscores the urgent need for our legal framework to catch up with technological advancements. Without adequate protections, victims are left vulnerable, while perpetrators will continue to act with impunity.

The harm caused by deepfakes goes far beyond individual cases. Deepfakes are a threat to the sanctity of our democracy. Doctored videos of politicians and other public figures spread misinformation, eroding trust in institutions and the people in those institutions and, of course, influencing elections. In a study by the UK's Centre for Data Ethics and Innovation (CDEI), 62% of people expressed concern that deepfakes could manipulate our political outcomes. Democracy relies on truth, and deepfakes distort truth. The longer we delay, the more vulnerable we become to that insidious threat.

I am mindful that aspects of the law to do with communication are reserved, but let me say what we can do. Although the Minister of Justice is not in the Chamber today, I really believe that, in our devolved institution, we can make the changes that can help support victims and push for action against perpetrators. I call on the Justice Minister in Northern Ireland to treat the issue with the urgency that it rightfully demands. First, we need to ensure that sentences for those who create and distribute harmful deepfakes are robust and can act as a firm deterrent. Victims deserve justice, and perpetrators must face real consequences for their horrific actions. Secondly, we ask the Justice Minister to commission a comprehensive review of existing criminal law on online violence against women and girls to ensure that all forms of abuse are adequately dealt with. The review must include investing in cybercrime technology and resources for the PSNI so that it has the capacity to tackle that growing issue effectively. Sadly, only 15% of UK police forces have dedicated cybercrime units. That shows the glaring gap in our ability to respond to the ever-growing technological threats.

We are really failing people, particularly women. They are really on their own with this one, and I feel strongly that that is just not good enough. We must recognise the need for investment in cybercrime units to ensure that law enforcement has the tools and the expertise to tackle the ongoing problem. The technology is advancing rapidly, so our capacity to combat it must advance just as quickly. That means that we need adequate training, resources and collaboration with tech experts to stay ahead of those who seek to use the technology maliciously. I am particularly concerned about how it can be used to harm children, so that is something important to include in today's debate. We need to step up, be firm and show perpetrators who maliciously use such tech that they will be dealt with. Sentencing here must be a strong deterrent.

Lastly, I urge the Minister of Justice to write to the Secretary of State for Science, Innovation and Technology and the Secretary of State for Justice demanding a clear timeline for the introduction of legislation to criminalise deepfake abuse adequately. It is not a problem that respects borders, so our response must be unified, swift and comprehensive. Across Europe, there are AI centres that provide support for victims of deepfakes. We must see those changes and supports, with ethics, in Northern Ireland in the Artificial Intelligence Collaboration Centre (AICC), which is currently being developed. AI has incredible potential. It can be used for good, but we must use our devolved powers to stamp out malicious use.

Today, every one of us is speaking up against online violence and harm against women and girls, so I urge every Member to support our motion.

Connie Egan (Alliance, North Down)

I beg to move the following amendment:

Leave out all after "deepfake technology;" and insert: "recognises that online communication is a reserved matter; welcomes the UK Government's recent announcement that they intend to make a new criminal offence for creating or sharing sexually explicit deepfake imagery; and calls on the First Minister and deputy First Minister to work with the UK Government, on behalf of the Executive, to ensure that these changes are implemented quickly and in a way that adequately protects women and girls in Northern Ireland from this type of online violence."

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Thank you. You will have five minutes in which to propose the amendment and three minutes in which to make a winding-up speech. All other Members who are called to speak will have three minutes.

Connie Egan (Alliance, North Down)

Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. I rise again to speak about the horrendous violence facing women in Northern Ireland, in the rest of the UK and much further afield. Online spaces, apps and social media have become part of our everyday life. We use them every day, whether for work or for connecting with friends and family. I know, however, that I am not the only person in the Chamber who has sincere and deeply felt concerns about how spaces on the internet are being used to torment, humiliate and cause harm to women and girls.

In 2021, research exposed that one in three women in the UK has experienced online abuse at some point in her life. That is only being compounded, and we need to act quickly. I sincerely thank the SDLP and Cara Hunter, in particular, for shining a light on this, particularly deepfake imagery. I commend her bravery for speaking on this topic. It is something that I know is deeply personal to her. I also thank Diane Forsythe, who shared her experience of being targeted with online abuse during the 2022 Assembly election. Both are horrendous experiences that should not have happened and that they should not have had to endure.

I stand here to present the amendment, not at all to dilute the contents of the motion but, instead, to try to strengthen its place within the Executive's ongoing work on the strategic framework to end violence against women and girls. Responsibility for tackling the online abuse of women and girls lies across the entirety of our Executive, and tackling this horrific misogyny is something that our Justice Minister has prioritised since taking office. We must work together on this cross-cutting issue, not just by creating robust legislation that criminalises such heinous acts but by taking a whole-society approach to change the growing culture of acceptance. We need to show leadership, embed prevention, deter those who create this imagery and protect victims.

Additionally, the amendment seeks to recognise that online communication is a reserved matter and that it should be placed with the First Minister and deputy First Minister, on behalf of the Executive, to liaise with the UK Government to ensure that changes are made as quickly as possible. I hope that Members across the Chamber will support the amendment.

The current legislative frameworks that deal with emerging forms of online abuse are clearly unfit for purpose and not victim-centred. We need coherent and unified legislation that is aimed at online activity. As the motion reflects, we welcome the recent commitments from the UK Government to introduce legislation on deepfake imagery, particularly deepfake pornography. Artificial intelligence has grown and learnt at an alarming pace, becoming more and more accessible to the everyday person each year. It has become extremely sophisticated, and, through that, it is hard to decipher what is real and what is not. The hyperrealistic falsification of images, video and audio poses a sincere threat to how we perceive and protect what is real. Between 2022 and 2023, the amount of deepfake pornography created increased by 464%. That quickening pace of development does not have adequate legislation to get ahead of it. The issue of deepfakes, as the motion correctly infers, is entirely gendered, with 96% of deepfakes online being non-consensual fake videos of women. It is one of the most recent ways to degrade, humiliate and harass women online.

We all have a role to ensure that legislation and its accompanying actions are victim-centred. Its being funnelled and coordinated through the ending violence against women and girls programme board will allow a coordinated approach that results in long-lasting culture change. Right now, instead, we see organisations in the community and voluntary sector, such as Women's Aid, Nexus and all those in our communities, bear the brunt and consequences and the impact that this has on victims. We need comprehensive legislation, and we need to work with the UK Government to get increased detail on the contents of their proposed law. Also, in light of our shortened mandate, working with the UK Government is the best and most effective way to create change. We need a consistent approach, because, all in all, this is about ending the exploitation and abuse of power to punish people, usually women and children, for merely daring to exist.

The solutions cannot be asking women to change their behaviour or just not engage online, as that makes us complicit in taking away the autonomy of those across our society. We need to permeate prevention across our culture, changing it to one that overwhelmingly finds this unacceptable.

Deirdre Hargey (Sinn Féin, Belfast South)

These are important topics that we are discussing here in the Chamber today. Indeed, online abuse and the use of cyber-flashing, catfishing, targeted abuse and the emergence of the use of deepfake imagery is extremely concerning. We know that with the advancement of technology and, indeed, artificial intelligence, their use has become more widespread and often more sinister.

I have been raising the issue of fast-emerging technology at the Justice Committee and have been asking what the Department and the Minister are doing to respond to these advancements. The impacts are devastating to their victims and have profound consequences that can often be long-lasting. The use of deepfake imagery is an extremely deep form of abuse that violates the intended victim and survivor, often impacting on their safety and well-being. It is perpetrated without consent and often involves the sharing of sexually explicit images that have been altered. Often, the victims and survivors do not know the identity of the sender. The concerns around online abuse are amplified by the fact that it disproportionately targets women and young girls. That amplifies what we heard during the previous debate on the increase in violence against women and girls.

We live in a society where technology is an ever-increasing part of our lives and work. Many of us cannot do without our phones or our laptops. It is essential to understand that technology is now being used to further target people, with the aim of discrediting or undermining them or to perpetrate sinister and violent actions virtually. We know that it does not stop with the virtual world. The impacts reach beyond that to harassment and sometimes death. We saw that last year in the case of Alexander McCartney, who was behind one of the largest catfishing cases to date, which impacted on over 3,500 people throughout the world and involved the extreme sexual abuse of children and the manslaughter of a 12-year-old girl. That is how sinister and far-reaching the action can be.

We need to ensure that our laws are equipped to deal with such incidents and can respond to advances in the technology, whether they are reserved or devolved matters. It is also essential to have an ongoing review and to look at best practice. Alongside that, we need more robust adherence to guidelines by social media companies, and we need to ensure that there is robust enforcement if they fail in their duty to protect people. Wider strategies are important, including the ending violence against women and girls strategy, which is being led by TEO but is a wider Executive strategy for all Ministers and Departments. Indeed, all of us in the Chamber and in society have a duty to drive systemic change and promote grassroots support and education.

Joanne Bunting (DUP, Belfast East)

The internet is a great thing when it is used for good. However, it has also brought about and normalised some of the worst behaviours in human nature. The problem has worsened exponentially as technology has improved. That improvement, coupled with the advancement of AI, must be harnessed before things that are now out of control grow beyond any control.

The inception of social media brought about the horrific abuse of those who do not share the views of the ubiquitous trolls. Frequently, the aim is to intimidate, to embarrass and, ultimately, to silence. In the past few years, the situation has plumbed a whole new level of low. It is critical that there is action without delay before nothing meaningful can be done. For too long, the online world has been a deeply unpleasant place where people abuse others to the extreme, usually behind a cloak of anonymity. No one should be expected to accept that kind of disgusting abuse, particularly the vulgar abuse that is targeted at many females.

The DUP wants to see an improved response to the many forms of technology-facilitated abuse against women online. Far too many women and girls have experienced violence and harassment, including online, due to their sex. Indeed, shockingly, a 2023 study by Security Hero showed a 550% rise in deepfake pornographic videos since 2019, and evidence shows that these videos target women. Deepfake videos degrade, demean and deceive. During the most-recent Assembly election, some female candidates were subject to horrendously offensive deepfake content. In addition to the personal trauma that that will cause for our colleagues in elected politics and their families, it is concerning and sinister that such content may be used to attempt to influence the outcome of an election.

Technology to create explicit deepfakes without consent is readily available, with research showing that one in every three deepfake tools allows you to create deepfake pornography. That means that someone with access to the internet who has a clear photo of a person's face can make a deepfake video of them in less than 25 minutes. The pace of development with generative AI is concerning, and we must be in no doubt that the impact of its misuse could and likely will be far-reaching, including in cases of child sexual abuse, where the National Crime Agency (NCA) and the police cannot distinguish between an image of a real child and a generated image. Progress has been made on strengthening the police and legal response by including four new offences in the Justice (Sexual Offences and Trafficking Victims) Act (Northern Ireland) 2022. However, the pace at which technology advances is staggering, so we must ensure that the police have the means to tackle online abuse in all its forms and that our legislation keeps pace with technological progress in order to avoid loopholes. It will be important for there to be a comprehensive review of existing laws across Northern Ireland and the rest of the UK so that where there are gaps, what more could and should be done and what best practice is on and beyond our shores can be established.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Joanne, your time is up

Joanne Bunting (DUP, Belfast East)

Thank you.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Thank you very much. Sorry about that.

Diana Armstrong (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

I thank the Opposition for bringing the motion to the House. As others outlined, deepfake imagery is an image-based form of sexual abuse that has a horrific impact, as it is a deeply violating form of abuse that is predominantly targeted at women and girls. Cases of online violence and non-consensual deepfake imagery have escalated in an online environment where social media platforms' mechanisms to remove content offer limited redress to victims only after the harm has occurred. That results in profound mental and psychological distress for victims and impacts on their safety and well-being.

It is welcome that the British Government have responded to that form of abuse by indicating that, in addition to the Online Safety Act 2023, they will introduce the crime and policing Bill later this year, which will create a new offence of an individual taking intimate images without consent. Very often, victims have not consented to images and are not aware that they are being circulated. Threats to share the images with family and friends often lead to the further exploitation of victims and a sense of violation. The aim of the Bill will be to criminalise such behaviour so that the perpetrators can be caught and brought to justice. I support the call in the amendment to the motion for the First Minister and deputy First Minister to work with the UK Government, on behalf of the Executive, to ensure that the new legislation protects victims of online abuse through the inclusion of appropriate sentencing for perpetrators and that it ensures that there is zero tolerance of deepfake generation in all its forms. Intimate image abuse is a national emergency that causes significant and long-lasting harm to women and girls, who face a total loss of control of their digital footprint at the hands of online misogyny. Women should not have to accept sexual harassment and abuse as a normal part of their online life.

In tandem with the introduction of legislation, the misogynistic attitudes of young men and boys need to be addressed. Surveys show that there is a prevalence of traditionalist views among young males, predominantly among those who are in their 20s. Those views may be perpetuated due to peer pressure and environments in which they believe that it is manly to exercise power and control over others and that real men should not have to care about women's opinions or feelings. The influence of online pornography on young men and boys is also a determinant in the development of their attitudes towards women.

I support the motion. More work needs to be done to address young men's attitudes towards women.

Maurice Bradley (DUP, East Londonderry)

I support the motion. Legislation to tackle platform promoters who provide a platform for such social abuses to be published and then shared needs to be addressed, because they are guilty. They are guilty because they have provided that platform. To use a platform, you must be a member of it; therefore, those people are responsible for their membership.

It is too easy to acquire a fake profile or account. The likes of Facebook, X, which was Twitter, Instagram and Meta need to do more to regulate their platforms, because they are making money out of them and profiting from the abuse of others. Not only are they not doing enough to regulate who becomes a member of those social media platforms but they are not doing enough to remove videos or offensive material once they have been identified. Legislation needs to be put in place to tackle that before it happens rather than after it has happened.

Owners must take responsibility for the content that is published on their platforms. That has not come across yet, and the Governments in Westminster and here need to take account of it. Those owners must be held responsible for any content that they publish, just as a newspaper is. Legislation has not kept apace with the expansion of the internet. It is too easy to make a false profile and to hack a social media account and cause offence not only with the material that is published but to the holder of the account that has been hacked.

When that happens, it creates offence right across the board. There is something badly wrong with the mindset of anybody who puts out a deepfake video. It could be a sickness, or it could be pure, deliberate vandalism that is trying to cause harm to an individual or organisation.

I support the motion. I hope that it passes and that something concrete comes out of what we decide to do here today.

Stephen Dunne (DUP, North Down)

I also welcome the opportunity to speak on what is a very important issue, as colleagues have said. The alarming rise in online violence against women and girls, particularly through the misuse of deepfake technology and social media, demands our urgent and decisive action. It is a rapidly evolving issue. AI is becoming an increasingly important part of all our daily lives. It is interesting that, just yesterday, the UK Government announced a major plan to enhance how it is used across our nation. Although it is vital that we grasp the opportunities that AI provides, we must be acutely aware of its potential dangers, particularly in the wrong hands. Unfortunately, deepfake technology has been weaponised to perpetrate the abuse and humiliation of, disproportionately, women and girls. Studies indicate that over 90% of non-consensual deepfake imagery involves female victims. Those manipulated images are not mere pranks or jokes; they are violations of dignity, breaches of privacy and sources of profound psychological and emotional distress and trauma. More robust and proportionate regulation of data and emerging technology is required in order to crack down on the abuse. As has been mentioned today, through the lens of anonymity, it is so easy to engage in harmful practices, such as deepfakes and efforts to undermine democracy through misinformation and disinformation. That is a fundamental issue.

For the women who are targeted, the consequences are devastating. Careers can be ruined, relationships can be strained, lives can be disrupted, and, tragically, in some cases, even ended, as we have seen across the world. The abuse has knock-on effects on children, family members and loved ones. Deepfake imagery is becoming more prevalent, with Ofcom recently revealing that 43% of people aged 16 and above say that they have seen at least one deepfake image online within the past six months. For too long, we have seen dither and delay in addressing those issues, while individuals have continued to suffer and actors have continued to escape punishment for their vile abuse. They are leaving a trail of destruction right across our country and beyond. We must address the loopholes that allow perpetrators to exploit technological gaps in order to harm others.

Any review must not only focus on criminalisation but consider prevention and education and the provision of support for victims. Education campaigns will be crucial in that regard. There is also a role for our education sector to look at the issue, given the rise in the use of that technology by people of all ages. Legislation alone cannot solve the issue. We must confront the underlying cultural attitudes that enable and normalise online violence against women and girls.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

I call junior Minister Cameron, who is responding on behalf of the Justice Minister. Minister Cameron, I advise that you have 10 minutes.

Pam Cameron (DUP, South Antrim)

Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. First, I apologise on behalf of the Minister of Justice for her not being available today. I offer my best wishes to her and hope that she makes a speedy return. I hope that we are not replacing one cough with another; I will try to keep my coughing to a minimum.

On behalf of the Minister of Justice, I am grateful to the Opposition for bringing this really important motion before the House today. It is an issue that has impacted on many thousands of women and girls, including Members of the House, as we have heard. The level of abuse and violence against women and girls, whether online or otherwise, is completely unacceptable. Members know that we remain committed to strengthening the law where possible to try to stop that blight on our society.

In the previous Assembly mandate, the Minister of Justice brought forward legislation that strengthened existing law and introduced new offences of stalking, upskirting, downblousing and cyber-flashing and four new offences designed to tackle the particular behaviour of an adult pretending to be a child, which is mainly perpetrated online, and making communication with a child under 16 with a view to sexual grooming. Those offences have added tangible and valuable protections against online and offline abuse.

As junior Minister Reilly said in response to the previous motion, the Department continues to work collaboratively to help to eradicate such abuse. That includes work with the Department of Health on the domestic and sexual abuse strategy and with the Executive Office, where online abuse and violence against women and girls is an area of focus identified through the development of its ending violence against women and girls strategic framework for 2024-2031. The framework will enable collaborative working across Departments and wider society to address online abuse. Identified areas of abuse include cyberstalking, cyber-flashing, sexual harassment, grooming for exploitation or abuse and image-based sexual abuse. Unfortunately, the fast pace of advances in technology means that the prevalence of online abuse is increasing. Our challenge lies in the influence of the online world on our community, particularly on our young people, in shaping attitudes and the capacity to establish safe and healthy relationships.

As the motion makes particular reference to the making of sexually explicit deepfake images, I will address that issue first. Those images, where people's faces, usually those of women and girls, are placed on pornographic images without consent, cause immense harm and distress. They can destroy the lives of victims, who report feeling embarrassed, violated and unsafe, and there are far too many victims. On a recent 'Woman's Hour' feature on Radio 4, it was stated that, in 2023, more deepfake videos were viewed than in all the preceding years put together. On top of deepfake sites, videos have been viewed more than 4·2 billion times.

The psychological impact of knowing that those images are out there must be severe, and wondering who has seen them must play on victims' minds constantly. Such images also harm society. They are a tangible form of misogyny and the over-sexualisation of women and girls. What impact are those images having on those who watch them? I believe that those images desensitise people, mainly men, to the harm that they cause and deprive women and girls of the right to autonomy, dignity and privacy. The creation of deepfake images should not be tolerated, and, as I said, I am determined, where I can, to send the message to perpetrators that sexual offending against women and girls, whether online or offline, will not be tolerated.

Last week, the UK Government announced that they plan to bring forward, in a crime and policing Bill, proposals to make it an offence to create sexually explicit deepfake images. The Justice Minister has already been approached by the Minister responsible, the Minister of State for Policing, Fire and Crime Prevention, on a possible extension of the offence to Northern Ireland. Subject to the agreement of the Executive, the Justice Committee and Members, the Minister intends to take the opportunity to ensure that there is similar provision here by extending the offence to Northern Ireland. DOJ officials are liaising with UK Government officials on the detail of the legislative proposals.

The Department constantly keeps the legislative framework governing online and offline offending against women and girls under review, as evidenced —.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Will the Minister give way?

Pam Cameron (DUP, South Antrim)

If you do not mind, I cannot. I have a lot to get through, but I am sure that the Minister will be watching and will read Hansard and will be able to answer questions that are forthcoming from the debate.

The Department constantly keeps the legislative framework governing online and offline offending against women and girls under review, as evidenced by the offences that I have already referenced and which were introduced in the previous mandate. The Minister continues to look for opportunities where she can to strengthen the law further and to enhance protection from that type of abhorrent behaviour. That is why the Department of Justice is seeking to take the opportunity to provide for a deepfake offence in Northern Ireland.

Turning to wider issues of online communications and harms, Members will be aware that telecommunications legislation is a reserved matter. However, we have sought always to take a proactive approach towards supporting online safety. While the policy and legislation is developed and led by the UK Government, the Minister remains fully committed to playing her part in addressing the issue where she can. Online abuse and harassment is completely unacceptable. Everyone should be able to enjoy the positive benefits of online engagement without being subject to vile, abusive and harmful content.

A number of recent high-profile cases have shown the devastating impact of online abuse and the potential for it to lead to further harm. During the passage of what is now the Online Safety Act 2023, the Department of Justice sought to influence its content, urging that more be done to address the lack of accountability of anonymous account holders, which is a key issue when seeking to prevent and detect online harms and offences.

The Minister met representatives of Ofcom, which is now the regulator for online safety under the 2023 Act, to discuss implementation of the Act and plans to put it into practice. Ofcom was a key co-design partner in the development of the Executive's ending violence against women and girls strategic framework. The framework will be agile in its delivery to ensure that it can respond to evolving and changing cultures and practices, such as expanding forms of online harm and technological abuse, including sexually explicit deepfake imagery.

Ofcom is developing draft guidance for protecting women and girls online, which is a requirement of the 2023 Act. The draft guidance, which is due to launch for consultation in February, will focus on the content and activity covered by the Act that disproportionately affects women and girls, such as online harassment, online misogyny and intimate image abuse. Executive Office and DOJ officials have been liaising with Ofcom, through the two UK-wide workshops, as it develops the guidance for consultation.

Members will be aware that round-table forums were held to take views on tackling online abuse and intimidation, particularly in light of incidents during the most-recent Assembly elections. Alarming and distressing experiences of online abuse were shared, and the Minister subsequently wrote to the Home Secretary to express her concerns. Those who seek to harass, bully, intimidate or otherwise cause harm should be aware that such activity, whether perpetrated directly or online, may constitute a criminal offence. I strongly encourage victims of such abuse to report all those incidents to the police. However, as we have heard today, a criminal justice response alone cannot improve online safety. We must take a holistic approach that is focused on prevention and education, as set out in the cross-cutting Executive online safety strategy, which has been put in place to assist children and young people to participate in the online world in a positive, safe and responsible way.

The online safety strategy, which is coordinated by the Department of Health and involves a number of other Departments, aims to educate, support and involve a wide range of key stakeholders, including parents, carers and the wider family; schools, colleges and youth organisations; and practitioners who work with children and young people. The launch of the dedicated online safety hub in April 2024 is also a welcome development to help parents, carers and young people to be more safe and secure online.

I am sure that Members will support me in calling out the perpetrators of this despicable behaviour — behaviour that, unfortunately, is increasing in prevalence in our society. We must do all that we can, collectively, to protect our community from the harm that it causes and to seek to address the wider issue of misogyny and violence against women and girls, which is all too prevalent in Northern Ireland.

I am sure that Department of Justice officials will review Members' comments and pick up on any specific issues that I have not been able to respond to.

I commend the motion and the amendment to the House.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

The Business Committee has arranged to meet at 1.00 pm. I propose, therefore, by leave of the Assembly, to suspend the sitting until 2.00 pm. The debate will continue after Question Time, when Sian Mulholland will be called first to wind on the amendment.

The debate stood suspended.

The sitting was suspended at 12.58 pm.

On resuming (Mr Speaker in the Chair) —

Oral Answers to Questions — Communities

David Honeyford (Alliance, Lagan Valley)

1. Mr Honeyford asked the Minister for Communities to provide an update on progress to redevelop Casement Park. (AQO 1347/22-27)

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Casement Park is the third and final project of the regional stadia programme, and funding was agreed by the Executive 14 years ago. I met Jarlath Burns, president of the GAA, alongside senior representatives from Ulster GAA, including Brian McAvoy, its director and CEO, on 31 October 2024 to discuss how the redevelopment of Casement Park could be taken forward. However, the Executive commitment from 2011 remains.

David Honeyford (Alliance, Lagan Valley)

That meeting happened in October. Has the Minister met the UK Government since then to discuss the funding that Treasury might make available? If that meeting has happened, will he give us an update on it?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I have not met the UK Government, but I have written to the Secretary of State to ask for an update on the Government's view of the project.

Maolíosa McHugh (Sinn Féin, West Tyrone)

Last year was a very busy one for the teams involved in the Casement Park project. Minister, have you any meetings with Ulster GAA and other key partners scheduled in the diary for 2025 as part of your Department's duty to support the Casement Park redevelopment?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Let me make it clear that, when it comes to Casement Park, I have fulfilled my requirements. I have certainly met the groups that are involved in the project. The pledge that the Executive made in 2011 remains.

It is worth remembering that it has been a long process. Some in the Chamber have tried repeatedly to lay the blame for the lack of progress at the feet of unionist Ministers. I remind the House once more that I was not the one who took a judicial review in order to get the planning permission quashed. My actions were not the ones that resulted in a Committee inquiry into safety certificates for Casement Park, and my actions were not the ones that led to a 2015 Cabinet Office report that revealed the chaos behind the stadium project. That report said that problems had been exacerbated by the fact that relationships between key stakeholders were broken. It was not me who said:

"We'll get the money. Don't you worry".

I understand the frustrations that many people feel about the project. However, the fact remains that there is a funding gap between what is on the table and the money that has been pledged. Our commitment from 2011 remains. I remain willing and open to meet and work with those who want to see the project progressed.

David Brooks (DUP, Belfast East)

Sports clubs in my constituency are looking forward to potentially having their grounds redeveloped and improved. Will the Minister give an update on the Northern Ireland Football Fund (NIFF)?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Yes. The Northern Ireland Football Fund was another key element of that Executive agreement. I am pleased to tell the House that we will open applications to that very soon. That will be a key milestone in that programme. I want to see that happen, and I believe that we will be able to open applications by the end of the month. I hope that that sends a message to all clubs that we recognise the need that exists and that the fund is just the beginning.

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

On Casement Park, the Minister will know that the period between now and the end of March is critical for that iconic bellwether project. Yesterday, it was four months since the HM Treasury announcement. The Minister met uachtarán Chumann Lúthchleas Gael

[Translation: the president of the Gaelic Athletic Association]

, Jarlath Burns, and Ulster GAA in October, and it appears that we are no further forward. As Casement Park is a priority for his Department and a flagship project for the Executive, will the Minister list the organisations and people that he has met or corresponded with regarding the funding of our new world-class stadium in the heart of west Belfast? When will the project move forward?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I have already outlined whom I have met, the meeting that took place in October and the correspondence that I have had with the Secretary of State. We need some realism here: the issue is the funding gap. That is the problem. Either an additional contribution of funds or a more modest proposal is needed, or else we need to look at both options. I am happy to have those discussions, but, as I have said repeatedly, the commitment that was made in 2011 stands.

Colin Crawford (UUP, North Antrim)

How much has been spent to date on the redevelopment of Casement Park and on the Northern Ireland Football Fund?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I do not have the exact figures for Casement Park, but I am happy to provide the Member with that information. Very little has been spent on the football fund, although we have been able to give some financial support to clubs that are developing business cases. I have no issue with giving the Member that information, but I do not have it in front of me.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

Minister, will you give a clear commitment that the GAA will not receive more than its fair share of funding compared with the money already awarded to football and rugby?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I have said on a number of occasions that an agreement was made in 2011.That agreement was made on the basis of fairness and of all the sports that had identified their needs getting a share of the money. Windsor Park has received the money that it was promised, as has Ravenhill. I look forward to distributing the money from the football fund, and, as I have said, the commitment for Casement Park remains. When we allocate resources, it is important that we do so fairly and equitably. That is what I will do during my time in office.

Andy Allen (UUP, Belfast East)

2. Mr Allen asked the Minister for Communities to provide an update on the steps that his Department is taking to tackle child poverty. (AQO 1348/22-27)

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

My officials are continuing their work on the development of the Executive's anti-poverty strategy, which will aim to minimise the risks and impact of poverty, including child poverty. My Department is engaging with officials from all Departments to discuss the development of the strategy, and I am encouraged by the reports of progress to date. Discussions have focused on the delivery of a range of key actions that will help mitigate impacts, reduce the risk of falling into poverty and support all those impacted, including children and their families, to exit poverty.

I will bring a draft strategy to the Executive in early 2025 for their consideration. Following Executive agreement of the paper, the strategy will be subject to public consultation prior to its final publication.

Of course, in addition, my Department plays a vital and ongoing role in providing social security and housing support as well as supporting people through our work with the voluntary, community, culture, heritage, language, arts and sports sectors.

Andy Allen (UUP, Belfast East)

I thank the Minister for his answer. No doubt he will recall the recent Public Accounts Committee report, which highlighted stark failings in the child poverty strategy. What steps is he taking to ensure that the same failings, such as its not being fully costed or sufficiently targeted and not properly working with all stakeholders, are not repeated?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

My officials and I have been working with other Departments in the past months to make sure that we do not fall into that situation again. That is why we have taken our time to make sure that we get the strategy right, that we have deliverable actions and, most important, that those actions make a real difference to the lives of all the people whom we represent. I am pleased that I have gone further than any past Minister in progressing an anti-poverty strategy. The promise was made in 1998, and it is one that I look forward to delivering on and bringing through the Executive so that we can make a difference.

Colm Gildernew (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

Minister, almost one in four children live in poverty, and many families continue to struggle to afford basic essentials. You referred to early 2025: will you give us the latest date by which the Executive will have an anti-poverty strategy to consider?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

It is my hope to get the strategy out as soon as possible, and that is what I am trying to do. For me, however, the most important thing is that we can get buy-in and that we have all Departments signed up to it, with actions that we can progress. I want to have it passed by the Executive and out for consultation by the end of the financial year: the sooner, the better, certainly.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

Every form of poverty is a stain on any nation. Does the Minister agree that a Labour Government whose policies have made pensioners poor, made farmers poor and made businesses poor and have killed growth in the UK economy in the meantime will do absolutely nothing to create the sustainable, healthy economy that we need in order to tackle the major issues that face our society?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Absolutely. I agree, and you have only to look at the policies of the Labour Government to realise that they will do nothing to help with poverty. We have policies that damage growth, and that means less money for public services. We have policies that are driving up inflation and costs, which will make it more likely that people fall into poverty, and we are damaging business. It is through business that we have job creation, and that will be so important and so central to the anti-poverty strategy because the ability to get into work is the greatest tool that we have to combat poverty in Northern Ireland. Unfortunately, the actions of the Government have meant that it is more difficult to create jobs and wealth. It is not only that: the policies are also targeting the voluntary and community sector, the organisations that do so much to stop people falling into poverty by giving them the skills and abilities that they need to get out of poverty.

I will do what I can to make sure that we have growth and prosperity in Northern Ireland, but the Government should seriously rethink the policies that they are putting in place, which are so damaging to the economy and therefore to people not just in Northern Ireland but across the United Kingdom.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

I call Paula Bradshaw.

Paula Bradshaw (Alliance, Belfast South)

Thank you. I was not sure that I was going to get in.

I would be grateful if the Minister could confirm whether the anti-poverty co-design group has been involved up to this point? What role do you see it playing over the next few months?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

The co-design group had a very important role to play as the strategy was developed and, certainly, before I came into office. I look forward to consulting it throughout the process. However, for me, what is important is making sure that we finalise the draft strategy, get it to the Executive, get it out for consultation to ensure that people can have their say, and then, importantly, implement it, get on with it and deliver for people in Northern Ireland.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Minister, you want to get on with it, and I encourage you to get on with it. We have been back for nearly a year. We have not seen the anti-poverty strategy yet, but I am encouraged that you have said that it will be published before the end of the financial year. If it is so important, why was it not mentioned in the Programme for Government? Will it be included in the final Programme for Government?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I do not agree with the Member that the issue of poverty is not found in the draft Programme for Government. You need only look at a number of the actions that the Executive have put forward, which will have a real and meaningful impact on tackling poverty, whether that is creating more jobs, improving our education system or improving access to healthcare, which is a huge drag on people getting into work and thereby combating poverty. However, we have listened to what people have said. I understand the need that many have expressed to have the strategy in lights and up front in the Programme for Government. We look forward to finalising the Programme for Government to show the Executive's commitment to tackling such issues.

Diana Armstrong (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

3. Ms D Armstrong asked the Minister for Communities what steps he is taking to support self-employed individuals, including farmers, impacted by the minimum income floor for universal credit. (AQO 1349/22-27)

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Universal credit (UC) can support claimants in self-employment when that is their best route to financial independence. The minimum income floor is broadly a notional amount of earned income that is used to calculate a person’s UC award. It applies to those in gainful self-employment whose business has been running for more than 12 months. It does not apply in all cases; for example, it does not apply to claimants who are in the 12-month start-up period, to those who are not gainfully self-employed or during the first 12 months of moving to UC from legacy benefits.

Universal credit work coaches and case managers provide support to those who are self-employed to make and maintain their claims. The support provided includes information on work allowances, taper rate, the childcare element and my Department’s adviser discretion fund (ADF), which provides a non-repayable grant of up to £1,500 to help unemployed and self-employed people overcome the financial barriers to starting or returning to work.

Diana Armstrong (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

Thank you for your response. Minister, do you accept that some individuals and farmers rely solely on seasonal work for their income and, as a result, earn less than the minimum income floor? What can the Minister do in such cases to support individuals whose income may fluctuate over a period of time?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I am aware of the issue because I have had correspondence from the Member, and from Mrs Erskine as well. I assume that there are many people in Fermanagh and South Tyrone who have been affected. The Member will be aware that this is a result of policy change in the Department for Work and Pensions. In many ways, our hands are tied. I will continue to express concern about this to the Department for Work and Pensions and stand ready to help in whatever way I can. However, we need to recognise that these rules apply across the United Kingdom.

Deborah Erskine (DUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

Like the Minister, I know the value of farmers in our rural communities and throughout Northern Ireland. The policies that the Labour Government have put in place are really driving farmers into poverty. It is very simple: no farmers, no food. I would like to know what practical support will come from the Minister's Department and what he can advise farmers to do in relation to the breadline that they are facing.

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I thank the Member for raising that issue with me as well. She will be aware of the cross-nation approach that is taken with regard to benefits and welfare. However, I want to make sure that we are as helpful as possible, and senior officials have met representatives from the Ulster Farmers' Union and Rural Support to offer them any additional help or support that they can. They certainly remain willing to engage and meet again, if that would be helpful. I am more than happy to link my officials up with the Member and her constituents in any way that might be beneficial as well. I am also happy to work with the Member so that we can increase awareness of the support that is available to claimants.

Patsy McGlone (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Mid Ulster)

Minister, in the instance of people who are self-employed, such as those in the farming community, the gap of five weeks, which is how long it can take until eligibility is established for universal credit, can be financially very painful. Can you advise of the elements of welfare support that are available in those instances to help people to bridge that five-week gap?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Help is available from my Department. I have already raised the issue of the adviser discretion fund and the money that is available there to help those who are unemployed or self-employed. I am happy to share the details directly with the Member. Again, we are largely constrained by the rules that have been set down and put in place by DWP, but where we can give additional support, assistance, guidance and, sometimes, just advice, we will of course do that.

Andrew McMurray (Alliance, South Down)

Has the Minister considered targeted exemptions or adjustments to the referenced minimum income floor for the self-employed, rural farmers and seasonal workers?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

It is certainly something that we are happy to raise directly with the Department for Work and Pensions. The Member will be aware that any way in which we deviate from the rules that currently exist comes with administrative and other costs for the Department that can be very hard for us to bear. Certainly, we will continue to raise the issue with DWP and see what additional support it may be able to provide or what adjustments it can make to help in those situations. When it comes to such a large and complicated welfare and benefits system, we should always do what we can to try to make the process as simple and straightforward as possible for people. I am happy to work with the Member on that.

Keith Buchanan (DUP, Mid Ulster)

4. Mr K Buchanan asked the Minister for Communities to provide an update on funding for musical instruments for bands. (AQO 1350/22-27)

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

The musical instruments programme is a capital investment programme delivered by the Arts Council on behalf of my Department. It is designed to increase the quality of music making in Northern Ireland by helping musicians to replace older, worn-out instruments and purchase new and additional ones. The programme has three strands for individuals, bands, and professional and non-professional performing groups.

In December, I was pleased to be able to allocate an additional £323,000 to support the programme. With that additional investment, all eligible applicants were able to be supported. That was 119 grants to 75 bands, 13 professional and non-professional performing groups and 31 professional musicians. That involves over 4,500 people in total. The range of recipients this year, from marching bands and school groups to traditional musicians and musical societies, is impressive, and I hope that the grants will support and inspire the next generation of musical talent across the genres.

Keith Buchanan (DUP, Mid Ulster)

I thank the Minister for his answers so far and for his efforts in supporting the bands and individuals. That support is greatly needed. Will the Minister ensure that that support for the marching bands and individuals will continue into the years ahead? Will he provide a more accurate update on the impact that the programme has had on marching bands and individuals?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I am grateful to the Member for his comments. I want to make sure that we can continue with the funding of the programme for the simple reason that I want to ensure that more people in Northern Ireland get involved and stay involved in the arts and benefit from them. That is because the arts can provide a huge benefit for our people, especially the younger people. I also want to make sure that we get arts funding across Northern Ireland and do not limit it to the places that regularly get it. To that end, I am pleased to tell the Member that, in Mid Ulster, 13 bands and two professional and non-professional performing groups received funding. That was over £100,000 of funding for the Member's constituency.

Kellie Armstrong (Alliance, Strangford)

No one can deny that the musical instruments for bands programme has been very successful. Will the Minister confirm whether there is the potential to allow charities, such as Beyond Skin, that work with groups of musicians and make musical instruments available to people such as the Afghan women's solidarity group — a group of women who escaped the Taliban, which barred them from engaging with music — to apply?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I want to make sure that as many people as possible are involved and take part in the arts and have the financial support to do so. I think that groups such as the one that the Member mentioned will have been eligible under the professional or non-professional group element. If that is not the case, I will certainly confirm that with her. I am more than happy to work alongside the Arts Council to make sure that we are getting more funding into those sorts of programmes, which make a difference and, importantly, allow more people to take part. That is what we should all want to see.

Kate Nicholl (Alliance, Belfast South)

5. Ms Nicholl asked the Minister for Communities for his assessment of the current budgetary position of the Arts Council of Northern Ireland. (AQO 1351/22-27)

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

As the principal funding and development body for the arts in Northern Ireland, the Arts Council is tasked with distributing funding on behalf of my Department. It is also a distributing body for National Lottery moneys. It is my assessment that, despite the constrained position in the current financial year, the Arts Council continues to make a positive difference across a range of areas such as social inclusion, health, education, regeneration, justice, place-shaping and tourism. I am also going to continue to make the case to Executive colleagues that they should recognise the benefits that the arts provide to them in delivering on their responsibilities. It is my assessment, however, that government cannot wholly support the arts sector by itself and that a range of funding sources are needed to complement government funding. We are also exploring options for private and philanthropic investment opportunities.

In short, I do not believe that the arts get the level of funding that they deserve or require, but I am working on that to increase the level of funding, because I know the impact that the arts have right across Northern Ireland and how they help other Departments in how they deliver public services. Funding the arts is an investment in people and our services across Northern Ireland.

Kate Nicholl (Alliance, Belfast South)

I thank the Minister for his answer. I wholeheartedly agree that our arts are underfunded. There is widespread recognition of that. The Department for the Economy has added funds through the in-year monitoring rounds to the year-end totals of arm's-length bodies. Is the Minister agreeable to looking at that and putting in place a similar agreement for the Arts Council so that it can adequately plan and budget for programming for the year ahead?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I have used the monitoring process over my time in office to make sure that additional funding is made available to the Arts Council. I did that for resource and capital this year, and we can see the results of that. I am always keen to ask for more in the monitoring rounds and to make sure that we have the resources that we need. However, we need more in the arts than just that funding. We also need a clear policy framework. That is what I am bringing forward under the new arts policy.

I have protected the budget allocation that we had last year. We are in an environment in which I have had to find savings of £119 million, but the Arts Council budget was maintained. Compared with other regions, that is still a small amount. That is why I have been able to bid for and receive money in monitoring rounds where I have allocated additional capital funding as well. I have also been exploring philanthropic avenues for investment. My recent visit to the US opened a few doors there, which I look forward to exploring. I was pleased to attend the arts round-table event, where we were able to set out some of the issues and the challenges in how we approach those. Certainly, I am committed to continuing to fund the arts and to highlighting to Executive colleagues the benefits of doing so properly.

Ciara Ferguson (Sinn Féin, Foyle)

Minister, last November, like you, I was among those who attended a meeting with representatives from Equity and heard from its members about the huge challenges, particularly in the north-west. We heard from local artists in Derry about how it is now really difficult to be able to remain in the field and to be an artist while living at home. We are exporting our local talent. I welcome the fact that you mentioned that you are working on and exploring a range of options to increase the funding. In that process, how will the Department seek to ensure regional balance in funding opportunities for Derry and across the north-west?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Regional balance is very important when it comes to the arts. That is why I have been so keen on the musical instruments for bands scheme: that funding has gone to communities across Northern Ireland; it has not been limited to particular geographical areas. I look forward to working with the Arts Council to ensure that the funding gets to where it is needed and where it will make the most difference.

Diane Forsythe (DUP, South Down)

There has been a feeling for a long time that the arts have been very Belfast-centric. My question builds on your previous answer. Does the Minister agree that regional balance across Northern Ireland is important in the arts sector, especially in rural areas of the country such as my constituency of South Down?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Yes, that is absolutely the case. Again, I am happy to tell the Member that part of the extra allocation that we made through the musical instruments for bands scheme went to her constituency. In the Newry, Mourne and Down District Council area, we were able to allocate over £110,000 of funding to bands, professional and non-professional groups and individuals. I often feel that rural areas have missed out on arts funding in the past. It is a key priority for me, given that I come from a rural area. I have asked officials to begin work to identify programmes and activities that can ensure that we support rural areas such as South Down.

Colin McGrath (Social Democratic and Labour Party, South Down)

Further to that answer to my constituency colleague's question, if there is money for instruments in South Down, maybe I will take up the guitar or something, and is the Minister aware of the percentage of Arts Council funding that goes to the Belfast City Council area compared with other areas?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I saw those figures recently. I do not have them with me but I can certainly provide them to the Member. I have to say that it is a significant amount. Do not get me wrong: I am a fan of Belfast, but I want to see other areas getting money as well. That is why I am looking for additional resource in that area. I am happy to provide that information to the Member. Hopefully, he will be glad of the extra investment that I made in the South Down area. On his comment about taking up the guitar, if the comments that were made by Members who are sitting behind me are anything to go by, I do not think that he would have universal support in the House for that. Certainly, though, if he would like to make an application to the Arts Council, that process is open to him as well.

Daniel McCrossan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, West Tyrone)

6. Mr McCrossan asked the Minister for Communities whether he plans to review and rebrand the universal credit contingency fund. (AQO 1352/22-27)

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Plans to change the universal credit contingency fund name are being taken forward by officials in my Department.

Daniel McCrossan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, West Tyrone)

Thank you, Minister. Do you agree with the Cliff Edge Coalition and me that the fact that the spend has increased from £1·4 million in 2020-21 to £3·4 million in 2023-24 shows a significant increase in the amount of need? What is your Department doing to tackle that issue and ensure that those needs are met?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

The figures that the Member has given are stark. We are keeping an eye on the matter.

The managed migration of claimants to universal credit through Move to UC has, as expected, led to an increase in claims. However, from what we see so far, that has increased in line with forecast demand.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

We now move to topical questions.

Daniel McCrossan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, West Tyrone)

T1. Mr McCrossan asked the Minister for Communities, in light of the fact that there is a housing crisis, which is well noted, and the fact that there are 21,000 empty homes across Northern Ireland, what he, as the Minister for housing, is doing to reduce the number of empty homes. (AQT 891/22-27)

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

The Member will be aware that I published the housing supply strategy. Part of that will deal with the issue of empty homes. I raised the issue very early on in my tenure in this place. We obviously need to build new homes, but there are other homes out there that are not being used. We will explore all options to see how we can bring those back into use. It is not just current homes but other buildings that could potentially be transformed into housing.

Daniel McCrossan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, West Tyrone)

I thank the Minister. Earlier, he referenced music. He is good at blowing his own trumpet, but we do not quite agree with the tune.

Minister, the problem has worsened on your watch. You gave a commitment to the House in May that you would tackle it, yet it has worsened. More and more people are struggling, and more homes are empty. What are you doing to deliver a measurable plan on which we can hold you to account in order to see a change in the crisis?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

We have one. It is called the housing supply strategy. We have a very clear plan, and we can see already the difference that is being made. I look forward to sharing with the Member some of the latest statistics on housing in Northern Ireland. He will see how we, in my Department, have been able to deliver not just on this issue but on a number of issues. The measures that we have put in place for housing are significant. They include intermediate rent; loans to acquire move-on accommodation; the housing supply strategy, which gets all the Departments to work together; greater use of financial transactions capital (FTC); and movement on the revitalisation of the housing supply strategy. Those are all measures that I have taken; they were not implemented by other Ministers in the past. They are the moves that I am making to improve access to housing and housing supply in Northern Ireland.

I am pleased that it is not just housing that I have been able to deliver on. The Member's leader in this place said that we have had only warm words, waffle and lack of delivery from the Executive. I am more than happy to point once more to the achievements of my Department. The Defective Premises Act (Northern Ireland) 2024 was passed. The social capital loan scheme was introduced. The voluntary and community sector budget was increased. Protection for private tenancies was implemented. The £100 emergency fuel payment was secured. One thousand jobs delivering services for DWP were created. The housing selection scheme points review was delivered. The housing supply strategy was published. Our Olympic and Paralympic heroes were celebrated. Debt advice funding was increased. Intermediate rent was launched. The anti-poverty strategy is being progressed. A sign language Bill will soon be introduced. We have established the US/NI cultural working group. Charity regulation is being made easier. We have more money for the arts, homeless prevention, Supporting People and the Job Start scheme. That is real and tangible delivery for people right across Northern Ireland.

Some Members

Hear, hear.

Colin Crawford (UUP, North Antrim)

T2. Mr Crawford asked the Minister for Communities how his Department is working to improve access to recreational facilities in youth services not only in North Antrim but throughout Northern Ireland. (AQT 892/22-27)

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I point to Your School Your Club, on which I have worked closely with Paul Givan in the Department of Education to improve access to facilities. You can look at the Northern Ireland Football Fund and how that is being progressed and at the work that we are doing through Sport NI to help with the provision of facilities. There is collaboration with councils and other public-sector agencies to improve access to facilities. Good work has begun, but I am aware that there is much more to do. I look forward to delivering on that issue as well.

Colin Crawford (UUP, North Antrim)

Thank you, Minister. How do you gather input or feedback from young people when you are planning those services?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

The Member will be aware of the consultation processes that are in place. I agree with him that hearing and involving the voices of young people is very important. I look forward to doing just that next week with the youth participation group.

Tom Buchanan (DUP, West Tyrone)

T3. Mr T Buchanan asked the Minister for Communities for an update on the US/NI cultural working group. (AQT 893/22-27)

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

The working group continues to develop a programme, working with US partners, to promote events in Northern Ireland and North America leading up to the 250th anniversary commemorations. My officials recently met Library of Congress staff to discuss practical ways to cooperate on links between people, places and collections as part of the America 250 commemorations. I look forward to making a number of announcements around that important work with the US in the coming weeks and months.

Tom Buchanan (DUP, West Tyrone)

Thank you, Minister. Do you agree that the 250th anniversary of the United States is an excellent opportunity for Northern Ireland to showcase our rich historical links? Being parochial, I am thinking of the Ulster American Folk Park in my constituency, which you visited last year. The centenary of the Ferguson system master patent, which revolutionised the world's agriculture sector, will be marked on 12 February. Has any consideration been given to commemorating that historic event and to the possibility of having a Harry Ferguson museum, given that the Ferguson Belfast black prototype tractor, which was built in 1933, is now back in Belfast?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Yes, of course. I saw that recently at the Ulster Transport Museum, and I encourage others to do the same. I always look forward to seeing how we can promote events and anniversaries, such as the one that the Member mentioned. He rightly highlights West Tyrone and people from there. He may well be aware of John Dunlap, who printed the first copies of the Declaration of Independence and was from Strabane. He may be the most famous person to come from Strabane other than Mr McCrossan.

[Laughter.]

There was also the Mellon family from Omagh, on whose land the UIster American Folk Park is built. Thomas Mellon, whose son became United States Secretary to the Treasury and United States ambassador to the UK, was born in Omagh. There are many local connections that we seek to promote. Hopefully, that will increase the number of visits to and tourism and interest in West Tyrone and Northern Ireland as a whole.

Andrew McMurray (Alliance, South Down)

T4. Mr McMurray asked the Minister for Communities for his assessment of the impact that the reduced value of thank-you payments issued to Homes for Ukraine hosts from April 2025 will have on the demand for social housing. (AQT 894/22-27)

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

The Member will be aware that the Department for Communities previously had responsibility for the Homes for Ukraine refugee resettlement scheme. That included funding for a community and voluntary sector consortium that provided support to people who arrived under the Homes for Ukraine scheme. From 1 April 2024, management of the scheme, along with the Afghan and Syrian schemes, has been undertaken by TEO in order to consolidate the work on asylum seekers and refugees. The Executive Office is the strategic lead for refugee resettlement and asylum seekers in Northern Ireland. The transfer of the work to a single Department was undertaken to facilitate a more cohesive approach to the vital work of resettling and integrating refugees into Northern Ireland society. I do not have any evidence to indicate the impact of the removal of the £350 payment that the Member asked about.

Andrew McMurray (Alliance, South Down)

Thank you to the Minister. Does the Housing Executive expect, or is it preparing for, any increase in demand as a consequence of the removal of that payment?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

To the best of my memory, that is not been brought to my attention. I am aware that the UK Government's policy on the processing of asylum seekers has moved a considerable number of people who were under the care and responsibility of Mears and the Home Office to being the responsibility of the Northern Ireland Housing Executive. I will be happy to furnish the Member with those figures.

Cheryl Brownlee (DUP, East Antrim)

T5. Ms Brownlee asked the Minister for Communities, having expressed her frustrations with the current Housing Executive points-based system, which is clearly failing vulnerable people and whereby victims of domestic abuse can and do receive fewer points than the perpetrators, what his Department can do to ensure that those in genuine need get support when they need it. (AQT 895/22-27)

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

The Member is absolutely right to raise that issue. It has been a source of frustration to me, as a representative in her constituency, for many years, so I am happy to tell her that changes to the housing selection scheme are under way, including an exploration of options for the future of intimidation points. The award of intimidation points is subject to very specific criteria. Under the current scheme, someone who leaves their home as a result of domestic abuse can be allocated points for homelessness and primary social need points for violence or the threat of violence. However, they are not eligible for intimidation points.

I am keen to ensure recognition within the selection scheme for all victims of violence and those who are at risk or under threat of violence, including victims of domestic abuse. The Housing Executive and my officials have brought forward recommendations from independent research for my consideration. I am giving the matter consideration as a matter of urgency because the intimidation points scheme needs review and reform. I am determined to reform it.

Cheryl Brownlee (DUP, East Antrim)

Hear, hear. We have been waiting for that for quite some time, so it is certainly welcome news. You will know that in our constituency of East Antrim, the Cithrah Foundation provides fantastic support for women who are fleeing domestic abuse but we have no safe spaces for males who are fleeing domestic abuse. What has your Department done, or what can it do, to meet that need?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I thank the Member for raising that issue as well. It is absolutely right that we have support for all those who find themselves in need regardless of their gender. That is something that I will, obviously, continue to work on and raise with officials. If there are particular issues or geographical areas that the Member wishes to bring to my attention, I am more than happy to make sure that they are explored.

Peter McReynolds (Alliance, Belfast East)

T6. Mr McReynolds asked the Minister for Communities what discussions he has had with the Minister of Finance and the Treasury to secure a portion of the affordable homes programme for Northern Ireland. (AQT 896/22-27)

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I will have to come back to the Member on that. I have had much correspondence with the Department of Finance on many areas related to housing, but I do not have the details of when or how often I raised that with the Minister of Finance.

Peter McReynolds (Alliance, Belfast East)

I thank the Minister for his response and for saying that he will come back to me on that. What action is he taking to ensure that the 100,000 homes outlined in the housing supply strategy include a planning requirement for them to be connected to town and city centres by public transport, which will reduce reliance on private vehicles?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Obviously, we want to make sure that we are building homes where they are needed. We also need to make sure that we are building homes that are accessible, and it is, obviously, a benefit to be accessible by public transport. I would be reluctant to put additional conditions on where houses can be built. We want to increase housing supply, but there are a number of limitations in place, for example around water capacity. I would not want us not to build homes simply because they may not be connected to public transport routes. I sense that Mrs Erskine, who is behind me, is in favour of what I am saying because the Member's suggestion would rule out the building of houses altogether in many areas in her constituency. We have to be cognisant of the differences between urban constituencies, such as the one that the Member represents, and the rural constituencies that myself and Mrs Erskine represent.

I want to make it as simple, easy and straightforward as possible to build homes. Yes, absolutely, they should be accessible via public transport as much as possible, but I would not want to create a drag on building homes because, unfortunately, there are already far too many drags on the building of homes. We need to make it as easy, simple and straightforward as possible to build homes.

Sian Mulholland (Alliance, North Antrim)

T7. Ms Mulholland asked the Minister for Communities whether he would consider increasing the repayment term for universal credit advance payments to 36 months, and setting a minimum income floor below which a claimant's income cannot fall regardless of deductions. (AQT 897/22-27)

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I am more than happy to explore that and see what is possible within the boundaries that are set by the Department for Work and Pensions.

Sian Mulholland (Alliance, North Antrim)

Thank you very much, Minister. Are there are any other recommendations of the independent welfare review that you are considering for the upcoming Budget?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I do not think there will be anything that we will be able to include in the upcoming Budget. There are significant proposals in there that come at significant cost.

I look forward to sharing the information with Executive colleagues and, hopefully, Committee members shortly, but we need to be aware of the significant costs that some of the proposals would entail. If we look towards how we combat poverty across Northern Ireland, all of that should be taken into consideration. We should look at it in the round when the time comes.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

That brings to a conclusion questions to the Minister for Communities. Members, take your ease while we change the top Table.

(Madam Principal Deputy Speaker in the Chair)

Opposition Business

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

I call Sian Mulholland to make a winding-up speech on the amendment. Sian, you have three minutes.

Sian Mulholland (Alliance, North Antrim)

Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. I will try to speak fast. I wish that I had more time.

I echo my colleague Connie's personal thanks to Cara Hunter. We know only too well the abuse that comes when a woman speaks out about her personal experience, as my colleague Sorcha Eastwood is unfortunately experiencing this week and has probably experienced every week since she became an elected representative.

We know that artificial intelligence holds great promise. When it is abused, however, it can cause such immense harm. The rise of AI-driven deepfake technology is such a rapidly evolving and metastasising problem. It is spreading across platforms and creating really serious societal challenges. It is not just a technological issue but is deeply tied, as others have said, to the broader issues of misogyny, harassment and, ultimately, control.

In looking at AI, deepfake imagery is particularly alarming. They are such hyperrealistic images that women are left completely vulnerable, simply for existing online. The issue is not just hypothetical. It is not just pie in the sky. It is happening now and on a massive scale. Look at the case of Taylor Swift, bigger than us, whose AI-generated pornographic images went viral and garnered millions of views before they were deleted 17 hours later. There was also an AI-generated image that falsely showed her endorsing Donald Trump, which completely distorted that public discourse. Those examples illustrate how deepfake technology can destroy reputations, manipulate public conversations and inflict serious emotional and psychological damage. There are also sinister viral acts happening virtually, about which Deirdre Hargey talked.

I welcome the UK Government's announcement of a new criminal offence of creating sexually explicit deepfake images with penalties of up to two years in prison. I welcome the call to liaise with the Secretary of State for Science, Innovation and Technology. Legislation must do so much more than keep pace with technology; it has to get ahead of it, which is why we tabled our amendment urging the Executive Office to engage with that Secretary of State. The First Minister, the deputy First Minister and all Ministers should engage to ensure that the changes are implemented quickly and effectively in Northern Ireland, as Connie Egan outlined and Diana Armstrong mentioned. The fastest way in which we can get there is by working with Westminster. While we would love to see further legislation here, we will not get there in this mandate.

It is not solely a Department of Justice issue. It is cross-cutting and involves the Department of Education, which deals with young people; the Department of Health, which deals with online victims who require robust mental health interventions; and the Department for the Economy, which looks at cyber skills. The regulator, Ofcom, has to hold the platforms accountable, as Maurice Bradley referenced. Telecommunications legislation is reserved by the UK Government, but we need legislation in order to move forward. Deepfake imagery is —

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Time is up, Sian.

Sian Mulholland (Alliance, North Antrim)

— not just online violence: it is violence full stop.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

I call Mark Durkan to conclude and wind up the debate on the motion. I advise you, Mark, that you have five minutes.

Mark Durkan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

Go raibh maith agat, a Phríomh-Leas-Cheann Comhairle.

[Translation: Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker.]

A world in which anyone can impersonate you, steal your image or have you do and say outrageous things would have seemed closer to some sort of sci-fi horror film than to reality just a few years ago. When combined with entrenched misogyny, that technology becomes a recipe for the worst types of abuse and amplifies harm. The use of deepfake imagery disproportionately targets women — over 90% is a staggering statistic — often using their image to create exploitative content. The abuse not only invades privacy but leaves lasting emotional scars. Social media remains a Wild West where harm goes far beyond deepfakes. The anonymity that it provides to some makes it an inherently dangerous arena to be utilised by perpetrators of abuse, whether through the spouting of racist, sectarian or misogynistic rhetoric.

That digital harm ultimately stems from the toxicity and violence that is embedded in our society. Social media exposes abuse to a global audience, providing perpetrators with the means to tighten their grip on victims and creating a sense that nowhere and no one is truly safe. All too often, bystanders watch as lives are torn apart online, fuelling harmful behaviours, addictions and the real-time unravelling of human beings. In some cases, there is a deliberate and orchestrated effort to silence and suppress the truth. We have seen that happen repeatedly to victims of abuse who have bravely taken the decision to share their story. Máiría Cahill's case is one that comes to mind. Pile-ons from Twitter trolls who thrive on spreading misinformation and use online platforms as yet another avenue for intimidation have become par for the course. Social media is not just the playground of bullies from the far right. While it is encouraging that some prosecutions have been made against those who issue threats and misinformation on social media, legislation has clearly failed to keep pace with a rapidly evolving medium.

We need to tackle all forms of online violence — yes, violence against women and girls but also violence against children, society's most vulnerable, who remain inadequately protected within current frameworks. What a person does and says online remains for ever. It can have profound and lasting consequences. I think of the tragic case of Jo Cox MP, which reminds us all of the real-world impact of online hate and urges us to consider the weight of our online behaviour. Eight years on from her murder, little has been learned. Social media giants have not done enough to protect people, and legislation continues to fall short.

I stand in solidarity with women across the North, across the world, in the Chamber and across the political spectrum, including, of course, my party colleagues, who have been the targets of horrific online abuse. I commend Cara, the proposer of the motion, who has spoken out so bravely about it. The courage that it takes to step into the world of politics, especially in today's climate, must not be underestimated. If we are to foster a safe, more inclusive space for all, we first need to be mindful that words are combustible. What is said on the Floor or shared online has the power to ignite. Sadly, it is a power more often used and seen for bad than for good.

I regret that we will oppose the Alliance Party's amendment. We recognise, as the motion does, that this is a reserved matter, but that is not to absolve the Executive of their responsibility or the Justice Minister of hers. We have heard from Alliance today that the Minister has shown great leadership on the issues. I do not dispute for a second that she has, but you cannot take responsibility for all progress that has been made and, at the same time, seek to be absolved of responsibility for any further progress that is required.

We welcome the strategy to tackle violence against women and girls, but it is null and void without the necessary funding to support it. The Executive need to put their money where their mouth is. Existing criminal law must be reviewed here and in Westminster in order to offer proper protection to victims of online abuse, and we will —.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Go raibh maith agat as sin.

[Translation: Thank you for that.]

Question put, That the amendment be made.

Question put a second time and negatived.

Main Question put and agreed to.

Resolved:

That this Assembly expresses alarm at the growing issue of online violence against women and girls, particularly the increasing use of deepfake imagery; notes that deepfake abuse disproportionately targets women, with studies indicating that over 90% of non-consensual deepfake imagery involves female victims; acknowledges that current legislative frameworks are unfit in addressing emerging forms of online abuse, such as deepfake technology; calls on the Minister of Justice to commission a comprehensive review of existing criminal law on online violence against women and girls to ensure that all forms of abuse are adequately captured and dealt with; and further calls on the Minister to write to the Secretary of State for Culture, Media and Sport and the Secretary of State for Science, Innovation and Technology, requesting a clear timeline for the introduction of legislation to adequately criminalise deepfake abuse.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Members, take your ease.

(Mr Deputy Speaker [Mr Blair] in the Chair)

Cara Hunter (Social Democratic and Labour Party, East Londonderry)

I beg to move

That this Assembly affirms the importance of relationships and sexuality education (RSE) in fostering healthy young adult relationships and mitigating violence against women and girls; acknowledges the findings of Ulster University’s healthy young adult relationships project report, which highlights that RSE is not currently fit for purpose, particularly in addressing coercive control; and calls on the Minister of Education to work with the Minister of Justice to establish a task force with the purpose of enhancing RSE to include healthy relationships and ways to prevent violence against women and girls, and to review and implement the recommendations of the healthy young adult relationships project report no later than December 2025.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

The Business Committee has agreed to allow up to one hour for the debate. The proposer of the motion will have five minutes in which to propose and five minutes in which to make a winding-up speech. As two amendments have been selected and are published on the Marshalled List, the Business Committee has agreed that 16 minutes will be added to the total time for the debate. Please open the debate on the motion.

Cara Hunter (Social Democratic and Labour Party, East Londonderry)

Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. I thank the Members from across the House who have given us their attention and enthusiasm throughout the previous debates. I thank them for being here and contributing.

I rise to address a critical issue, which is how we educate our young people on establishing and maintaining healthy relationships. Relationships and sexuality education, which is also known as "RSE", should equip our young people with the knowledge and skills to foster healthy relationships, understand boundaries and recognise harmful behaviours. However, for some, including me, RSE in Northern Ireland has, historically, definitely not been fit for purpose. It is really important that it encompasses things such as consent.

The findings of Ulster University's healthy young adult relationships project are stark. They reveal significant gaps in how we teach our young people about coercive control, consent and the dynamics of power and abuse in relationships. Those gaps are not just academically recognised; they have real-world consequences, some of which were highlighted in our previous debates. Across the House, we know the statistics: one in three women worldwide will experience either physical or sexual violence in their lifetime, most often, sadly, at the hands of their partner. In Northern Ireland, domestic abuse crimes reached a record high last year, with over 35,000 incidents reported. Every one of us hears about and sees such things happening all the time in our constituencies. It is absolutely devastating for the victims. A 2021 study found that 71% of our young people across these islands have experienced or witnessed coercive control in their relationships.

For years, our curriculum here has been woefully outdated. The Education (Curriculum Minimum Content) Order 2007, which sets out what should be included and discussed in RSE, does not mention the word "consent" even once: that is crazy. Consent exists in all aspects of our lives. How can we expect young people to navigate the complexities of modern relationships when we fail to teach them about that fundamental concept? I feel strongly about that.

The Education Committee is working through RSE developments and coming to agreement. Thankfully, we agree on more than we disagree on, so I think that there is a wide acknowledgement of the need to educate our young people. We have been listening to young people as well, and I thank the team at the Secondary Students' Union (SSUNI), particularly a young lady named Lauren, who has put together a document called 'Let Us Learn', which explores issues such as the importance of consent, understanding what coercive control looks like and, most important, educating our young people who are experiencing abuse in relationships so that they have the words to describe it, to understand what it looks like and to know whom to go to and to speak to if they are experiencing harm, intimidation or threat. I also spoke with young ladies at Thornhill College in Derry, and they had talked through the importance of including things such as the dangers of spiking in our RSE curriculum. They said that they do not feel ready for the world, and they think that RSE can be one answer in preparing them for real-life situations and preparing them to go out into the world and feeling most confident when establishing and maintaining relationships.

Consent is not just a box to tick; it is the cornerstone of healthy relationships. Without a clear understanding of consent, young people are left vulnerable to coercion, abuse and harm. That is particularly urgent when we consider the rise of online abuse, image-based sexual violence and the normalisation of harmful gender stereotypes in digital spaces. It is also really important that we talk about things such as rape myths in RSE and ensure that they are part of the conversation.

This is about not just education but prevention, and comprehensive RSE has been shown to reduce rates of sexual violence, improve relationship satisfaction and empower young people to make informed choices. It is about giving them the tools to recognise abuse and arming them with the confidence to know where to go to seek help and to speak up. That is why, today, I call on the Minister of Education to work with the Minister of Justice to establish a task force dedicated to enhancing RSE. The task force must address the gaps identified in the healthy young adult relationships project and implement its recommendations by December 2025. The reason why that is so important is that it is a tangible target and has a timeline. It is very topical, and we have been doing extensive research at Committee level. I really think that establishing a task force will bring a lot of justice to the topic.

Why now? We cannot afford to wait. I firmly believe that, every day that we delay, we fail another generation of young people. We fail to equip them with the knowledge to build respectful relationships, and we fail to protect them from harm. I urge every Member across the House to vote for our motion.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

Thank you. I call David Brooks to move amendment No 1.