Northern Ireland Assembly, 18 November 2024

485 contributions from 63 members. The official report.

Members' Statements

Deirdre Hargey (Sinn Féin, Belfast South)

I rise to speak about the protest outside Queen's University Belfast last Thursday afternoon and all that unfolded after it. The protest happened in my constituency. It took place to highlight the ongoing plight of Palestinians in Gaza in the face of the genocide, which is being investigated, continued illegal occupation and enforced removal of Palestinian people. This is what we saw unfold: protesters were taken to the ground; batons were drawn by the PSNI; concerning images of what developed appeared on our screens and social media on Thursday evening and into Friday; and a number of arrests were made.

I met representatives from the PSNI at lunchtime on Friday, and I raised with them directly our serious concerns about what happened. As I said, batons were drawn at the protest. I asked what pre-planning arrangements were made between the police and Queen's University, which would have known that a protest of that nature would take place at the event at Whitla Hall. I reiterated the right to peaceful protest in our society. Today, I reiterate our party's concern that, in some ways, that right was denied on Thursday based on what we saw on the lawns of Queen's University. Again, I call on the PSNI to review its arrangements and pre-planning and to engage with Queen's University to ensure that the right to peaceful protest is protected at any future events. We will continue to liaise with the police and Queen's University.

Diane Dodds (DUP, Upper Bann)

The British Heart Foundation's 'Bias and Biology' report was launched in Parliament Buildings last Wednesday. The report highlights a very important element of healthcare in Northern Ireland: the systemic gender inequalities that exist across the cardiac care pathway.

It provides recommendations for closing that heart attack gender gap, which will improve outcomes and quality of life for women with heart disease in Northern Ireland.

It is estimated that 26,000 women in Northern Ireland are living with coronary heart disease, which kills twice as many women each year as breast cancer. That is a statistic that I was not aware of, and it is really quite startling. In the region of 2,000 women will die annually in Northern Ireland from heart and circulatory diseases. There is insufficient awareness of a woman's risk of heart disease and heart attack, which negatively impacts on women's prospects of recovery. Women are more likely to receive a delayed diagnosis or misdiagnosis after a heart attack and are less likely than men to receive timely, optimal care. There is also a lack of knowledge on the impact of the menopause and pregnancy on the likelihood of heart disease in women. The report calls on cardiovascular health to be a key component of the women's health action plan.

I also recommend to Members the event in the Long Gallery on cardiovascular disease led by the Heart Failure Warriors coalition. In particular, you may have noticed the story of Nicole and Farrah, twin sisters who live in two different trust areas in Northern Ireland. One has had good aftercare after a diagnosis of heart failure, but the other has had no aftercare. That highlights the postcode lottery with services in Northern Ireland.

Paula Bradshaw (Alliance, Belfast South)

I rise to note the achievements of the Ireland over-50 women's, over-55 men's and over-55 women's teams, which all competed at the recent Masters Hockey World Cup in Auckland, New Zealand. All three teams finished in at least the top eight, but the over-55 women's team deserves a special mention having reached the final, becoming one of the very few sports teams from Ireland to have played in a world cup final. The team narrowly missed out in the final, losing 1-0 to England, but it achieved memorable victories over Australia, Scotland and, most notably, South Africa in the semi-final, winning 5-0. The Ireland team included six players from the Ulster Masters team, all of whom still participate in the club game here in various guises, including one from Belfast Harlequins Ladies Hockey Club in my constituency.

Those hockey players are not just amazing athletes but fantastic role models. They all give back to the sport through umpiring, coaching, sitting on management committees, supporting fundraising efforts and, most importantly, encouraging players coming up from junior clubs, women returning from pregnancy and those picking up a stick for the first time.

At the other end of the age scale, I also note the victories of the Ulster under-16 boys, under-18 boys and under-16 girls in the Autumn Interprovincial Series, which concluded this weekend. They all won their leagues. That went alongside a narrow runner-up spot for the under-16 girls, so there is certainly a bright future for Ulster and Irish hockey. On that note, I give a special mention to the work of Ulster Hockey. Its contribution to the growth of the sport is measured not just by those results but by the growth in the number of junior leagues for women in recent years from nine to 12. That represents approximately 400 extra women playing the sport every week.

I hope that the achievements of the Ireland teams and those of the Ulster teams at the other end of the age range lead to a greater recognition of what hockey brings to society here, as one of the top three sports by participation, not just in Northern Ireland but in the world.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

To acknowledge the over-55s, I call Steve Aiken.

Steve Aiken (UUP, South Antrim)

Thank you very much indeed, and, yes, I am slightly over 55, Mr Speaker.

Members may not be aware that, over the past few days, we have had a very unwelcome visitor to our islands. I am not referring, as some politicians and journalists would, to the Chancellor of Queen's University, Hillary Clinton, whom I do welcome for her commitment to the university and Northern Ireland and for her steadfast support for Israel, holding Iran to account and Ukraine. There is absolutely no doubt that she has also become a figure of hate for those who would support Russia, Iran and their proxies in their intent to dominate and then destroy our Western system of peace and democracy.

That brings me on to our unwelcome visitor: the Russian naval ship Yantar. That ship, which is designed to find subsea infrastructure and to use underwater drones to either survey, tap or cut gas pipelines, fibre-optic cables and power cables, has been active before, probably cutting fibre-optic cables to Svalbard or in the Mediterranean off the coast of Cyprus, and her sister ships have been up to a lot of nefarious work in the Baltic Sea.

Last week, she paid a visit to the Irish Sea, and not just any part of it. Operating over cables that connect the Republic of Ireland to the United Kingdom, the vessel has been conducting operations that only the useful idiots protesting against NATO at Shannon Airport and on the pavement outside Queen's could consider benign. We need to be very aware of the critical vulnerability that this island faces from Russia and others. Thankfully, Northern Ireland, as part of our nation, comes under NATO's protective umbrella. The rest of this island is defenceless, however, and it is only by the good graces of the Royal Navy, the Royal Air Force and the United States Navy that we have any sense of security at all. If anybody still doubted the perils of defence freeloading, last week should have been a wake-up call, although, for those who remain blind to the reality of today's threats from Mr Putin et al, I severely doubt it.

Daniel McCrossan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, West Tyrone)

In recent weeks, the Minister for Infrastructure rightly made a positive announcement about the A5 upgrade. Unfortunately at the end of last week, news emerged, which the Minister has confirmed publicly, that pre-action correspondence of a potential legal challenge has been received against the upgrade. Rightly, that has caused a huge amount of frustration and anger in my constituency and beyond and a huge amount of concern over the implications of any action taken against the project.

There have been countless delays to the A5 upgrade, and, as a result, we have seen far too many deaths on the road. Almost 60 people are dead, and every single day of delay means that further lives in my constituency and in neighbouring ones are put at risk from that deathtrap of a road. There is no day on which I am on that road that I do not witness a potential accident or an accident occur. People have been seriously injured, and some have been left with life-changing injuries that they have had to live with and that they will have to live with for the rest of their life. The people of my constituency are traumatised by that road but are forced on to it because we have no alternative means of travel. Public transport is weak and largely inaccessible in rural constituencies, and in parts of my constituency in particular. We have no rail options. We have only the A5, which runs through the very heart of West Tyrone. That is why business owners and people right across the constituency are united in their frustration.

Those who are against the road upgrade may believe that they have due cause for objection, and they have a right to go through the objection process. They do not, however, have a right to continue down that path against the will of the majority of people whom I represent and, indeed, for whom the parties in the Assembly have been voicing concern. We need to see the road upgrade go ahead. Any delays are entirely unacceptable, and I consider any form of action to be an attempt to derail any form of progress being made with the A5.

The fact is that the A5 upgrade will go ahead, because it is an Executive flagship project. It is recognised across this island as being a critical piece of infrastructure for saving lives and protecting people, but it will also create economic opportunities for a part of the island that has been entirely cut off.

My message therefore to the objectors is this: please back off. Any action taken against the A5 upgrade literally costs lives, so I ask them today to withdraw any legal challenge and not to bring one again in the future.

Maolíosa McHugh (Sinn Féin, West Tyrone)

Ba mhaith liom comhbhrón ó chroí a dhéanamh le muintir Loinsigh agus le muintir Shearcaigh faoi chailliúint thubaisteach Eoín, a fuair bás maidin Dé Domhnaigh seo chuaigh thart de dheasca taisme bóthair. Ní raibh Eoín ach 29. Go ndéana Dia A mhaith ar a anam.

Gortaíodh beagnach 8,000 duine ar bhóithre sna Sé Chontae anuraidh. Mar sin de, is cuí aird úsáideoirí bóthair a tharraingt ar a thábhachtaí atá sé bheith ar an eolas faoi shábháilteacht ar bhóithre agus bheith díograiseach ag cinntiú go dtig le daoine bheith slán agus iad ag taisteal ar ár mbóithre.

Is eol dúinn uilig príomhchúiseanna taismí bóthair: an ró-luas, bheith ag tiomáint faoi thionchar an óil nó drugaí, bheith ag tiomáint go neamhaireach, úsáid guthanna póca, gan crios sábhála a chaitheamh, agus droch-chothabháil feithiclí.

Gidh gur tábhachtach agus ábhartha iad na fachtóirí sin, ní mór a rá go gcuireann drochbhail ár mbonneagair go mór leis an fhadhb.

Is bóthar artaireach é an A5 chuig an iarthuaisceart, bóthair a théann trí mo thoghcheantar féin. Is minic a dúradh nach bhfuil an A5 acmhainneach ar an trácht atá ag taisteal air, nó chaill barraíocht daoine a mbeatha agus iad ag taisteal ar an bhóthar sin.

Is furasta an locht a chur ar na tiománaithe féin as cuid mhór de na taismí ar an bhóthar sin. Ach is léir go bhfuil contúirt sa bhóthar féin, nó tá an iomad bealach isteach agus amach ar an bhóthar chéanna.

Is minic an A4 luaite agam, nó ba é an bóthar ba chontúirtí in Éirinn é. Nuair a rinneadh carrbhealach dúbailte de, tháinig titim shuntasach ar líon na dtaismí.

Creidim gurb amhlaidh a bheas sé i gcás an A5 nuair a dhéanfar é a fhorbairt. Dá bhrí sin, is mian liom comhghairdeas a ghabháil leis an Aire John O’Dowd, nó d’fhógair sé le deireannas go bhfuil rún aige tús a chur ar an obair go luath sa bhliain 2025.

Chuir athbhreithnithe breithiúnacha moill ar fhorbairt an A5 agus is olc liom a chluinstin gur cuireadh agóid eile dlí ina aghaidh an tseachtain seo caite. Tá siúl agam go dtiocfar ar réiteach gan mhoill.

Cuirfidh forbairt an bhóthair seo go mór leis an tsábháilteacht ar bhóithre Thuaisceart na hÉireann. Tá mé ag dréim le titim láithreach i líon na dtaismí agus le tiománaithe a bheith slán agus iad ag taisteal ar an bhóthar seo.

Stephen Dunne (DUP, North Down)

I express my extreme disappointment at the decision of the Post Office to consider closing the branch in Main Street, Bangor, in my constituency. An announcement was made last week that affects, potentially, over 100 other branches across the UK, which are now under serious threat of closure. The post office was opened in 1936 and is an historic and integral part of the character of Bangor. Indeed, it is a notable post office and was one of the few that were opened during the short reign of King Edward VIII.

Many local residents who rely on these key services share my concerns and feel real disappointment today. Whilst we recognise that, today, a wider range of post office services is available in other retail units and outlets in different places, traditional post offices such as the one in Bangor Main Street provide a valuable and important service, particularly with so many bank closures, which we have seen in town and city centres over the past decade. As with many such closures, those who are impacted on hardest are the elderly and the more vulnerable people across our society, particularly in accessing cash and paying bills, including important utility bills.

Given the uncertainty created by the negative announcement last week, my thoughts are also with the staff whose livelihoods could be jeopardised by the changes, particularly as we approach the Christmas period. Following the disgraceful and shocking findings of the investigations of the Horizon scandal, there is a moral imperative for the Post Office management to avoid any further unnecessary job losses and to protect its already damaged reputation across the UK.

I will write to the Post Office management and the Economy Minister about the issue. It is important that every effort is made to oppose the changes, and I ask that every effort be made to reverse the decision. The loss of a post office will be yet another hammer blow to our city centre in Bangor, to the public and to other local businesses and traders, particularly our smaller and medium-sized businesses, which really are the backbone of our towns and city centres. Many of them rely daily on the post office for important services. There seems to be a growing trend for Bangor to be a soft target for cuts, which we have seen in recent years with the closure of the Bangor minor injury unit and the decision to remove the public enquiry office from Bangor police station. This move is a step backwards, and I ask for it to be reconsidered.

Nick Mathison (Alliance, Strangford)

Today marks the start of Children's Grief Awareness Week 2024. It is an appropriate moment to reflect on the significant impact that bereavement can have on the life of children and young people. Data collection is not what it should be in this area, but it is estimated that, in the UK, by the age of 16, one in 29 children will experience the death of a parent or sibling. Those are sobering statistics. That is a child in every class, as they move through their educational journey. The impact of bereavement at that age is devastating. It is vital that the right support is available for our children, and nowhere is that more important than in our schools. Therefore, it is welcome that the policy focus of this year's Children's Grief Awareness Week is grief education, with a clear emphasis on the need for grief education to be an essential part of the curriculum from the earliest stage possible.

Research shows that good grief education can act as a strong protective factor when children later experience bereavement, which has such a huge and devastating impact on their well-being. That impact affects children in specific ways. It can leave them unsure of their previously assumed safety and security in the world and often without the language to speak about it. In that context, I particularly recognise the work of Marie Curie in this policy area in Northern Ireland. This week, it will launch its report on creating compassionate school communities that have policies in place to appropriately support bereaved children. The report will have a number of recommendations and is the culmination of a long period of research and engagement with stakeholders from across a range of sectors, most notably including engagement with young people who have been directly impacted by bereavement. It is essential that we engage with those children and young people if we want to deliver effective support.

I fully support the recommendations that will be announced, but I want to highlight two in particular. First, every school should have a bereavement policy in place to ensure that every child can get the support that they need in school when they are impacted by bereavement. Those policies should be embedded in schools and should generate whole-school approaches to bereavement support. All staff in the school should be familiar with the policy and should be fully equipped to deliver it effectively. Secondly, grief education should be embedded in the curriculum. Children in Northern Ireland should have a range of opportunities through their education to discuss grief and bereavement so that taboos around the subject can be broken down. Marie Curie's youth advisory panel is clear that those are vital interventions and that it is essential that, with the focus on grief education and the launch of Marie Curie's report, the Department now take forward the necessary work to deliver on the recommendations and to ensure that children and young people in our schools get the support that they need to prepare them for the impact of bereavement in their lives and to support them when they are dealing with grief and loss. I am that sure we all agree that we owe our children that.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

The Member's time is up.

Emma Sheerin (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I rise in celebration following a brilliant weekend of sport across the province, most notably my club, St Colm's Ballinascreen, becoming Ulster champions. I heartily congratulate everybody involved in the panel, particularly the management of Cathal, Paddy and Colm and the entire team. We have a brilliant mix of young and more experienced on our hurling panel, and they beat East Cavan Gaels by eight points yesterday to become the junior Ulster club champions. It is a fantastic feat for our small club, and I am very proud of everybody involved. The celebrations from last night probably still continue and rightly so.

I also note the fantastic achievements of Swatragh and Slaughtneil in reaching their respective finals at both intermediate and senior levels. I wish them the very best of luck in their finals.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

Alexander McCartney was a global sexual predator: a vile paedophile who targeted hundreds, if not thousands, of young girls across the world. He blackmailed and exploited them, ultimately resulting in the deaths of a young girl and her father from the United States. The test of any society is how it treats its children. Since becoming an elected representative, I have become increasingly concerned by public attitudes towards paedophilia, which is a difficult subject for anybody to debate and talk about.

It was revealed in 2021 that, in Northern Ireland, one third of those convicted of child sex offences avoided a prison sentence. What has been going on in our society is absolutely abhorrent. It is happening across the United Kingdom. I will give three examples of sentences that, in my view and that of many of our constituents, were wholly and totally inappropriate. Huw Edwards, on whose phone 41 indecent images of children were found, received a suspended sentence: no jail time. The man who supplied those images got no jail time. Yet, across the UK, we see an attempt to target people for the offence of even putting up a Facebook post. Maybe they have offended somebody: they get jail time. When we look at cases like that, we see that how we treat our children is totally abhorrent.

Another case: just last week, a trainee teacher was let off a prison sentence. He was found to have shared hundreds of images of babies, yet there was no prison sentence. That 26-year-old distributed and received more than 1,000 of the most serious category A films and images. "Category A" is the most depraved and revolting. It is absolutely despicable. Just yesterday, the 'Daily Telegraph' reported that a paedophile convicted of sexually assaulting his stepdaughter had been allowed to remain in the United Kingdom because a judge ruled that deporting him to Africa — this is truly shocking — would breach his right to a family life under the European Convention on Human Rights. Has sentencing not gone mad in this place if we cannot collectively deal with such issues and ensure that those offenders are put behind bars?

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Time is up.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

I call for a wider sentencing review —

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

The Member's time is up.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

— and a UK-wide approach to dealing with the issue.

Declan Kearney (Sinn Féin, South Antrim)

Tá sochaí faoi chomhtháthú sóisialta agus ceardchumainn láidre fite fuaite lena chéile. Is é sin bunchloch sochaí ina ndéantar na ceardchumainn agus na hoibrithe a chosaint le reachtaíocht agus leis an chomheagrú. Caithfidh sé bheith mar chuspóir príomha polaitíochta ag an Tionól seo ceardchumainn láidre a bheith ann. Tá ceardchumainn riachtanach má táimid le geilleagar a chur ar bun a rachaidh ar biseach do ghnóthaí agus ar bláth do na hoibrithe agus dá muintir.

Léirítear i dtaighde de chuid fheachtas Respect at Work agus Ollscoil na Banríona ar na mallaibh go bhfuil gníomh fostóirí in aghaidh na gceardchumann ag méadú ar fud na hÉireann. Maíonn oibrithe go ndéantar leatrom ar ghníomhaithe ceardchumainn agus go gcuireann fostóirí drogall ar oibrithe roimh dhul isteach i gceardchumainn. Tagann gníomh frith-cheardchumainn salach ar an rud atá d’fheidhm orainn mar shochaí agus muid ag leanúint den obair riachtanach le fadhbanna a réiteach. Tá ceardchumainn láidre de dhíth le dul i ngleic leis an phá íseal, dálaí oibre neamhbhuana agus an neamhionannas forleathan idir saibhir agus daibhir sa tsochaí againn.

De réir mar a dhéanfar an Bille um chearta fostaíochta/poist mhaithe a chur ar aghaidh sa Tionól, beidh sé de dhualgas ar gach aon Chomhalta a dhícheall a dhéanamh ionas go dtiocfaidh sé de reacht amach go mbeidh ceardchumainn láidre agus cearta láidre cómhargála ann. Tá bealach nua, forásach sa reachtaíocht sin le go gcuirfear oibrithe agus a muintir chun feabhais; go mbeidh caighdeáin arda saothair ann; go mbeidh luach saothair is fearr ann; go mbeidh ionaid oibre atá slán sábháilte ann; agus go mbeidh cosaint ann ar gach aon saghas leithcheala san ionad oibre. Capall na nuálaíochta agus an fháis eacnamaíochta ceardchumainn a bhfuil cumas iontu agus oibrithe a bhfuil pá maith agus post buan acu.

Diane Forsythe (DUP, South Down)

Once again, I rise to highlight the funding needs in Northern Ireland. In our recent Budget announcement, it was recognised that funding for Northern Ireland should based on need. That campaign has been led by the DUP, particularly our leader, Gavin Robinson MP, for some time. We are pleased to see progress. However, its implementation fails to address the fact that we have fallen substantially behind the rest of the UK over many years in our funding and our baseline is not sufficient. We should not be waiting to apply piecemeal funding through monitoring rounds just to meet our basic public service needs and to keep things operating.

The DUP wants pay awards for public-sector staff that keep pace with other parts of the United Kingdom. The disparity is another symptom of the chronic underfunding of our public services here. Our nurses, doctors, police officers and teachers deserve to receive fair pay and conditions for the vital work that they do. It is wrong that too many of our best public servants are now employed by agencies rather than the public sector.

The Labour Government's decision to hike National Insurance contributions will cost our Civil Service an additional £20 million from April 2025. It will cost all employers in Northern Ireland, but that tax change, which was imposed without consultation or consideration of the disproportionate impact on the devolved Administrations, will force our Civil Service to divert critical resources from front-line services to cover those increased costs. It will reduce the funding available for healthcare, education and community services. That £20 million could instead have been used to employ more nurses and doctors to support an overburdened health system or to provide additional resources for schools.

Our public finances in Northern Ireland are under immense pressure, and we need a fair funding model that is correctly baselined and secured on a long-term and sustainable basis. That has long been a priority for the DUP, and we will continue to work hard to deliver for the people of Northern Ireland through our teams in Westminster, the Executive and the Assembly.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Members should take their ease while the top Table is changed.

(Madam Principal Deputy Speaker in the Chair)

Opposition Business

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

The next item of business is a motion from the Opposition on breaches of the ministerial code of conduct.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

I beg to move

That this Assembly condemns the refusal by DUP Ministers to attend North/South Ministerial Council (NSMC) meetings in 2021, obstructing essential cross-border cooperation and defying the Good Friday Agreement; acknowledges the findings of the Assembly Commissioner for Standards into this matter, which found that these Ministers breached the ministerial code of conduct, thereby undermining public trust in government; affirms that all Ministers are duty-bound to uphold the ministerial code of conduct in good faith; asserts that the NSMC must not be held hostage for political means; and calls on the First Minister and deputy First Minister to work with the British and Irish Governments to initiate a review of strand two of the Good Friday Agreement, to ensure it remains fit to support and enhance cross-border cooperation, and contributes, alongside other reforms, to the functioning of secure and stable institutions for all communities in Northern Ireland.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

The Business Committee has agreed to allow up to one hour for the debate. The proposer of the motion will have five minutes to propose and five minutes to make a winding-up speech. All other Members who are called to speak will have three minutes. Matthew, please open the debate on the motion.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. Since we took up the mantle of opposition, we have been clear that we will be constructive in putting forward positive ideas. Today, in our final Opposition day of 2024, we are doing just that on EU affairs, childcare and dereliction in the heart of Belfast. We also said that we would be robust in holding those in power to account. Today we are doing that, too.

In July this year, a report from the ministerial standards commissioner found that five different DUP Ministers had breached the ministerial code by failing to attend a range of NSMC meetings in late 2021. That finding is, of course, hardly surprising, given that the High Court ruled that those actions were totally unlawful, but that did not stop the boycott continuing in 2021. Indeed, in her report, the ministerial standards commissioner is clear that the decision to proceed with the boycott in clear knowledge that it was unlawful exacerbated the breach.

To quote the commissioner:

"In choosing to act unlawfully, they"

— she means the Ministers in question —

"set a bad example to their Assembly colleagues and the wider society that they are somehow above the law, which ultimately could serve to lower standards within and outside the Assembly and diminish public trust and confidence in the Assembly."

That gets to the heart of the breach and why it matters. Politics in this place is held in low esteem. People believe that parties in the Assembly, particularly the larger ones, believe that they can do what they like and face minimal or no consequences. All too often, that is true. There is a crisis of accountability in our politics. That was in evidence recently when the First Minister felt that she could instruct a Committee Chair on what could and could not be asked during scrutiny by a Statutory Committee. Part of our job in opposition is to effect a change in that culture. It is worth pointing out that, while the rules of the Assembly now provide for more stringent penalties, including formal censure or even exclusion, our motion today does not do that. That is not to say that those sanctions cannot be used in the future, but it is to say that our motion is about registering clear condemnation, affirming the centrality of the NSMC to these institutions and looking forward to solutions. It is not about scoring points; it is about accountability.

When it comes to accountability, people may remember the words of Tony McGleenan KC, who was defence counsel for several of the affected Ministers. He argued in court that a judicial remedy to the boycott was not appropriate back then because the Assembly was there to hold Ministers to account. Well, after two years of it being down, here we are. There is a broader point here about the legitimacy of using boycotts, which cripple the operation of government, as a legitimate political tool. That logic has seen us without a Government for half of the past decade. The collapse of the NSMC is part of that. It is pernicious. Strand 2 of the agreement is designed to be equal and interlocking with strands one and three, and it is important to make that point as often as possible. The NSMC was not and is not a bauble. It is supposed to be as core to the functioning of our Government as the Chamber and the Executive, so collapsing it for party political ends was never a legitimate action. The NSMC had no role at all in Brexit or the UK's withdrawal from the European Union.

That brings us back to the question on which the two big parties refuse to engage: reform. Reform is needed not just of the veto that allows one party to collapse the operation of strand one of devolution but of the system that requires a Minister to have a chaperone for a routine meeting with their southern counterpart, which is how the DUP was able to thwart the NSMC for so long. Sadly, neither area of reform is likely to make progress any time soon, because both big parties see continued advantage in a system that offers them not just a veto power but a shield from accountability. That is, once again, on display because, as I look to the ministerial Benches, I see that neither the First Minister nor the deputy First Minister, or even the junior Ministers, is here to respond to the debate, despite the motion clearly calling on the First Minister and the deputy First Minister to explore reform of strands one and two. They are not here: they have not turned up to engage in that simple ask and show accountability to the Assembly Chamber. That, I am afraid, says it all. It is why our role in opposition is so important. Even if it makes people in and outside the Chamber uncomfortable, we intend to keep doing it in the public interest.

I commend the motion to the Assembly. I reiterate the need for real accountability, real reform and an end to the politics of boycott.

Declan Kearney (Sinn Féin, South Antrim)

The parties in the Assembly are responsible for the full and complete implementation of the Good Friday Agreement, including strand two, which is the subject of today's motion. The Good Friday Agreement must not and cannot be subordinated to sectional party or governmental interests.

All three strands of the agreement were designed and agreed, through negotiation, to be interdependent. The parallel and mutually reinforcing operation of the strands is the essential foundation of our peace settlement. The strands were negotiated and agreed as a framework in which to continue the management of democratic change in our society. The North/South Ministerial Council is therefore a fundamental political institution of the Good Friday Agreement, established to coordinate and cooperate on common policy areas across the entire island. In the post-Brexit era and in the context of the Windsor framework, North/South cooperation on investment, trade, agriculture and tourism has never been more important to the prosperity of everyone across these islands.

While the motion is correct to highlight the importance of the NSMC and its integral relationship to the rest of the agreement, it fails to note that the mechanism already exists to monitor and, if necessary, advise on improvements to the implementation of strands one, two and three through the Assembly and Executive Review Committee.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

I appreciate the Member giving way. I agree with him, but does he agree that, thus far, the AERC has done virtually nothing about reform? It has met once and has not discussed any type of reform.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

The Member has an extra minute.

Declan Kearney (Sinn Féin, South Antrim)

Go raibh maith agat.

[Translation: Thank you.]

I thank the Member for his intervention. It is incumbent, without exception or ambiguity, on every Member and Minister to stand up and take responsibility for ensuring that the agreement is implemented in its entirety.

Attempts to hollow out any institution of the Good Friday Agreement are unacceptable. They should be unambiguously opposed by all parties and both Governments. Reform should be done by utilising the agreement's existing provisions. In this case, as I elaborated for the Member who intervened, that means the AERC and not an obscurely defined review. The best protection for the agreement against its opponents inside and outside the Assembly rests in its complete implementation. The focus of all democrats and progressives should be on realising that objective and opening the next phase of our peace process, leading towards a new constitutional future for all our people built on reconciliation and national reunification.

Brian Kingston (DUP, Belfast North)

The action of DUP Ministers in the previous Executive and the subsequent legal judgement were a collective demonstration that the original protocol imposed by the EU and the UK Government caused a deterioration in political and economic stability in Northern Ireland. The concerns of unionists had been trampled on, and the DUP makes no apology for having brought matters to a head. Only then did the EU reverse its position and return to the negotiating table. Ultimately, legislative changes were made. We in the DUP will take no lectures from other parties that resisted bringing about a political resolution to that impasse and, instead, called for the rigorous implementation of the protocol — the arrangements that were at the heart of the problem.

Harry Harvey (DUP, Strangford)

Will the Member give way?

Brian Kingston (DUP, Belfast North)

Yes, I will.

Harry Harvey (DUP, Strangford)

Does the Member agree that the DUP was right to take that stand at that time?

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

The Member has an extra minute.

Brian Kingston (DUP, Belfast North)

Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. Absolutely. My colleague is right: the party was right to make that stand. It brought about benefit to our constitutional position and to our economic position in the UK internal market.

During that period, we made it clear that it would not be appropriate for us to thwart decision-making on crucial issues such as health cooperation. In fact, cross-border meetings took place during the period, with the attendance of other Ministers to sign off on those issues and on PEACE PLUS funding. It is a pity that other parties did not follow that example: in 2008, Sinn Féin boycotted Executive meetings, and, in 2017, it pulled down the institutions and deprived the Assembly of the ability to sit, prevented British-Irish Council meetings from taking place and stopped the North/South bodies from being able to operate in any shape or form.

Until now, the common thread running through all strand two and strand three institutions has been that they are accountable to Stormont. Regrettably, the undemocratic imposition of over 300 areas of EU law on Northern Ireland has reframed the terms of North/South cooperation, attacking and diminishing the principle that the North/South Ministerial Council and other bodies are accountable to the Executive and the Assembly. That is where the act of bad faith lies.

The DUP supports practical, sensible and targeted cooperation between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. We do not feel that our proud British and unionist identity is under threat from the many positive examples of beneficial and life-saving cross-border health projects, including the all-island congenital heart disease network and the North West Cancer Centre. The DUP wants that vital work to continue.

When it comes to having respect for the institutions and the various codes that are applicable to Members, we should perhaps take a look at the recent history of those parties that are championing the motion. When Gerry Kelly admitted committing a criminal offence at the Tour of the North parade in 2013 and was sanctioned by the then Assembly Commissioner for Standards, it was the SDLP that used the petition of concern to block those sanctions from taking effect. In the same year, the then Lord Chief Justice ruled that Michelle O'Neill, the then Agriculture Minister, had breached the ministerial code by trying to transfer money from the direct farm support budget into rural development programmes without there being Executive consideration. More recently, the former Alliance Party MLA Patrick Brown was found to have failed to observe the principles of conduct for MLAs and to have brought the Assembly into disrepute.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Time is up.

Brian Kingston (DUP, Belfast North)

In closing, I say that —

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Time is up.

Brian Kingston (DUP, Belfast North)

— those championing the motion would do well —

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Time is up.

Brian Kingston (DUP, Belfast North)

— to remember that those in glass houses should not throw stones.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Yes, and perhaps Members can honour the fact that when I say that time is up, it is up.

Doug Beattie, I am not sure whether you were indicating that you wished to speak.

Doug Beattie (UUP, Upper Bann)

I was, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. I will briefly contribute to what is a very short debate about a very important issue. The motion is factual in its truth but narrow in its content, and I have to say that it points at just one party — in this case, the DUP — when the issue of breaches of the ministerial code of conduct goes much wider by far. The truth is this: DUP Ministers' failure to attend NSMC meetings did not achieve anything that they set out to achieve, and we are no further forward today than we were back then. We do need a mechanism to hold Ministers to account, however, but I am not sure what the motion is trying to do about that.

I will raise a number of issues. First, the line in the motion that states:

"Ministers are duty-bound to uphold the ministerial code"

is absolutely right, but we need much more robust action to be taken, and far quicker and more timely action, when they do not adhere to the ministerial code. I am not sure what is going to be achieved by having a debate about the DUP's failure to attend meetings, three years after the fact, albeit the proposer of the motion did say that it is about highlighting an issue. That is fair enough, as I have no problem with our highlighting an issue.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

I thank the Member for giving way. We are highlighting an issue, but it is true to say that the Commissioner for Standards' report came out only in July of this year. We are not looking to have a fight or to score points. Rather, we are trying to set standards for the future.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

The Member has an extra minute.

Doug Beattie (UUP, Upper Bann)

My point was not directed at the SDLP for tabling the motion three years after the event. Rather, I am saying that the issue is that the commissioner published her findings quite late. Things need to happen an awful lot quicker. The reality is that the ministerial code is not fit for purpose. We were promised a revised ministerial code following the New Decade, New Approach deal, but we have not yet received it. We were also promised that the ministerial code would be looked at following the passing of the Executive Committee (Functions) Bill, but we are still waiting.

From recent engagement with the commissioner, I have found out that the ministerial Pledge of Office does not fall within her remit. When a Minister breaches the Pledge of Office, the commissioner does not have the remit to look at the situation. The Nolan principles of standards in public life, which apply to the Pledge of Office, are therefore not being looked at by the commissioner.

The second point that I would like to raise is on the second half of the motion, which talks about looking at a review of strand two of the Belfast Agreement. I am always mindful that we should never tinker with just one part of the Belfast Agreement. I tell you now that, if you start pulling at the thread of strand two, it will have an effect on strand one and on strand three, so I am always mindful of that. I understand what the party is bringing forward in the motion. There is no issue with that, but I am mindful that you do not want to pull at just one thread, because the whole thing could unravel, and the unbalanceable agreement that we have managed to balance could come apart very quickly. All that I will say on that is that we need to be careful.

We are in a reduced mandate. We have just over two years left. We, as an Executive and an Assembly, are struggling to get legislation out. This is not the time to start looking at one strand of the Belfast Agreement, although I understand the reasons for it.

Paula Bradshaw (Alliance, Belfast South)

I support the motion. The motion as framed is good, and we fully support it in its entirety, although we add that it is a pity that the opportunity was not taken to add a section on institutional reform — that very much speaks to the comments of Doug Beattie — which, if we looked at the wider piece, would include ensuring that breaches of the ministerial code are not just passed over. Mr Kingston clearly outlined why we need institutional reform: so that we cannot have a stop-start, collapsing Assembly.

We strongly share the proposer's frustration that vital North/South work has not been taken forward as well as it could have been in recent years in part because of a boycott of the institutions in their entirety and in part because of a previous boycott of the North/South institutions. Indeed, we are still in a position that the North/South bodies are not operating properly because their boards have vacancies, predominantly on the Northern side. We feel that that represents a significant opportunity lost.

We also await updates on the ministerial code. A question also arises about why we have a code that appears to be unenforceable without itself falling foul of the sectarian veto that stalls so much progress in this place. That has already been touched on this afternoon. We may note that the code applies to covering the full range of functions, including promoting good community relations. It is also hard to see how outright boycotts are in the public interest that we, as politicians, are supposed to serve.

Therefore, we welcome the proposal of a review of strand two; indeed, we would support a review of the institutions more broadly. Sticking with strand two alone, however, we share the view that it is a fundamental aspect of the agreement that cannot simply be ignored at will. With much more focus on ensuring that the administration and resourcing of North/South bodies were improved, we would eventually get to the point of being able to demonstrate more clearly the benefits for all our communities in Northern Ireland.

The motion could have been strengthened to make clear reference to how a sectarian veto should not be able to block a review aimed at ensuring that the North/South Ministerial Council and the ministerial code could function more effectively. I would argue that abuse of the sectarian veto is, in itself, contrary to the ministerial code, which demands that Ministers work for the whole community and towards a shared future. As long as that veto remains in place without review, we are left meekly calling for things that will probably never happen, leading to the public losing faith altogether, as we continue to lose opportunities to improve society. Nevertheless, we support the motion.

Harry Harvey (DUP, Strangford)

I will make a few points. First, it is interesting to note the new-found interest that the SDLP has in the events of 2021. It is a pity that it did commit itself back then to working constructively to address the issues facing us in order to avoid the action that was taken. Non-attendance at North/South Ministerial Council meetings could have been avoided with a political resolution, a resolution that the SDLP and other parties in the Chamber resisted to such an extent that they called for the rigorous implementation of the mechanisms at the very heart of the problem.

The motion makes no reference to the steps that we in my party took to ensure that our removal from the Council did not impact on or impede essential decision-making on crucial issues such as cross-border health cooperation. In that regard, the motion is factually wrong. Before the Opposition attempt to caricature my party as the bad guys holding up sensible solutions by way of cross-border cooperation, it is worth stating that we have no issue whatever with working collaboratively with neighbouring jurisdictions, particularly the Republic of Ireland, to achieve better, quicker and more efficient results for everyone on the island. Practical and sensible targeted cooperation on areas of mutual benefit is a no-brainer and should be welcomed.

The motion calls for a review of strand two; however, it should be remembered that the goalposts have already been moved in relation to the impact of the protocol on the North/South relationship. The undemocratic imposition of over 300 areas of EU law on Northern Ireland has reframed the terms of North/South cooperation. It has attacked and diminished the principle that the NSMC and other bodies should be accountable to the Executive and the Assembly. That is where the act of bad faith lies, meaning that there is inevitable damage to the delicate balance of relations.

On reform, I remind Members that the institutions that we are all privileged to serve in are built on consensus and the necessity of working and delivering for all and are founded on commanding the ongoing support of unionism and nationalism. In times past, the SDLP was quick to remind unionism of that fact but is now, sadly, less so. No level of reform should be used as a short-term tool to punish one community or elevate another with knee-jerk reactions. On the contrary, reform should seek to better solidify cross-community support and equality. Where devolution can be improved to benefit better governance —.

Brian Kingston (DUP, Belfast North)

Will the Member give way?

Harry Harvey (DUP, Strangford)

Yes. I would welcome the Member's intervention.

Brian Kingston (DUP, Belfast North)

Does the Member agree that our attention should be on the good governance of Northern Ireland and on ensuring that, for the rest of the term, the Assembly operates well?

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

The Member has an extra minute.

Harry Harvey (DUP, Strangford)

Thank you very much. I thank the Member for his intervention.

We in the DUP have demonstrated that we will not be found wanting, whether on the reduction in the number of MLAs, the reduction in the number of Departments, Ministers and advisers or on the wider streamlining of politics here. We have always been to the forefront of change for the better.

The reform of strand two or elements of strand one cannot be conducted in isolation from a wider discussion of reform. Piecemeal reviews based on party political motivations will not serve to better our institutions. The normalisation of our system of government towards voluntary coalition, for example, is something that we would wish to see in future. However, we must approach that and other issues with a strong realism that is in the here and now.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Thank you, Harry. Your time is up.

Harry Harvey (DUP, Strangford)

Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker.

Eóin Tennyson (Alliance, Upper Bann)

It is telling that Minister Lyons and former Ministers McIlveen and Middleton are not in their place to answer for their actions, albeit they have wheeled out their colleagues to lay out a valiant defence of the indefensible.

The Good Friday Agreement relies on three strands: strong relationships internally in Northern Ireland; strong east-west relationships between this island and Britain; and strong North/South relationships. This place functions only on the basis of interdependence, respect and cooperation. In boycotting the North/South meetings, the DUP intentionally sought to disregard that agreement, disrespect its colleagues and disrespect the people whom it is here to serve. It claims to have done so in order to exercise leverage over the EU, in which it has failed. It exercised leverage only over the most vulnerable, who languished on ever-increasing waiting lists, were under pressure from huge spikes in the cost of living and struggled to get adequate education provision for their kids. Those were the people who suffered, not Boris Johnson, Rishi Sunak or the European Commission. It is telling that none of the Ministers or Members concerned are here to answer, because they know that that was the sole consequence of their actions.

The report of the Standards and Privileges Committee was clear in pointing to the fact that Ministers acted unlawfully and continued to act unlawfully even after the High Court decision had been made, setting a poor example, lowering standards and destroying what was left of public trust and confidence in our institutions.

I find the level of hypocrisy striking. We have Members of the DUP and Sinn Féin standing up and pointing fingers at each other for actions that their own parties engaged in. Mr Kearney talked about the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement, but says that we could not possibly look at a review. A review was promised in the original text of the Good Friday Agreement and has never been implemented. This is not about elevating one community over another: it is about equality. It is about ensuring that everyone in Northern Ireland is treated equally by the institutions, irrespective of whether they are nationalist, unionist or represented by the Members on these Benches who do not align with either of those two boxes. It is also about accountability. Had the Assembly wished to debate a statutory motion of censure of any of the Members concerned, that motion would have been blocked by cross-community vote. Accountability in the Assembly will be a pipe dream for as long as the current arrangements are allowed to stand. I implore the two largest parties, who have been the stumbling block to reform —

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

The Member's time is up.

Eóin Tennyson (Alliance, Upper Bann)

— to wake up —

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

The Member's time is up.

Eóin Tennyson (Alliance, Upper Bann)

— and to deliver for the people whom they represent.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

OK. The Member's time is up.

Daniel McCrossan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, West Tyrone)

We tabled this important motion because of the determination in the July report, which very clearly indicates that there was a breach of the ministerial code. That is unacceptable, but I know that it would suit some Members or parties if we were to continue down the road of simply brushing everything under the carpet and saying, "It's in the past. Don't worry about it. Sure it's done now". It also suits the DUP to define good governance when it suits it to do so, but the reality is that the public have lost all confidence in the institutions. We have a huge mountain to climb if we are to reassure people that this place is here to serve their best interests and the common good.

Unfortunately, instead of saying, "Yes, fair enough, we should not have done that," the DUP continues to dig the big hole that it is in. That attitude will disappoint quite a lot of people, but it will not surprise them. The reality that the DUP fails to recognise is that boycotting did not work and collapsing the institutions did not work. Although the DUP was built on "Never, never, never," it always returns to the table with its tail between —.

Brian Kingston (DUP, Belfast North)

Will the Member give way?

Daniel McCrossan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, West Tyrone)

No, you have said enough.

The DUP always returns to the table with its tail between its legs. The question is this: are you interested in representing all the people in Northern Ireland or not? The reality is that, right throughout its history, the DUP has cherry-picked the parts that suit it but wants the rest of us to run to its beating drum when it suits it. The reality is that things here need to change. We have a huge task in delivering for all the people in Northern Ireland on health, education and housing. The truth is that those are the issues that unite our society. People are united by their struggle to get operations or the treatment that they need, to get homes and to support their families. Typically, however, this place always falls into the trap of "them and us". "Let's distract from the fact that there has been no delivery by the House and create an illusion that we can't work together". In truth, that is a political decision.

Boycotting the North/South Ministerial Council achieved nothing, and the DUP has learned nothing. Deep down, it knows that all the boycotting has achieved nothing. Its Members are back in the Assembly with very little having changed and their tails between their legs. I remind the DUP that the protocol is a direct consequence of the Brexit that it wanted and for which it fought and argued. Maybe it is a case of the DUP being careful what it wishes for and of this being time to get on with it. People deserve better. They want this place to work, but they also want higher standards —

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Time is up.

Daniel McCrossan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, West Tyrone)

— from the people in elected office, who hold the responsibility for —

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Time is up, Daniel.

Daniel McCrossan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, West Tyrone)

— and have control of the Departments. It is time to get on with the job.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

OK.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

As noteworthy as it is, the motion does not have one word in it explaining why the boycott started and why, quite frankly, it should be continuing. That is not surprising given its source. As a party that aspires to a united Ireland, the SDLP is hardly going to have a problem with the trashing of our east-west relationship. What is surprising is that unionists, who, alongside the TUV, said on "Ulster Day" 2021 that it was:

"our unalterable position that the Protocol must be rejected and replaced by arrangements which fully respect Northern Ireland's position as a constituent and integral part of the United Kingdom"

have abandoned their pledges about not operating the North/South Ministerial Council. Indeed, some were clear that they would not operate any of the Belfast Agreement institutions in such circumstances. I recall Mr Lyons once boldly declaring:

"If there is a choice between remaining in office or implementing the protocol in its present form, then the only option for any unionist Minister would be to cease to hold such office."

The lure of the ministerial car proved greater than his commitment to his own promise.

If there was any doubt about the continuing impact of the protocol, it was removed last week when a pet border was introduced between Northern Ireland and the rest of the UK, and not just a pet border but one that applies to guide dogs. So much for the deal that was sold to ordinary unionists on the basis of zero checks and zero paperwork. How much stronger a message it would send if, instead of merely returning to the Executive and North/South Ministerial Council, the DUP and the Ulster Unionist Party had kept their word and the Assembly had come back only to vote on the protocol.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Will the Member give way?

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

Absolutely.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

If the Member thinks that no unionist should be here, why is he here?

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

The Member has an extra minute.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

Thank you very much for your intervention. Obviously, this is not the Executive. This is the Assembly, but you can smile about your wee gotcha moment, if that is what you were after.

As I said, that would have underscored the message that the trashing of the constitutional guarantees of the Belfast Agreement meant that it could not coexist with the protocol.

Coming back to the SDLP, however, I find it amazing that this is the context in which it chose to cite the ministerial code. In recent days, we have had the scandal of the First Minister seeking, successfully, to head off questions at the Committee for the Executive Office about her adherence to the ministerial code. No one who watched her evidence would have concluded that she was committed to accountability and openness. I say this to the SDLP: if you want to be taken seriously as an Opposition, you need to be prepared to challenge Sinn Féin and, indeed, the First Minister.

Why, weeks after the scandal broke, have you not brought a motion to the House about McMonagle? We still do not even know how many days a week the self-confessed paedophile worked in Ms O'Neill's office. Did he work there at all or was she involved in funnelling money for constituency work into a party press operation? Let us get real, and, if we are to have these institutions, let us at least debate the breaches of the ministerial code that are relevant. It is time that the SDLP took off its constructive gloves and seriously challenged Sinn Féin regarding its handling of the Michael McMonagle scandal.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Before I call the next Member to speak, who will be Patsy McGlone to make a winding-up speech on the motion, I advise Members that the Speaker has received a letter from the First Minister and deputy First Minister notifying that they are unable to provide a response to the debate because there is no shared position across the joint Office. I am sure that the Assembly welcomes the courtesy of that correspondence.

Patsy McGlone (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Mid Ulster)

Go raibh míle maith agat, a Phríomh-LeasCheann Comhairle.

[Translation: Thank you very much, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker.]

That really takes us to the heart of the matter, does it not? This is supposed to be a Government by the people, for the people and for all the people, and, quite clearly, that is not spilling out of the letter that you referred to.

My colleague pointed out that five DUP Ministers had failed to attend North/South Ministerial Council meetings. We went into the details of the finding of the Commissioner for Standards that the DUP had chosen to act unlawfully. Indeed, she stated that they felt:

"that they are somehow above the law",

which, clearly, is not the case. The centrality of the North/South Ministerial Council to the functioning of those bodies of the Good Friday Agreement, which many of us went out and voted for and which helped to bring us peace, is integral to the way forward for this community and, indeed, for this island.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Will the Member give way?

Patsy McGlone (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Mid Ulster)

Yes.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Does my colleague agree that it is notable and, perhaps, fitting that not only did those Ministers not attend NSMC meetings but, today, they have not even shown up here for accountability?

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

The Member has an extra minute.

Patsy McGlone (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Mid Ulster)

Go raibh míle maith agat.

[Translation: Thank you very much.]

I take the logic that the boycott now applies to the Assembly itself. That is not where people should want to place themselves. This is about real accountability and reform.

Declan Kearney said that the Good Friday Agreement cannot be subordinated. Chuala mé an méid a bhí le rá aige.

[Translation: I heard what he had to say.]

He said that the three strands depend mutually on one another. Clearly, from the letter that you have just referred to, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker, his party has a task to seek to persuade Members from the DUP that, indeed, that applies to the Assembly, too, and to accountability within the Assembly. He referred to the Assembly and Executive Review Committee. As my colleague aptly pointed out, it has met only once. Its outcome seems to have been quite marginal.

Brian Kingston referred to unionists being trampled upon. I do not think that any of us would ever come with the mentality of trampling upon anyone, least of all our unionist colleagues or, indeed, neighbours and friends. Certainly, that is not why I am here. I would venture to say that the very man whom his own party supported, Boris Johnson, was the person who trampled upon them, danced upon them, laughed at them, sneered at them and did the dirt on them. Meanwhile, the DUP not only supported him and his Government but cheered for him at their party conference. Let us face facts, folks: you were taken for a bit of a run.

Brian Kingston (DUP, Belfast North)

Will the Member take an intervention?

Patsy McGlone (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Mid Ulster)

I am sorry: I do not have any time.

That is the reality of it. He referred to 300 areas of EU law that have been imposed on Northern Ireland. Another issue has to be explored here: are we suggesting that we discard those 300 elements of EU law? That is not the place where we want to be. Let us face facts: many elements of EU law are good law that has been brought to us here. Indeed, in many instances, it was brought forward through the mechanisms of the EU while Britain was still a member.

Doug Beattie pointed out the issues that need to be achieved around the Pledge of Office and that the Commissioner for Standards does not, in fact, have any remit or role to look at that. Paula Bradshaw, in supporting the motion, referred to other reforms. Indeed, the SDLP was one of the first parties in the Chamber to realise that further reform was required. In fact, the motion refers to "other reforms" that are needed to contribute:

"to the functioning of secure and stable institutions for all communities in Northern Ireland."

Harry Harvey referred to the non-attendance. Of course, it could have been avoided, Harry. The boycott did not achieve a lot. On the issue of the protocol, as I have said, the protocol was the spawn of Brexit, for which, in fact, many in your party voted. The protocol was the child of Brexit. Having voted for that, people cannot absolve themselves of responsibility and say, "Ah, well. Sorry: it was not my fault". It gave the red light — I say "red light" rather than "green light" because it stopped us and took us backwards — to a process that wound up with the protocol and subsequently with the Windsor framework. As for "bad guys", Harry, I would never refer to you as a bad guy, but your own party helped to deliver Brexit and the protocol.

Eóin Tennyson referred to the boycott and disregard for the Good Friday Agreement. My colleague Daniel McCrossan also referred to it and to the DUP's digging itself deeper into a hole. The North/South Ministerial Council was there, and is there, to deal with relevant issues, whether those are about North/South, all-island economic cooperation, environmental regulations and support or health issues, which many Members have referred to here. Nobody — nobody — can tell me that boycotting those institutions delivered anything positive for the community in Northern Ireland. Nothing. The boycott delivered nothing positive in dealing with key, instrumental and positive elements that people should be getting on with.

If you choose to absent yourself from those key responsibilities and duties, you are neglecting your duties to the entire community. Sin a bhfuil le rá agam.

[Translation: That is all that I have to say.]

Question put.

The Assembly divided:

Ayes 50; Noes 31

AYES

Dr Archibald, Ms K Armstrong, Mr Baker, Mr Blair, Mr Boylan, Ms Bradshaw, Miss Brogan, Mr Delargy, Mr Dickson, Mrs Dillon, Ms Dolan, Mr Donnelly, Mr Durkan, Ms Egan, Ms Ennis, Ms Ferguson, Ms Flynn, Mr Gildernew, Mrs Guy, Miss Hargey, Mr Honeyford, Ms Hunter, Mr Kearney, Mr Kelly, Ms Kimmins, Mr McAleer, Miss McAllister, Mr McCrossan, Mr McGlone, Mr McGrath, Mr McGuigan, Mr McHugh, Ms McLaughlin, Mr McMurray, Mr McNulty, Mr McReynolds, Mrs Mason, Mr Mathison, Mr Muir, Ms Mulholland, Ms Á Murphy, Ms Nicholl, Mr O'Dowd, Mrs O'Neill, Mr O'Toole, Ms Reilly, Mr Sheehan, Ms Sheerin, Ms Sugden, Mr Tennyson

Tellers for the Ayes: Mr McGlone, Ms McLaughlin

NOES

Dr Aiken, Mr Allen, Ms D Armstrong, Mr Beattie, Mr Bradley, Mr Brooks, Ms Brownlee, Mr K Buchanan, Mr Buckley, Ms Bunting, Mr Butler, Mr Chambers, Mr Clarke, Mr Crawford, Mrs Dodds, Mr Dunne, Mrs Erskine, Ms Forsythe, Mr Frew, Mr Gaston, Mr Givan, Mr Harvey, Mr Kingston, Mrs Little-Pengelly, Mr Lyons, Miss McIlveen, Mr Martin, Mr Middleton, Mr Nesbitt, Mr Robinson, Mr Stewart

Tellers for the Noes: Mr Harvey, Mr Kingston

Question accordingly agreed to.

Resolved:

That this Assembly condemns the refusal by DUP Ministers to attend North/South Ministerial Council (NSMC) meetings in 2021, obstructing essential cross-border cooperation and defying the Good Friday Agreement; acknowledges the findings of the Assembly Commissioner for Standards into this matter, which found that these Ministers breached the ministerial code of conduct, thereby undermining public trust in government; affirms that all Ministers are duty-bound to uphold the ministerial code of conduct in good faith; asserts that the NSMC must not be held hostage for political means; and calls on the First Minister and deputy First Minister to work with the British and Irish Governments to initiate a review of strand two of the Good Friday Agreement, to ensure it remains fit to support and enhance cross-border cooperation, and contributes, alongside other reforms, to the functioning of secure and stable institutions for all communities in Northern Ireland.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

I beg to move

That this Assembly notes the beginning of the democratic consent process; calls for the Executive to continue their efforts to operate the protocol/Windsor framework as smoothly as possible; further calls on the Secretary of State to ensure that any independent review of the functioning of the Windsor framework, as provided for under schedule 6a to the Northern Ireland Act 1998, investigates and makes proposals to the UK and EU on other related post-Brexit issues affecting all communities in Northern Ireland, including but not limited to disruptions to cross-border trade in services and provision of public services, improved access to ERASMUS for Northern Ireland-based students and institutions, increased participation for Northern Ireland residents and community organisations in the fullest possible range of EU programmes, increased support for Northern Ireland businesses to maximise the advantages of dual market access, options for Northern Ireland representation in the European Parliament, reflecting our rights as EU citizens and obligations under EU law, and any other measures that could bring economic or social benefits to this region befitting its unique post-Brexit status.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

The Business Committee has agreed to allow one hour for the debate. The proposer of the motion will have five minutes to propose and five minutes to make a winding-up speech. As an amendment has been selected and is published on the Marshalled List, the Business Committee has agreed that eight minutes will be added to the total time for the debate. Matthew, please open the debate on the motion.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Before the end of this year, the Assembly will have an opportunity to vote on the protocol, now often referred to as the "Windsor framework". Unlike a lot of the votes that we have in this place, this one will mean something. It is a vote that will not simply pass into the ether; it will have specific consequences. It is provided for in international law, and, assuming that it passes with a simple majority, as, most expect, it will, the UK Government have said that that will trigger a process of reviewing how the protocol works.

How should that review look? What should it look at? The consent motion is short and simply acts to confirm or reject the continued application of articles 5 to 10 of the protocol. Of course, we all want to see continued efforts to ensure that the movement of goods between Britain and Northern Ireland is as smooth as possible, but, if there is to be an independent review, it must look at the challenges and opportunities of our post-Brexit arrangements in total. That means maximising the investment and growth potential of our dual market access. It means ensuring that the EU and the UK are on the same page when encouraging and facilitating that investment. I have been among the loudest and most vociferous advocates of the opportunities from dual market access, but it will take more than local politicians talking; it will need policymakers in Brussels, London and Dublin to be fully engaged in helping us to benefit from our position.

We think that the independent review process, assuming that one takes place, is the perfect place to start that work, but this is not simply about pounds and pence or euros and cents; it is about the extraordinary opportunities for young people, universities and wider civic society and maximising our access to European programmes and European cooperation. For example, while it is welcome that Northern Irish students can participate in ERASMUS via higher education institutions in the South, we want to see Northern institutions fully participating again. We are, after all, bound to the EU not only by the obligations of the protocol but by the fact that our people — our citizens — have a permanent right to EU citizenship by dint of birthright. We also have another treaty right enshrined in the Good Friday Agreement and clarified by our former party leader Mark Durkan when he was an MP, which is that Northern Ireland, uniquely in the UK and, indeed, uniquely on the continent, has an automatic legal route to rejoining the EU via a referendum on a new Ireland. To be clear, that is not what today's debate is about, but it illustrates why we are entitled to speak up not just for a European future in the long term but for a joint effort by the UK and EU to maximise the benefits as we mitigate the challenges of our position. Those challenges also include a wide range of new disruptions to cross-border life in the all-island economy.

Let me say briefly that we will, of course, support the Alliance Party amendment, which adds to our motion. I note that some of the wording is a little clumsy. The Alliance Party has successfully courted soft nationalist opinion, but the way that its amendment is phrased indicates that people come "to Northern Ireland from Ireland". That is interesting phrase, and, if you want to continue courting soft nationalists, I encourage you to keep using such language. That would certainly be in our interests. In any case, let us be clear: the appalling policy decision to press forward with the electronic travel authorisation (ETA), potentially devastating tourism in Ireland, is an example of why the British Government needed to be put to the pin of their collar on the original protocol. We make no bones about the fact that we did that, and we will continue to do that.

There are other cross-border disruptions: financial services; data, including geo-blocking for sport fans; and other regulatory and tax problems that face frontier workers. The protocol itself, signed by the UK, promised in article 11 to ensure that the conditions for North/South cooperation were maintained. Let us hold them to that.

All of those things and, indeed, getting progress on softening east-west disruption would be made more straightforward and, indeed, more accountable, if Northern Ireland had representation in the European Parliament. Our party makes no bones about being the most pro-European party in the North and, indeed, about our aspiration to rejoin the EU, but I have also listened to MLAs and others outside the Chamber, including former Members, lament what they see as the undemocratic nature of the protocol. I presume, then, that they will be happy to support our call for Northern Ireland to be represented in the European Parliament. Whether you want to rejoin the EU, as I do, or simply think that our voice should be heard, we ask for your support. There are multiple routes to this happening and multiple examples of non-member states being represented. West Berlin sent MEPs to the European Parliament despite not being in the Community, as it was then. Gibraltar has never been in the UK, but it was part of the EU and was bound by EU law until Brexit and so voted in European parliamentary elections. Multiple accession countries have enjoyed observer status. Those examples demonstrate that there are precedents and possibilities. To those who are opposed, I simply say, "Why not?". In this place, we did not —.

Sinéad McLaughlin (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

Will the Member take an intervention?

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

I will take an intervention, yes.

Sinéad McLaughlin (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

Will the Member agree that every Member of the Assembly has a responsibility to maximise our post-Brexit status?

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

The Member will have an extra minute

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Thank you very much, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. I appreciate the extra minute, and I appreciate the opportunity to outline that, yes, we should take every opportunity to maximise the benefits.

I believe strongly in a European future, but I want the best for all of our citizens here. Whether they are EU citizens proudly or not, I want the best for all of our people under our unique status. In this place, we did not choose Brexit, but we have managed to protect ourselves from the worst consequences of Brexit. Let us go further. Let us maximise those opportunities, and let us ensure that our voice is heard where we need it to be heard. I commend the motion to the Assembly.

Eóin Tennyson (Alliance, Upper Bann)

I beg to move the following amendment:

Insert after "under EU law": "urgent delivery of a comprehensive and ambitious UK-EU veterinary and sanitary and phytosanitary agreement, an electronic travel authorisation tourist exemption for international visitors coming to Northern Ireland from Ireland,’

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Thank you. Eóin, you will have five minutes to propose your amendment and three minutes to make a winding-up speech. All other contributors will have three minutes. Go ahead.

Eóin Tennyson (Alliance, Upper Bann)

Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. I propose the Alliance amendment, which would support and enhance the motion by expanding on two fundamental issues: the need for a comprehensive UK-EU veterinary and sanitary and phytosanitary (SPS) agreement and an electronic travel authorisation exemption for tourists crossing the land border.

As has been well rehearsed, Alliance opposed leaving the EU, but thanks to the recklessly hard Brexit pursued by the Conservative Government, aided and abetted by the DUP, special arrangements are now necessary to address the particular challenges posed to our economy. There is no escaping that fundamental truth, and so continuation of the Windsor framework, when the Assembly votes in the coming weeks, is essential to uphold our dual market access, protect the Good Friday Agreement and respect our international obligations. Any review that follows, to be clear, must command the respect of people from across our community and a broad swathe of political opinion and must not be the kind of sweetheart deal that we have seen between the UK Government and the DUP.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

I thank the Member for giving way. He talks about the respect of all communities. The Belfast Agreement put at its heart cross-community voting in this place. Does the Member not have any concern or, indeed, remorse about the fact that there will be no cross-community vote on the democratic scrutiny motion in the coming weeks?

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

The Member has an extra minute.

Eóin Tennyson (Alliance, Upper Bann)

I am concerned about the impact that Brexit had on cross-community relations and on the Good Friday Agreement when the DUP rode a coach and horses through that agreement and completely undermined it. The Member needs to look in the mirror rather than to cast aspersions on those of us on these Benches post Brexit

[Interruption.]

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Order. Will Members please stop shouting from a sedentary position? It is rude.

Eóin Tennyson (Alliance, Upper Bann)

Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker.

The truth is that the overwhelming majority of people and businesses here want to see pragmatic solutions, not further instability and uncertainty. The commitment of the new UK Government to reset relationships with the EU is welcome, and we know that, through constructive and solution-focused engagement with our partners, flexibilities can be forthcoming and solutions found. Of course, the clearest way to address the additional trade borders and barriers created by Brexit would be for the UK to return to the EU or, at the very least, to the single market and the customs union. Short of that, however, a comprehensive UK-EU veterinary and SPS agreement is the clearest way to benefit our economy, producers and consumers. That is why we have been calling for such an agreement since January 2021, and I am proud that Alliance was the first party to do so. Industry strongly supports an agreement, recognising the opportunity to address a range of challenges from reducing checks, form-filling and barriers to trade to aiding with the movement of pets and supporting access to veterinary medicines.

Secondly, our amendment calls for an ETA exemption for tourists who arrive in Northern Ireland via the land border. Tourism is a vital strand of our economy, and the majority of international visitors to Northern Ireland arrive via Dublin Airport; indeed, the island of Ireland is marketed internationally as a single entity. Any additional bureaucracy will serve as a disincentive to tourists to come north. With the ETA roll-out imminent, swift action is essential to safeguard the tourism industry and the economy of Northern Ireland from unintended consequences.

As we have done throughout the entire Brexit process, Alliance will continue to engage constructively to maximise the benefits and reap the rewards that can be derived from dual market access and as presented in the Windsor framework. We will continue in that constructive spirit until such times as Northern Ireland and the UK are returned to the European Union.

Philip McGuigan (Sinn Féin, North Antrim)

Go raibh maith agat, a Phríomh-Leas-Cheann Comhairle.

[Translation: Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker.]

In 2016, the vast majority of people in the North voted to remain in the EU. They did so in the knowledge that, politically and economically, it was in our best interests. For reasons that are for others to explain, both prior to the Brexit referendum and after, some wanted to pursue a strategy of political self-sabotage on a grand scale, regardless of the implications for peace on the island or the prosperity of businesses, communities and citizens in the North. Three minutes is clearly not enough time to allow me to give the detail of the last eight years, but suffice it to say that the results of Brexit, whether in Britain or Ireland, were never going to be positive. That is a fact that, hopefully, even its initial proponents across the Chamber can, at least in private, now recognise.

Thankfully for those of us who live in the North of Ireland, our majority voice was heard during the negotiations, and, more importantly, on the EU side at least, our voice was listened to.

In the negotiations, the terms and conditions of the Good Friday Agreement were front and centre: the EU was not going to allow peace in Ireland to be the collateral damage of English or British nationalism. The protocol and further agreements offer us and, in particular, our businesses protections from Brexit's worst excesses, as they allow for dual market access. We all need to be mindful of that fact when, in a few weeks, a democratic consent motion on the continuation of the current arrangements, which bring protections, certainty and stability for our business, is voted on in the Chamber.

The current arrangements are not perfect. As I said, Brexit could not be anything other than negative. Community and voluntary groups, businesses, sporting organisations and rural communities have lost access to millions in EU funding. Our young people are losing out on the full benefits of the ERASMUS scheme. The issues with veterinary medicines and the need for a sanitary and phytosanitary (SPS) agreement between Britain and the EU are problems that need to be resolved. The electronic travel authorisation that is being imposed by the British Government will undoubtedly disrupt and damage the number of visitors travelling northwards and impact on our tourism and hospitality sectors. We will support the amendment, which mentions most of that and adds value to the original motion.

In the short term, the certainty and stability in our relationship with the EU that the protocol offers are vital. I would welcome relationships between the EU and the new British Government becoming closer, should that transpire and bring with it positive outcomes for the North in the medium term. Ultimately, I believe the majority of people in the North want, as they indicated in 2016, to be part of the European Union. The conversation that we are having today about future relationships with the EU, in tandem with the ongoing conversation about constitutional change in a new Ireland, will, I believe, bring about the long-term solution: a new, democratic Ireland, with all its citizens, North and South, benefiting from EU membership.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Time is up.

David Brooks (DUP, Belfast East)

Not one unionist in this place supported the protocol, which was cheered on by those who sought to overturn a democratic referendum. Unionists have long known that some embrace the notion of democratic consent only when it suits them. It is clear to unionists that those in this place who speak loudest of the Belfast Agreement, as though it were a holy text, are hypocrites on this issue. During the Brexit process, they and their comrades spoke ad nauseam of the need to uphold the Belfast Agreement in all its parts, not only in the letter, they said, but in spirit. That agreement means much more to those on the Opposition Benches than it does to me, yet, when it comes to the democratic consent mechanism, it seems as though the SDLP and others were content for it to deliberately and by design dump the principle of cross-community consent that was so fundamental in 1998. Unionist communities across this country noted that those parties value safeguards only when they are for nationalists: majoritarianism is the order of the day when it suits their own ends.

The nature of the democratic consent mechanism, like much of the protocol and Windsor framework, was imposed without the consent — without the cross-community consent, certainly — that, since 1998, we have been told was imperative to maintain the confidence of both communities and the legitimacy of government here. When those on other Benches next intervene, with sanctimony, to make the much-rehearsed point about the impact of this place being down, perhaps they will reflect on how their corrosive contempt for unionist concerns and violation of established governmental norms led to that. That issue will see MLAs compelled for the first time in decades to vote on a simple majority basis on an issue that is significant and contentious.

The DUP continues to believe that the barriers to trade between Great Britain and Northern Ireland are unacceptable. The Windsor framework, even with the progress made in 'Safeguarding the Union', did not secure all our negotiating objectives nor remedy all the issues with the protocol. Northern Ireland should have left the EU on the same basis as the rest of the United Kingdom. We continue to work towards that aim. December's vote, although flawed, will be an opportunity to practically demonstrate that commitment in cooperation with other unionists. We will vote against the continuation of the current arrangements, but we are realistic about the outcome where the process requires only a simple majority.

Labour's reset in relations cannot be at the expense of honouring and advancing the commitments that formed the basis of the restoration of these institutions. My party secured in law the commitment to an independent review of the framework where there is no cross-community consent and to completion of that review within six months rather than the two years previously allowed under the Government's original unilateral declaration. A strengthened independent review should be the basis on which Labour honours its stated commitment to protect the UK's internal market.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

Will the Member give way?

David Brooks (DUP, Belfast East)

Yes.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

Will the —.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Time is up. Sorry. The Member only had seconds left.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

But sure —.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

But sure nothing.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

On a point of order, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Go for it.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

Obviously, this is the first time that we have operated using the new guidance for three-minute speeches. If a Member has taken an intervention, should the Principal Deputy Speaker not decide that they will receive an extra minute? My intervention was made at two minutes and 56 seconds.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Absolutely. The Member had three minutes originally, and an intervention in the dying seconds is not the way to do things. That also goes for debates where Members get five or ten minutes. I will refer the matter to the Speaker's Office. Until his ruling, I will not give an extra minute in those circumstances.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

Further to that point of order, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker, I appreciate your referring of the matter to the Speaker's Office, because I do not see anything in Standing Orders that suggests that an intervention made during any moment of a Member's three minutes will not be accepted.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

OK. That is accepted, but I will refer it on. I have done it with other Members, Mr Buckley, so I have been consistent. I guess that is what you are asking for, but I will get you a ruling. I am sorry, Mr Brooks.

Steve Aiken (UUP, South Antrim)

I have two interests to declare. First, I sit on the euphemistically named Windsor Framework Democratic Scrutiny Committee. Most Members will be aware of my view of that Committee. Secondly, for the avoidance of doubt, I voted Remain. I declare that in case people think all unionists were part of a monolithic block.

The Ulster Unionist Party will support neither the motion nor the amendment. In the short period of time that I have, I will concentrate mostly on the amendment. As a member of the Windsor Framework Democratic Scrutiny Committee, I notice that Mr Tennyson and Ms Nicholl are in the Chamber. As much as I enjoyed their company in Brussels last week — sorry, the week before; I need to be correct for Hansard — the key point is that on issues such as the EU waste management regulations, Alliance voted in the Committee against conducting investigations into their potentially significant impacts on Northern Ireland. The only Alliance Committee member who voted to support some form of investigation is no longer an MLA. Those decisions, as any dispassionate observer looking in on the Committee would see, are not because of the legal advice or what the industry has said. On many occasions, we have been told that the regulations will have significant impacts on Northern Ireland. To paraphrase Mr Tennyson at every meeting on virtually everything — I stand corrected; everything — Brexit has a cost. He then votes against, or does not vote for, an investigation. That is not representative of what a democratic scrutiny Committee should do.

Eóin Tennyson (Alliance, Upper Bann)

On a point of order, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

I hope that it is a point of order, Eóin.

Eóin Tennyson (Alliance, Upper Bann)

It is. The Member's remarks are inaccurate and he should withdraw them, given that I voted for an inquiry into the regulations that proposed a ban on mercury in dental fillings. I ask the Member to withdraw those remarks because they are not accurate.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

That is not a point of order, Eóin. However, I will refer your concerns to the Speaker. Go ahead, Dr Aiken.

Steve Aiken (UUP, South Antrim)

Thank you. Do I get an extra minute?

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

No, you do not.

Steve Aiken (UUP, South Antrim)

Oh come on, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. OK, I will speed on then.

David Brooks (DUP, Belfast East)

Will the Member give way?

Steve Aiken (UUP, South Antrim)

Definitely.

David Brooks (DUP, Belfast East)

Does the Member agree that the example given is probably the exception that proves the rule?

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

The Member has an extra minute now.

Steve Aiken (UUP, South Antrim)

Thank you very much indeed, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker.

Indeed, that is probably the exception that proves the rule. We also need to bear in mind that the SDLP and Alliance both called for the full and rigorous implementation of the protocol. What has changed? Surely Alliance are not reverting to cakeism. The vehemence with which the Alliance leadership, particularly the deputy leader of the party before Mr Tennyson —.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Will the Member give way?

Steve Aiken (UUP, South Antrim)

Certainly.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

I appreciate the disquisition on the Alliance Party: I am always up for that. However, given the Member's views about the democratic consent process and the scrutiny Committee, does he agree that having some kind of representation in the EU Parliament would be a positive step forward?

Steve Aiken (UUP, South Antrim)

No. While some will welcome the Damascene change in direction by the Alliance Party that the amendment points out, the reality, based on the voting behaviour in the Windsor Framework Democratic Scrutiny Committee, is very different. Actions, Alliance, not words —.

Eóin Tennyson (Alliance, Upper Bann)

Will the Member give way?

Steve Aiken (UUP, South Antrim)

No.

Actions, Alliance, not words, would make your amendment more convincing.

The motion itself has a degree of merit, but we cannot support the options for representation that were identified in the SDLP press release and in its comments on the motion. We have left the European Union. Anyone with even the remotest concept of how that organisation works will clearly understand the improbability of our getting any representative voice in the EU Parliament. There is no strand four to the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement. We need to work to make sure that the Irish Sea border impositions are removed.

Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. That was four minutes on the dot.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Yes, I am taking note of the time. Thank you.

The next item of business in the Order Paper is Question Time. I therefore propose, by leave of the Assembly, to suspend the sitting until 2.00 pm. The next Member called to speak after Question Time will be Jonathan Buckley.

The debate stood suspended.

The sitting was suspended at 1.55 pm.

On resuming (Mr Speaker in the Chair) —

Oral Answers to Questions — Health

Linda Dillon (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

1. Mrs Dillon asked the Minister of Health, given his recent allocation of up to £13 million to enhance services for children with disabilities, what measures will be put in place to ensure that families are positively impacted by this funding. (AQO 1124/22-27)

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I thank the Member for her question. As she will be aware, I was pleased recently to approve additional regional funding for children with disability services, despite the financial circumstances facing my Department. That funding allocation will enable up to £2 million to be spent over the rest of this financial year, and there will then be £13 million a year in multi-year funding to support families who have children with disabilities.

On the allocation of the funding, each trust is working intensively with my Department to agree what actions can be taken forward this financial year. I have been clear that the plans must improve family support, short breaks, residential care and behavioural support for families who have children with disabilities. It is a tripartite approach, particularly for respite and residential care: we need not only infrastructure and funding but a workforce that is suitably qualified and, indeed, committed to that challenging role. An immediate priority is to reinstate and expand overnight residential short breaks for children with disabilities. I recognise that that is only one component of the continuum of support that those families need, so, in addition, I have asked the trusts to prioritise the continued development of short breaks, fostering or Share the Care services specifically for children with disabilities. Those services can include support from befriending right through to overnight breaks. We are also working with the voluntary and community sector to see how we can expand and extend some of the services already available. One example will be to expand access to after-school clubs and youth clubs to provide families with additional support.

In the longer term, I want to work with parents of children with disabilities to co-design, because it is not about presenting a plan and asking what they think but about getting as close as possible to starting with a blank page and asking what they think at that point.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

That was right on the button of two minutes, Minister.

Linda Dillon (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Thank you, Minister. I welcome your answer. It fleshed out a wee bit what we had been told about the funding.

Will you give an assurance that accountability mechanisms have been put in place to ensure that the funding makes a real difference to young people with additional needs and their families, particularly given that this Thursday is Carers Rights Day? We know how much pressure there is on carers, and we have a responsibility to those individuals —

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

I think we get the gist.

Linda Dillon (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

— so can you give us some assurances around that —.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

I do not really approve of long questions or long answers. Fire away, Minister.

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I give the Member that assurance. The important thing is to recognise that co-design means starting with as close as possible to a blank page and asking the service users, "What do you want, what obstacles are in your way and how can we overcome them?". We got to a point where residential care in particular was being knocked out by short breaks, because the two were incompatible in the same infrastructure. I want to be sure that we understand what the obstacles are, so that, as we go forward, we not only remove them but monitor the implementation.

Diane Dodds (DUP, Upper Bann)

Minister, I thank you, because you have reacted to a pretty appalling situation across Northern Ireland. My question is on the differentials between the offerings in different trust areas. I have been involved in a case in which the parents moved from the Southern Trust, where they had overnight stays, to the South Eastern Trust, five minutes down the road, where there was no provision. Their overnight stays in the Southern Trust were withdrawn, and, when they moved back, of course, they were at the bottom of the waiting list for social work interventions and for overnight stays.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Will the Member get to the question?

Diane Dodds (DUP, Upper Bann)

Will the Minister assure me that he will work on that postcode lottery for respite services across Northern Ireland?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I assure the Member that I am very focused on that. I see that she is wearing a Heart Failure Warriors badge, as I am, after visiting the group in the Long Gallery earlier. We heard the two sisters on Radio Ulster this morning. One is in the Southern Trust area, and one is in the Northern Trust area, and there is a very divergent set of experiences between the two. That leads me to the conclusion that, while it would be tempting to go from five geographic trusts to one, I am not sure that that would be any more than a divergence and a distraction. I want outcomes, so I have made clear to the chairs and chief executives of the five geographic trusts that I am looking, wherever possible, for regional services where they are collaborating and cooperating and not competing. Let us find out where best practice is happening in any particular service and roll that out so that it is common practice across the five trusts.

Andy Allen (UUP, Belfast East)

I, too, join colleagues in thanking the Minister for his proactive approach on the matter. Will the Minister give a commitment that, when it comes to the allocation of funding, the trusts and his Department will work at pace to see tangible proposals and the delivery of support on the ground?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

It is intended that the additional funding will assist with increasing short-break capacity and expanding family, therapeutic and behavioural supports in the community right across all five geographic trusts. It is very important to recognise that overnight residential short breaks are only one part of the continuum of services that are needed for children with disabilities and their parents and carers. We must look at opportunities to expand the support services that we can provide in the community. Those are under active consideration as we look towards a £13 million additional spend in the next financial year.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Question 2 has been withdrawn. I call Diana Armstrong.

Diana Armstrong (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

I thank the Minister for coming to the Chamber today. Will the Minister provide an update on elective —

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Just the question number first.

Diana Armstrong (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

— care activity that is being delivered —.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

The question number.

Diana Armstrong (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

3. Ms D Armstrong asked the Minister of Health for an update on elective care activity that is being delivered within the South West Acute Hospital (SWAH). (AQO 1126/22-27)

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

It is all going very well here. The South West Acute Hospital is a very important asset in the Northern Ireland health service estate. I have had the pleasure of visiting the hospital on a number of occasions in recent months. Indeed, I visited it most recently with the Member. I saw again how accessible and modern the facilities are. The hospital is commissioned for an average of 15·3 elective theatre sessions per week across gynaecology, general surgery, paediatric surgery and dental. The number of patients who are treated will vary slightly each week, and that will depend on the case mix. Whilst there had been a period of under-delivery, following a recent recruitment exercise, the trust has successfully appointed four new consultants. That has had a positive impact on theatre scheduling. I am pleased to confirm that the South West Acute Hospital is now delivering more elective activity than it has at any point in its history. While I am very aware of some ongoing local concerns regarding the future of the hospital, I assure all — that means its patients, staff and the wider community in the Fermanagh and west Tyrone area — that I see the hospital continuing to play a very important and long-standing role. In particular, initiatives such as the elective overnight stay centre at the SWAH are and will remain critical in helping to tackle our lengthy waits for elective surgery. Members will be aware that I recently encouraged people to view our hospitals as a network and to recognise the fact that not every hospital will deliver every procedure. There is a place for the SWAH in that network.

Diana Armstrong (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

I thank the Minister for that very reassuring update. I am particularly pleased to hear that the hospital is delivering more elective activity than ever. In light of some of the recent concern in the local area that the South West Acute Hospital is facing a downgrade following the publication of the network document, what reassurance can the Minister give that that is not the case?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

'Hospitals — Creating a Network for Better Outcomes' clearly states that it is about the reconfiguration of the network of acute hospitals, of which the South West Acute Hospital is and remains a part. The proposed designation of SWAH as a general hospital refers to the tier at which it sits in the network and is not a reflection of its being downgraded from acute hospital status. In fact, the hospital network document does not contain any proposed reconfigurations. It simply sets a strategic context for future reconfiguration decisions.

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

Daisy Hill is one of the elective overnight stay centres, and it has been doing fantastic work to date. However, there is always room for more. What consideration have the Minister and his Department given to potentially expanding it to include orthopaedic surgeries? That is one of our biggest waiting lists, and many of us will have constituents who are on those waiting lists, so I would like to hear a little bit more about that.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

The initial question was about the South West Acute Hospital, but I leave it in the hands of the Minister for his response.

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

Thank you so much, Mr Speaker. I am going to have to get back to the Member, but I will say that there are successes in the transformation programme that we have undertaken since Professor Bengoa was first here in 2016. The elective overnight stay centres and the day procedure centres are a part of that. Primary care multidisciplinary teams are the shining example. Within all that, yes, I would like to see Daisy Hill being enhanced as an elective care centre.

Deborah Erskine (DUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

I saw in a recent media report that, in the past four years, £150 million from the public purse has been paid to private providers. Does that point to a capacity issue? I had a meeting recently with the trust in relation to the SWAH and it said that it had a demand/capacity gap, which it is looking to sort out, and it would rather get recurrent funding. Can the Minister point to the funding constraints that relate to elective care?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

The two issues are the quantum of the budget and the fact that it is a single-year budget. I have said before that I am optimistic that, if we do not get to multi-year budgets for 2025-26, I see no reason why we cannot get there for 2026-27, not least because the Labour Government will have embedded themselves both in Downing Street and the Treasury. Those are the two issues that play into workforce. Workforce is always a challenge. There are so many moving parts in delivering healthcare, particularly at an acute hospital like the South West. When one part falls down, it has a huge impact. In fact, it makes the whole thing grind to a halt. Workforce is a priority focus for me.

Nuala McAllister (Alliance, Belfast North)

It is positive news that four additional consultants have been placed at the SWAH. Has the Minister met any of the representative bodies on the efficiency of the elective care, not just particular to the SWAH but to all the elective care overnight and day procedure hubs across Northern Ireland?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I like to get out and about every week. I have been to the SWAH. I have been to most hospitals in Northern Ireland over the course of the months that I have been in charge. I meet not just managers but people who are delivering services, including those overnight services. However, as regards a strategic review, that is carried out by officials.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Mr McNulty — about the SWAH, I assume?

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

No.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Then we will move on to the next question.

[Laughter.]

Daniel McCrossan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, West Tyrone)

4. Mr McCrossan asked the Minister of Health to outline any work undertaken to reduce the minimum age of 60 for bowel cancer screening. (AQO 1127/22-27)

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

The United Kingdom National Screening Committee recommends that bowel cancer screening be offered to individuals aged between 50 and 74. Currently, in Northern Ireland, anybody aged 60 to 74 who is registered with a GP is eligible for bowel cancer screening. Action 7 of the cancer strategy for Northern Ireland 2022-32 is a commitment to reducing the sensitivity levels used in the fecal immunochemical test (FIT) and lowering the age range in the bowel screening programme in line with the UK National Screening Committee recommendation. Our work to meet the commitments to lower the age range and further reduce the sensitivity level is ongoing. However, it must be viewed in the context of the wider financial and capacity challenges within the supporting services. It is important to note that screening programmes are a pathway and not just a test. As such, where a screening programme makes changes to its eligibility, it is important that associated infrastructure, including diagnostic capacity and any treatments that may be required, is aligned accordingly.

Daniel McCrossan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, West Tyrone)

I thank the Minister for the answer, in particular his reference to action 7. I appreciate your long-held commitment to this, Minister, and I know that you feel strongly about this, but surely every day of delay is putting further lives at risk? Why can we not just test people now? That, undoubtedly, will save lives.

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

It is question of resource, it is a question of funding and it is a question of capacity. There are many things, on a daily basis, that people come to me about and ask, "Why do you not do this? If you invest in this, you will save money there. You will deliver the better outcomes that you talk about delivering." However, you need the infrastructure, funding and workforce, and when those three do not align, you cannot make the sort of improvements that I would like to see.

Danny Donnelly (Alliance, East Antrim)

What engagement has the Minister had with Bowel Cancer UK on the creation of a register for Lynch syndrome?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I have not had any particular engagement with that organisation on the question of Lynch syndrome, which, I understand, is a genetic issue. Early discussions are under way, however, to test the feasibility for the establishment of a Northern Ireland Lynch register, and those discussions are taking place between my officials, the Northern Ireland Cancer Registry at Queen's University Belfast and Health and Social Care (HSC) staff.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Question 5 has been withdrawn.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

6. Mr Blair asked the Minister of Health whether he will change the relevant procedures to enable multi-use sites, containing short-term respite and residential beds, to expand provision of respite services. (AQO 1129/22-27)

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

Members will be aware that the health and social care trusts have responsibility for commissioning and delivering services for children and adults, aligned to assessed needs. Respite or short-break care is defined as the provision of regular, occasional or emergency but time-limited breaks to those who are caring for others.

Statutory and independent-sector care homes facilitate planned and emergency short breaks for adults. In addition, short breaks are provided through the Shared Lives service. Currently, in adult services, there are a number of multi-use sites containing short-term respite and residential or nursing beds. That model has been utilised in order to expand the provision of respite services. My Department is leading on the reform of adult social care under the auspices of the social care collaborative forum. The commissioning and contracting work stream is taking forward the review of the regional care homes contract and specification, which will include provision for respite places in the care home setting. The maximising capacity work stream is working to make most effective use of the available regional care home resource.

In children's social care services, short breaks can be provided through hospitals, children's homes and specialist foster care settings. My Department is leading on the children's social care reform programme established in response to Professor Ray Jones's review. The reform programme contains a specific work stream in relation to residential care of children, including the provision of short breaks. There is a specific task and finish group, which is considering the introduction of multisite children's homes. By that, I mean an arrangement where children are cared for across a number of buildings that are collectively registered as a single children's home. Both of those work streams will conclude their specific pieces of work by March 2025.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

I thank the Minister for that answer. Further to that, will he respond to parents who have confirmed that their children are being sent out of Northern Ireland to access respite care? A response to a question for written answer from my colleague Nuala McAllister stated that that was not departmental policy. In addition, given the conversation that we had earlier about the £13 million that is available, how might that be used to address that issue across all trust areas?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I thank the Member for his follow-up question. With his permission, I will go away and test the question of policy. Certainly, from my point of view, sending somebody out of the jurisdiction would have to be an act of absolute last resort. I hope that the availability from 1 April of a new £13 million fund for this area will go a long way towards making sure that that never happens again. The fact that it does not happen would be my number-one objective in providing that sort of care.

Steve Aiken (UUP, South Antrim)

Is the Minister able to provide an update on the initiatives that his Department has taken to improve access to dental care in the Northern and Western Trusts? That is just to keep the Speaker happy.

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

Dental care?

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Dr Aiken, I will call you for question 7. I call Cara Hunter to ask the initial question first. You are ahead of yourself

[Laughter.]

Cara Hunter (Social Democratic and Labour Party, East Londonderry)

7. Ms Hunter asked the Minister of Health for an update on waiting lists for specialist dental care for children in the Northern Health and Social Care Trust (NHSCT) and the Western Health and Social Care Trust (WHSCT). (AQO 1130/22-27)

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

Community dental services (CDS) in health and social care trusts provide dental care to patients who, for various reasons, are not suitable for treatment in the primary care setting. For young children or those with additional needs or in particularly complex cases, it may be necessary for the treatment to be taken under general anaesthetic. To ensure that the most urgent cases are treated as quickly as possible, community dental services teams operate a strict triage and prioritisation process for general anaesthetic that is based on clinical need. That means that, for patients whose cases are considered to be acute or urgent, waiting times can be relatively short, but, for those in the routine category, waiting times can be significantly longer.

The majority of children receive all their dental care, including extractions, under local anaesthetic in general dental services. Extractions under general anaesthetic are indicated in children who are too young to tolerate the treatment under local anaesthetic, need multiple extractions or display disproportionate anxiety. General anaesthetic may also be required for patients with additional needs who are otherwise unable to cope with invasive dental procedures. Some patients may require all or most of their dental care to be under general anaesthetic. That waiting list is separate from the paediatric extraction waiting list. Children with additional needs may be placed on either list, depending on their individual needs.

The trusts' CDS teams provided the following information on the current estimated average waiting times from the time of initial referral. For the Northern Health and Social Care Trust, it is six to 12 months for paediatric dental extraction lists and eight months for patients with additional needs requiring comprehensive treatment. For the Western Trust, it is one to two months for paediatric dental extractions and one to two months for patients with additional needs requiring comprehensive treatment.

Cara Hunter (Social Democratic and Labour Party, East Londonderry)

I thank the Minister for that detailed answer. Minister, I will bring to your attention briefly the story of a family based in Greysteel in my constituency. They have a young girl called Maisie who has complex needs and was told that she would have to wait a year to get a tooth that was causing her so much bother that she could not eat taken out.

Minister, recognising the pressures on dental surgery, has your Department explored what we could do on a North/South basis? Has it looked at whether we could create a scheme for the children who are struggling with the waiting lists for surgery and find some way to resolve the issue and limit the waiting times?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I am more happy to engage with the Member on the detail of the individual case.

As a more general rule of thumb, the North/South reimbursement scheme, which was successful, no longer operates, because there is no budget for it. A bid was made in the previous financial year for budget to allow that scheme to be reintroduced, but that bid was unsuccessful. That is the position that we find ourselves in. Should that position change, as I have said in the House before, I am more than open to and would welcome sensible North/South cooperation.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

I call Dr Aiken.

Steve Aiken (UUP, South Antrim)

Thank you very much, indeed, Mr Speaker.

Will the Minister provide an update on the initiatives that his Department has taken this year to improve access to dental care in the Northern Trust and Western Trust, please?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

No.

[Laughter.]

Michelle Guy (Alliance, Lagan Valley)

Will the Minister provide an update on discussions with the UK Government on support for dentists who have been impacted on by the recent Budget announcements?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I am not aware of any discussions that are ongoing between my Department and the UK Government on the theme that the Member mentions.

Colin Crawford (UUP, North Antrim)

8. Mr Crawford asked the Minister of Health for his assessment of the work of the IMPACTAgewell project in the Mid and East Antrim Borough Council. (AQO 1131/22-27)

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I thank the Member. The IMPACTAgewell project delivered by the Mid and East Antrim Agewell Partnership is an integrated community development approach to improving the health and well-being of older people. The approach brings together those involved with the care and support of an older person: the GP, community pharmacists, social care workers and the practice manager of a locality hub. IMPACTAgewell is continually developing to meet the needs of local older people and recently commenced work in Inver rehabilitation ward, with officers being involved at the very start of the rehab admission to ensure that, when the older person is ready for discharge, everything is in place for them to return home, including food packs, meals on wheels, key safes and referrals to occupational therapy and so on.

IMPACTAgewell has reported that, since its inception, as well as improving outcomes for older people, it has saved approximately £6·1 million by avoiding unscheduled care costs to the health service in this area over the past seven years. I see it as an example of best practice that I would like to see rolled out across Northern Ireland to become common practice in how we deliver healthcare and support to an ageing population.

I recently visited the Mid and East Antrim Agewell Partnership premises and confirmed a two-year funding extension. That reaffirms the Department's commitment to supporting innovative, community-based solutions that address the health and well-being of ageing populations. That funding will enable IMPACTAgewell to continue its vital work of delivering integrated support and services for older individuals, particularly those facing challenges with isolation, long-term health conditions or limited access to community resources.

Colin Crawford (UUP, North Antrim)

Does the Minister agree that, following his recent visit and discussions with staff, the IMPACTAgewell project is a brilliant example of how spending money slightly differently can deliver far more significant benefits and savings in other parts of the health service?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I agree with the point, which is well made. My objective is to deliver better outcomes for patients, service users and the population generally as well as for those who deliver healthcare. Sometimes, slight adjustments are all that is required. Sometimes, a relatively small investment will have a disproportionately positive result.

Of course, it is important to monitor and measure outcomes, and the project is monitored quarterly against agreed targets by the Department of Health's strategic planning and performance group (SPPG). The case studies provided to SPPG in monitoring reports also demonstrate outcomes at a service-user level. The service will continue to be tested for value for money against other community care initiatives, such as acute care at home, that may cover some of the same areas.

Sian Mulholland (Alliance, North Antrim)

9. Ms Mulholland asked the Minister of Health for an update on the mental health strategy 2021-2031. (AQO 1132/22-27)

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

Delivery of the mental health strategy has been taking place within an extremely challenging financial context, using existing limited resources to take forward actions. As a result, the strategy is being implemented through annual delivery plans that set year-on-year priorities and actions. While the number of actions that can be taken forward is limited due to the funding position, good progress has been made in taking forward a number of areas, including implementation of the community perinatal mental health service across the region — teams are now in place in all trusts — and establishing the regional mental health service, including the appointment of the head of the service and a service user consultant as well as preparatory work for the formation of a regional collaborative board. Work is ongoing to embed a mental health outcomes framework within Encompass, as it is rolled out. There is the development of a three-year early intervention and prevention action plan and the completion and publication of an independent mental health workforce review, with work under way to begin planning the implementation of key recommendations.

Additional investment of £2 million in child and adolescent mental health services (CAMHS) to enhance existing provision and alleviate pressures is under way, as is work to scope and develop a digital mental health service action plan. Finally, work is under way to commission a review of the scope, scale and capacity of the community and voluntary sector to ensure that it is fully integrated into the delivery of mental health services, building on the previous report on the community and voluntary sector's collective voice.

In the current year, our priorities are a continued focus on early intervention; developing a plan to maximise the role of the community and voluntary sector; the continued development of the regional mental health service; and stabilising and growing the workforce.

Sian Mulholland (Alliance, North Antrim)

Thank you, Minister, for that. According to a senior police officer whom I was speaking to recently, there has been a spike in suicides among males in the Causeway Coast and Glens area. Is your Department aware of that, and does it take an approach that looks at things through a rural lens and the effect that isolation may have among young men? Is there anything specific?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I thank the Member. I am personally not aware of the spike that she referred to, but I assure her that the Department, in all its actions, is keen, eager and determined to look at rural impacts. That runs across all the activities of Health and Social Care.

David Honeyford (Alliance, Lagan Valley)

10. Mr Honeyford asked the Minister of Health to outline the budget required for the women's health action plan. (AQO 1133/22-27)

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

The purpose of the plan is to highlight the wide range of policy and service development initiatives that are in progress and outline the actions and improvements that can be delivered over the next three years to improve health outcomes for women. At this stage, the focus is on mapping the work that is already under way across the health and social care system, including, for example, improving maternity, gynae and menopause services, cervical screening and breast cancer services and planning for a mother-and-baby unit, as well as identifying areas where further action is needed, for example, improving public health awareness around women's health; providing more training and education for healthcare professionals on those issues; and promoting healthy lifestyles and tackling health inequalities.

My Department will be running a number of engagement events from January, listening to women and further informing the development of the action plan. The pace and extent of delivery will be determined by our available capacity and resources, which remain under extreme pressure, which is well documented.

With regard to the budget required, clearly what is desirable exceeds what is available for the foreseeable future. However, many initiatives are under way that have received investment or that can be delivered at low cost or at no additional cost within current budgets: for example, in 2024, the introduction of primary HPV screening for cervical cancer and the delivery of menopause training to many healthcare professionals.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

That concludes the period for listed questions. We now move on to topical questions.