Northern Ireland Assembly, 16 September 2024

445 contributions from 68 members. The official report.

Matter of the Day

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Aisling Reilly has been given leave to make a statement on the United Kingdom Government's announcement on Casement Park, which fulfils the criteria set out in Standing Order 24. If other Members wish to be called, they should indicate that by rising in their place and continuing to do so. All Members who are called will have up to three minutes to speak on the subject. I remind Members that interventions are not permitted, and I will not take points of order on this or any other matter until the item of business is concluded.

Aisling Reilly (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

Hosting the UEFA Euro 2028 games at Casement Park would have been an epic opportunity to showcase the very best of our island on a world stage. Unfortunately, the British Government, with their announcement late on Friday night, have now spurned the opportunity to host the Euros. The announcement was hugely disappointing to those of us who recognise the massive long-term and transformational benefits that the Casement Park project will bring. It is also hugely disappointing to anyone who believed that the new British Government might have adopted a different approach from the austerity and cuts of their Tory predecessors. The Secretary of State, Hilary Benn, said clearly that Casement Park will be built. I urge him and his Government to honour the commitments that they have made.

We will continue to work with the GAA, the local Executive and the Irish and British Governments to push the project forward, build state-of-the-art facilities and deliver a first-class stadium for Gaelic games. We might have missed the Euros, but, clearly, the rewards are still massive when it comes to creating jobs, increasing tourism and having a sporting facility that represents a vote of confidence in this generation and future generations.

I pass Casement every day on my way home in Andytown. As someone who had the honour of playing in Casement and who now has the honour of representing the people of West Belfast, I know that it will have a hugely positive sporting and cultural legacy for generations to come. I certainly will not give up on that. We will not give up on that. Yes, we have been delayed, but I assure everyone inside and outside the Chamber that we will not be denied and that Casement will be built.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

I welcome the news that His Majesty's Government have finally called time on the much-sought-after fairy tale that is building Casement in time for the Euros. This is a project that was ill-conceived from day 1, with huge opposition from local residents, which resulted in years of delay. The project lost the run of itself, and, in recent years, the estimated cost of the build also lost the run of itself at £400 million, which would have dwarfed the money awarded to other sports. This would have then led to a festering within the unionist community that it had been taken by the hand. We constantly hear from the Executive and Westminster that pressures exist on the public finances. It would have been madness to have committed £400 million to fund the cash cow of the GAA. Having repeatedly refused to put more than a mere £15 million towards the project, the GAA, in many ways, has only itself to blame.

There are others who have not covered themselves in glory either in this saga. Chief among them are the top brass in the IFA, who refused to listen to fans and instead backed the Casement project, even when the chants of opposition were echoing around Windsor Park. Then, of course, we have the DUP, which just last week sought to tell us that the Programme for Government, which committed it to make progress on Casement, was wonderful. I say this to Minister Lyons: it is time to find reverse gear on this issue and listen to the unionist people who entrusted you with their votes and their transfers. Yes, the GAA deserves its fair share. I am not disputing that, but the fair share must be measured against the money that has gone to other sports such as football and rugby. Unless and until the GAA cleans up its act regarding the naming of cups and grounds after terrorists — I think of Thomas McElwee as an example — it should not be taken by the hand and treated as having priority for public funds. Now it is not the time to double down on planning and building Casement but the time to reassess it. I certainly would not want to be known as the unionist Minister who built Casement for the GAA.

Brian Kingston (DUP, Belfast North)

One clear consequence of the announcement on Friday is that we can now separate the two issues of the legacy for football from the 2028 Euros and the rebuilding of Casement Park, following the 2011 agreement for the three stadia for football, rugby and Gaelic games. Both matters need their own focused attention. On the 2028 Euros, it is important that there is a renewed focus on what will be the involvement and benefit for football in Northern Ireland. If we are not to host tournament games, can we host national teams during part or all of the tournament? Can we host teams for pre-tournament training camps, including friendly games? What facilities do we need to have in place? Can the national training centre be completed in time? What are the plans for the future development and expansion of Windsor Park? In particular, what plans exist for the replacement or updating of the north stand? What will be the legacy for football in Northern Ireland from the UK and Ireland hosting this prestigious tournament?

Northern Ireland has a growing track record of and reputation for hosting major sports tournaments, including, in football, the men's under-19 Euros this summer and, previously, the under-19 women's tournament and the Super Cup final. As a member of the Communities Committee, I am keen to engage with the IFA, the various levels of government, football fans, football clubs and all other relevant bodies to ensure that there is tangible benefit for the sport of football in our sharing of the hosting of this prestigious tournament.

David Honeyford (Alliance, Lagan Valley)

It is the start of Good Relations Week, and this is a massive missed opportunity on which we will look back with regret. I have heard Members here talk about the missed opportunity of the Maze/Long Kesh site, and that stadium should have been built. The same people were saying back then that we cannot have that either.

In 2028, it will be the 30th anniversary of the Good Friday Agreement. The 25th anniversary was embarrassing enough, when the President of the United States of America came here to try to bring an economic boost to Northern Ireland. At the time, the Assembly was being prevented from doing its job and was not sitting. We did not have the president here for long, only for a morning.

When we come to the 30th anniversary, the world's cameras will be on the UK and Ireland, and — guess what? — we will not be there then either. It is absolutely pathetic. I listened to the Member behind me speak. His vision for the future has been mooted in various quarters. It is Groundhog Day. We already know what that vision for the future is: it is the past that we have already lived through. It is neither pretty nor inspiring, and there is absolutely no future in it. It is the past.

Here was an opportunity here to break down divisions. I started by saying that it is Good Relations Week. Alliance will always stand up for reconciliation, for a shared society and for moving forward together. Here was an opportunity to bring the community together and to do more than any Together: Building a United Community (T:BUC) programme or any other community programme could ever do to put sport, which is leading the way in all of this, right at its heart and bring people into west Belfast. People from west Belfast accepting Northern Ireland fans into west Belfast would do more for community relations and for breaking down barriers than anything that we could ever legislate for.

Sport is leading the way. I have just left the launch of the Ulster Rugby Foundation, which I was hosting. Sport brings together the community and people from every background, including people with special needs and those involved in female sport. It is leading the way, while we are falling behind.

If the vision and direction in the Chamber is to celebrate not getting something, that is just mind-blowing. For our economy, it is an embarrassment on the world stage. People who were hoping to invest here will have just seen that we are not that interested. We cannot be that interested in trying to convince people to open up here if we cannot even do it for ourselves. I just do not know.

To release a statement on a Friday at 7.10 pm is disgraceful. I also put it on the record, however, that the IFA and Ulster GAA —

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

The Member's time is up.

David Honeyford (Alliance, Lagan Valley)

— should be congratulated.

Tom (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

I thank the Member for raising the matter. I have heard very few people say that Casement Park should not be redeveloped. I am not saying that. What I am saying is that it should be developed on the basis that it was to be developed, but let me be blunt and fair: there is no endless pot of money to redevelop it on the basis that was being suggested.

A number of figures have been mooted, but I do not know about their accuracy. The cost could be over £400 million or under £400 million, but, whatever it is, the figure is substantial. I am significantly concerned about the reliance that there was on hosting the Euros at Casement Park. I have to put on the record my concern about why we did not try to improve Windsor Park to a level at which it could have hosted the Euros, instead of relying on the development of Casement Park, which was always running behind.

I do not believe that people here are shouting that it is a great decision not to put in the money. Rather, they are saying that it is a good decision not to target the money at that particular project when there are other projects that are more in need. Yes, Casement Park needs to be redeveloped, and I accept that. I do not hear many others saying that it should not be, but there are priorities in this country that we need to target money at more than we do at building a state-of-the-art Casement Park that, outside of the Euros, will be used solely for the benefit of the GAA. Whether that is for GAA matches, concerts or other events, the GAA will get the revenue from it. We therefore have to be realistic about how we take forward the issue.

There are opportunities to develop Casement Park in line with what the GAA and, hopefully, local residents want, because those residents have not been overly impressed up to now with the plans for the multipurpose stadium. I would be more sympathetic to a better project if the GAA were to tidy up its act.

The GAA does a lot of good work in the sporting fraternity, but there are cultural, constitutional and political elements to it. That is accepted by senior people in the GAA. If you read some of Brian McAvoy's statements, you will see that he accepts that it is not just about the sporting element. The rules dictate that, if you are a unionist, you cannot be a member of the GAA, because it is strictly an all-Ireland-based organisation. Read the rules: they speak for themselves.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

The Member's time is up.

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

This is a sad, sad day for Gaels across the island. The developments over the weekend have compounded 13 years of frustration for those of us who believe in the potential for the redevelopment of Casement Park to be a huge win for Gaelic games, for those of us who treasure the power of sport and for the community in west Belfast. There was a huge opportunity to host a global sporting event in the heart of west Belfast with a spin-off economic, cultural, community and sporting multiplier effect that would have happened as a consequence.

The last match played at the park was over a decade ago, in 2013. Frankly, there should be an apology to the generation of footballers, camogie players and hurlers who have missed their chance to step on to the hallowed turf of Casement Park and play for their club, their county, their country, their community and their friends and family. It is a desperately disappointing and sad state of affairs.

I welcome the participation of all parties, particularly Executive parties, in the discussions today and would welcome answers to the serious questions that Gaels now have. It is not just about broken promises; it is much deeper than that. It is about more than the GAA or the Euros; it is about equality and fairness. The GAA runs through people like the letters through a stick of rock. It is core to almost 50% of us in this place and to who we are. When did Executive Ministers first know of the announcement? When did they know that it was coming, and what representations did they make to the British Government? What commitments had they sought? Why were the tender documents not issued in March when they were ready to go? What commitments have Ministers sought and secured on the financial commitment to Casement Park and the timeline for delivery?

I find it startling — startling — that a junior Minister has been sent out on the issue. Who has been leading on this in the Executive? Is it an Executive project? Is DFC or the Executive responsible, or has the issue been farmed out by the Executive and the First Ministers? The First Minister has been definitive that Casement Park will be built: can Executive parties outline what will be built and when? What will the Executive do to build the broken relationships between Gaels across the island and this Government? Trust is in tatters. With respect to the junior Minister who tabled the Matter of the Day, why are Ministers not here to answer questions? There are plenty of questions to be asked, but no one is here to answer them. Why?

This is a failure of government at virtually every level. Casement Park was never a UEFA project: it has been an Executive commitment for more than a decade. The collapse of government on two occasions for more than five years has had a catastrophic impact on delivering this showcase project. We must provide hope to Gaels in Antrim. We must provide hope to Gaels in Ireland and to the people of west Belfast.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

The Member's time is up.

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

Casement Park must be built.

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

There are two clear issues before the House this afternoon: the fact that Northern Ireland will not host any of the games in the 2028 tournament and the redevelopment of Casement Park. They are distinct and separate issues, and I will deal with both.

First, for a proud supporter of our national football team, it should have been the stuff of dreams for the Northern Ireland national team to play games in the European Championships in Belfast. As I made clear at the time publicly and privately to the IFA, the way to achieve that was to deliver a football tournament at a football stadium. Instead, the IFA decided to embark on the process that it did, and we have ended up in a situation where not a single game — not a single game — across these islands will be played in Belfast. There are serious questions for the IFA as to why there was no plan B. There are serious questions for the IFA as to why we will, hopefully, cheer on the Northern Ireland football team in Dublin, Edinburgh, Wales and in a final in London but not in Belfast.

My party has been clear on Casement Park. It was a DUP Minister who announced a funding package in 2011 that fairly and equitably treated all three sporting codes in Northern Ireland. We stand over the commitment that we made then. We do not renege on that, and we do not expect others to renege on that and try to promote or lift one sporting organisation above another. In this place, we move forward together when everyone is treated fairly and equitably.

I will point out the reason that Casement Park has not been built. The fault does not lie on these Benches. It was not a DUP Culture, Arts and Leisure Minister who was forced before the then Committee for trying to bury a report that related to safety concerns. It was not the DUP branch on the Andersonstown Road that brought the issue to the High Court. Some of those shouting loudest about why Casement Park has not been built would do better to look at their own backyard.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

The failure to build Casement Park in time for the European Championships is a vast and indefensible failure of the people of west Belfast and of everyone in this city and region and the entire island of Ireland. It would have been, by any margin, the most globally significant sporting event ever to take place in this region. There are multiple levels of failure. Number one is the UK Government's failure to properly deliver on promises made. Their preposterous rushing out of the press release on a Friday night is indefensible. Number two is the years of contradictory statements and lack of clear prioritisation from Executive Ministers. Yes, as my colleague said, collapsing the institutions for five years — half of the past decade — meant that decisions could not properly be made. I acknowledge that two SDLP Ministers progressed the project, including Nichola Mallon, who gave it planning permission in 2021

[Interruption.]

That is true: she did.

I also want to reflect on some of the, frankly, tragic statements from the unionist Benches today. I was one of the first people in the Chamber to talk about the possibility of bringing the Euros to Belfast. I wanted to see the economic impact on the west of Belfast and the whole city; it really would have been transformational. I know that Gaels in Ulster want to see Casement Park built, but let us be clear: the massive multiplier of having the European Championships would have been incomparable in terms of economic output. However, unionism today has stood up and repeatedly said, effectively, that it did not want to see the European Championships hosted

[Interruption]

at Casement Park. I have heard multiple Members say that they did not want to see Casement Park host the European Championships. That is the upshot. The truth is that there was no way to get Windsor Park up to spec in time for the European Championships. I am more than happy for the Member to explain to me at some point in the Chamber or elsewhere the realistic way to get Windsor Park up to spec, but I have heard no serious proposals. The only way to bring the European Championships here, to get that transformational football tournament here, was to build Casement Park.

Like Mr Honeyford, I wanted to see the transformational community impact of having Northern Ireland fans walk or get the train to Casement Park in the year of the 30th anniversary of the Good Friday Agreement. That, as well as the economic impact, would have been symbolic and hugely important. It is a tragedy that it will not happen. It is a profound, multi-level failure, but, what we need to understand now from the British Government, Executive Ministers and all interested parties is when Casement Park will be built, even if, sadly, we will not have the European Championships. We cannot have siren voices from certain Benches stop the project happening now. It needs to be built, but Executive Ministers and the British Government need to tell us when and how.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

There are many reasons why Casement Park has not been redeveloped, many of which have been outlined in the House today, but there are two parts to it. Like Lord Elliott, I am not against the redevelopment of Casement Park in line with adequate and fair funding, as was announced in 2011 for all the sporting codes. That landmark decision could have transformed sports in Northern Ireland.

I will raise two points.

The first is the cost. A £400 million price tag has been put on the decision as to whether Casement Park should be redeveloped. I see Mr Honeyford shaking his head, but I honestly think that sometimes the House loses the run of itself and Members do not understand the priorities of people today. You may think that £400 million for the redevelopment of a sports stadium would be a great thing for Northern Ireland and would deliver tangible outcomes as a concert venue and sporting facility, but people's funding priorities are, to just name a few, waiting lists, childcare, special educational needs provision and pensioners' fuel payments. Mr Honeyford, I heard your passionate plea about the visions and priorities of the Alliance Party. Your Minister in the Department of Justice recently signed off spend of £13·3 million on a canteen at Magilligan prison, so do not come to the House and wax lyrical about where and how money should be spent appropriately. Look in your own backyard.

I will also not allow the narrative that the GAA is the poor man's cousin to be perpetuated in the Chamber. The GAA has a yearly income revenue of over £100 million. I am not against the redevelopment of Casement Park. I am not against a fair and equitable settlement from this place, as was committed to, but it must be done on a fair and equitable basis.

The Member who made the statement, Miss Reilly, mentioned building a state-of-the-art facility for Gaelic games. That, indeed, is the point. The Euros will have a legacy for football, which I would like to be redevelopment and an energy in our grassroots football fraternity in Northern Ireland for all communities.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

The Member's time is up.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

They should be adequately provided for.

Members' Statements

Emma Sheerin (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I rise to raise an issue that has been brought to me by hundreds of my constituents over the past fortnight. Some of the words that have been used to describe our tap water in south Derry include "musty", "very stale", "not drinkable", "rotten", "rank", "it tastes like dirt" and "it tastes like blue mould". I have not had to rely on the words of my constituents to tell me what the water is like because when I turn on a tap in my house, I can see, smell and taste it for myself.

Over the past fortnight, I have been in constant contact with NI Water about the situation. I have contacted NI Water on an almost hourly basis, reflecting the requests, concerns and worries of my constituents. I accept its assurances that the water is safe to drink, but the fact and reality of the situation is that the water is not drinkable. The problem is not one of recent making; it is the result of decades of underinvestment, and it is a good reflection of the importance of the prioritisation of the AERA Minister's action plan for Lough Neagh and the fact that we all need to work together to solve the current crisis at Lough Neagh.

I call upon NI Water to act as urgently as it can on the requests of my constituents. Different constituents have reflected to me that their requests for individual water testing have not been met as promised. I put to the House how seriously we feel about this crisis because water is a basic human right. When we make a cup of tea, we expect it to taste like tea and not like blue mould.

Gary Middleton (DUP, Foyle)

I want to raise the issue of the city deal funding for Northern Ireland. When the city deals were first put on the agenda for Northern Ireland, they brought a huge amount of optimism and excitement about the opportunities that they would bring to each of our communities across Northern Ireland.

If delivered, the funding will not only strengthen our economy but improve the quality of life of the people whom we represent. The deals will create thousands of jobs and revitalise our cities and regions whilst promoting growth and innovation, infrastructure and skills. The funding package is worth more than £1·5 billion and represents a commitment to Northern Ireland's long-term success.

On Friday afternoon, I, like many people, was deeply disappointed and angered at the announcement that the city deal packages across Northern Ireland were to be paused. That information filtered out, with many of us finding out through social media. Our councils found out in the same manner. The announcement of the pause alone caused significant anger and frustration, not least in my constituency of Foyle, where a financial deal is to be signed on Wednesday — in just two days' time. Invitees were informed by the council that the event was cancelled, only to receive a further email over the weekend to say that it was back on, following a tweet by the Secretary of State. That is a shameful way for the Labour Government to treat those who have put so much effort into getting the projects to the point and state of readiness. Whilst I welcome the clarification that the Belfast region city deal and the Londonderry and Strabane deal are to proceed, it remains deeply concerning that the same clarification has not been provided to Causeway Coast and Glens and Mid South West.

The city that I represent is set to benefit from a package worth around £300 million. That is for projects such as the establishment of the maritime museum in Ebrington; the regeneration of our riverfront, Strand Road and Walled City areas; and the establishment of further projects in Magee university. I appreciate that each of the deals across Northern Ireland are at different stages, but to pause them is an act of bad faith. It is important that the Executive and Assembly stand united in urging the Labour Government to deliver on the city deals and to work at pace with partners across Northern Ireland to see progress as soon as possible.

Nuala McAllister (Alliance, Belfast North)

I rise to talk about an issue that, I am sure, many in the Chamber have been in touch with constituents about: the paediatric percutaneous endoscopic gastrostomy (PEG) tube surgery waiting list. There is a small group of parents and carers across Northern Ireland — I believe that the number is sitting at 93 — whose children are waiting for PEG tube surgery. For context, that is surgery to insert a feeding tube through the abdomen. Currently, the majority of those children have a feeding tube through their nose. Unfortunately, the parents of those children find themselves having to visit their local GP, be visited by the community children's nursing teams or even be trained themselves to reinsert the tubes, because, for various reasons, they often come out. There are long-term and short-term effects of the use of nasal feeding tubes, such as the displacement of the tube, vomiting, coughing, loss of appetite and even pain and discomfort. As a parent, I never want to see my child in pain or discomfort.

Some of those families and one in particular have been waiting for over three years for the surgery. Given that the list is definitive — there are 93 children on it — we must hear from the Health Minister on what plans there are to ensure that those children can be seen as soon as possible. We understand the resourcing issues, but, when we are dealing with such a specific and narrow group of young people in Northern Ireland, there must be plans in place. We have engaged with the Royal College of Surgeons and the Royal College of Paediatrics and Child Health. They have been more than eager to work with the Minister to come up with plans to tackle the waiting list, particularly when it comes to possibly transferring children to Alder Hey Children's Hospital in Liverpool.

We all know people across Northern Ireland who are on a waiting list, and, indeed, some of us are waiting. However, when it comes to children being on a waiting list for issues that cause pain and discomfort, we can understand the frustration that those parents feel. I stand with them when they lobby the Minister and the Belfast Trust to ensure that they are expedited through the process in a way that, of course, meets clinical need and ensures that they can get the right treatment for their children. I hope that all Members will join in making sure that everyone works together and puts pressure on to ensure that all 93 of those young people can get the surgery that they need as soon as possible.

Tom (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

Devenish College is a new school that was built quite recently in Enniskillen. It is a fabulous facility for all the pupils in the area. The school's pupil numbers have increased as have the number of those who wish to get into the school. There is an issue around the traffic outside the school, as there is a 50 mph speed limit on the road. There have been unsuccessful attempts to get that reduced to 40 mph.

There are schools in the area and throughout Northern Ireland that have a 20 mph speed limit at certain times, when pupils are going in between 8.30 am and 9.30 am or coming out of the school for an hour in the evening. That would greatly enhance safety in that area for pupils, parents and teachers coming and going from the school at those times. I ask the Department for Infrastructure to look at that in the near future, because it is important that those people feel safe going in and out of that school, particularly the pupils now that there are such significant numbers. Given that the 20 mph speed limit has been introduced at other schools in the area, it would be appropriate for Devenish College, which has well over 600 pupils coming and going daily.

Sinéad McLaughlin (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

I, too, want to discuss the Friday fiasco in relation to the pausing of the city deals. The issue has concerned everyone in the Chamber as well as people across Northern Ireland. When the news emerged on Friday that funding for city deals had been paused, it was a gut-punch to many of us. That funding was hard fought for and was hard won over many years. The SDLP pioneered the concept of city deals when others dismissed their importance. The idea that the funding could be ripped away from our deal in Derry or from that in any part of Northern Ireland was as shocking as it was unacceptable.

It was particularly galling that the funding was paused just days before the deal was due to be signed this Wednesday in the Guildhall, threatening to rob our city and region of a huge opportunity and clutching defeat from the jaws of victory. Of course, in Derry, it is of central importance, given that the funding is part of the necessary financial investment that will guarantee the long-overdue expansion of higher education in our city, if we are to reach 10,000 students.

I am deeply concerned that the Executive were informed of this on Wednesday but chose to sit on the news until Friday afternoon. Anyone could have seen that saving the funding would require intense lobbying by those with influence as soon as possible. In Westminster, Colum Eastwood engaged with senior British Government Ministers in the Treasury to secure that funding, and I am pleased that we were able to ensure that it was secured within 24 hours.

That is only the start, however. As we stand, two of our city deals — Mid South West and Causeway Coast and Glens — are still at risk. That level of uncertainty is just not good enough. Such significant investment facing undue delays and disruption is counterproductive and extremely damaging. We are among the most deprived areas anywhere in the UK, and the city deals have transformational potential. We cannot afford to give up the opportunity for anywhere across the North, not least at the last possible hour. The city deals need to be delivered at pace, and we must ensure that that happens.

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

I rise to urgently highlight the recent news of the worrying closure of Newry Early Years Children and Family Centre at Orana House. The news has been a massive blow for many families in my constituency, who have described the services as a lifeline for them and their children. The closure comes as a result of the current lease coming to an end. Unfortunately, to date, despite many months of effort, no alternative premises have been found, and that is having a hugely detrimental impact on the children and families concerned.

The Early Years centre has been at Orana House for many years, providing vital support to thousands of families — parents, carers and children — throughout that time. Support for children of preschool age is particularly critical for their learning and development and even more so for children with additional needs, who will benefit immensely from tailored support at the earliest possible stage. As many will know, support services for children and young people with additional needs are extremely stretched, so the further reduction in services will have a significant impact on many families. Parents have told me that Newry Early Years is the only place where their child can be themselves as they have amazing key workers who can meet their needs and provide the care and attention that they need to help them to grow and develop.

Families have been left feeling extremely anxious as a result of the news. It is essential that a solution is found urgently so that our children are not failed and get equal access to the support that they need that many others are getting across the North. I implore the Education and Health Ministers to work with Early Years and the Southern Trust to find suitable premises urgently and to find solutions for those children and families, not just in the here and now but for the future.

Deborah Erskine (DUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

Like many in the Chamber on Friday, I was incandescent with anger at the Government's decision to pause city and growth deals in Northern Ireland, which were secured by the DUP in the confidence-and-supply agreement. The Government have acted in bad faith and have poured cold water on projects that provide a fire in the belly of our local economy.

My council area falls under the Mid South West growth deal, which represents the largest investment outside Belfast, of £252 million across Fermanagh and Omagh District Council, Armagh City, Banbridge and Craigavon Borough Council and Mid Ulster District Council. It is wrong to say that the growth deal was not at an advanced stage. I understand that those councils were due to sign the heads of terms on 16 October.

What now for my area? The A4 Enniskillen southern bypass, talked about for 47 years, could be in jeopardy. That much-needed infrastructure project had just been announced to go to the second stage of the procurement process on 5 September. Other government infrastructure documents had the A4 bypass referenced in their plans. In an area that has been ruled out of other infrastructure plans, that is a real blow.

Not only was that to be delivered, but tourism projects, such as £10·5 million for Cuilcagh Lakelands Geopark; a local company that was to lead on a green hydrogen distribution network, a game-changer for energy representing £24·7 million; a construction innovation excellence centre of £7 million; support to the agri-food industry with investment in the College of Agriculture, Food and Rural Enterprise (CAFRE); and a £36 million project on industrial lands that would have been a real support to the manufacturing hub of mid-Ulster due to a chronic shortage of land for expansion — all left with a question mark hanging over them.

The Mid South West growth deal was not just some fine words on a page; it was to be a regional economic catalyst. Through the Government's shambolic handling of the news at the weekend, we now have ever-widening gaps in equality and regional balance. Each part of Northern Ireland was promised investment, and each part of Northern Ireland deserves it. I will be making that point to the Secretary of State, and I will not be idle in fighting to ensure that the Mid South West growth deal goes ahead.

Danny Donnelly (Alliance, East Antrim)

We all know that being able to access leisure facilities to exercise and take part in sporting activities has huge benefits for mental and physical health and general well-being. That is especially important for young people as sport can help to create friendships, grow self-confidence and tackle loneliness and social isolation. These days, when many children reach for their screens, we should provide high-quality sports facilities to encourage them to get out and play. Just this summer, we saw inspirational performances from local athletes at the Olympic and Paralympic Games, and we know that Northern Ireland can deliver on the international sporting stage.

Sadly, it is the case that many school and community facilities are in disrepair and are ageing, with no obvious solutions. Last week, I was contacted about such a pitch in east Antrim. It is a large shale playing surface that is used for sports such as hockey and athletics, shared between two local schools: Carrick Academy and Carrickfergus Grammar School. It is also used by the local community. Unfortunately, the quality of the pitch, which has been the main playing surface for decades, has deteriorated badly over the years despite recent repairs, and now, due to health and safety concerns, it is completely unusable for competitive sports, meaning that hockey games have been cancelled.

That is clearly very disappointing for the teams and young people involved.

Shale pitches are not very common any more, and it is not hard to see why. The surface is covered with small stones like sand, and, in fact, it is more akin to walking on a beach than on a sports playing surface. It is for this reason — to prevent injuries to the players — that the schools had to pull the use of this pitch. I know that this is far from the only issue affecting school estates, even school estates in east Antrim, and I know of schools that have areas closed off to students, but I am asking that the Education Authority come and visit the school with me to see the state of the pitch and whether anything can be done to reinstate it and make it safe for people to play and run on.

Schemes where schools and communities can share resources are a great idea, but, in this case, attention is needed. There needs to be a usable solution that provides long-term, high-quality surfaces where young people's teams and members of the community can use pitches for exercise and competitions.

Pat Sheehan (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

Rinneadh Lá Idirnáisiúnta an Daonlathais a cheiliúradh inné.

Tá feidhm ríthábhachtach ag an aos óg sa daonlathas a chur chun cinn. Ní mór dúinne, mar pholaiteoirí, bheith ag éisteacht leis an mhuintir óga, nó is iadsan a bheas thíos, nó thuas, leis na dlíthe a dhéanaimidne inniu. Caithfear a chinntiú go mbeidh tuairimí na chéad ghlúine eile i gcroílár na ndlíthe a rithimid inniu. Má chítear don aos óg go dtugann polaiteoirí cluas le héisteacht dóibh agus go bhfuil meas ag lucht déanta beartas ar a dtuairimí, is amhlaidh is mó páirt a ghlacfaidh siad i bpróiseas an daonlathais. Mar sin de, molaim go hard an obair fhiúntach atá Tionól na nÓg a dhéanamh anseo. Tugann sí seans do dhaoine óga tuiscint is fearr a fháil ar na hinstitiúidí seo againn.

Is iomaí masla agus anró a thugtar don daonlathas ar na saolta seo, idir an mhífhaisnéis agus an bhréagaisnéis ar líne, agus an pobalachas atá ag éirí níos coitianta i rith an ama ar fud an domhain. Cuireann an mhífhaisnéis gangaid agus goimh sa phlé polaitíochta, cuireann sí pobail in adharca a chéile agus cuireann sí amhras ar dhaoine faoi institiúidí daonlathacha. Dá mhéad daoine óga atá rannpháirteach sa daonlathas, is amhlaidh is mó guthanna a bheas ann leis an mhífhaisnéis úd a bhréagnú.

Caithfimid an chéad ghlúin eile a spreagadh le bheith páirteach sa daonlathas. Déanaimid sin trí thionscadail amhail Tionól na nÓg, trí chluas le héisteacht a thabhairt don aos óg agus trína léiriú dóibh go bhfuilimid ag déanamh beart de réir a mbriathair.

Claire Sugden (Independent, East Londonderry)

I hope that today is a significant day for women and girls — for women and girls who are victims of abuse, violence and femicide and for women and girls who inevitably will be victims of abuse, violence and femicide.

It is a shameful indictment of our society that we all anticipate the next news story where a women has been murdered by a man. We continue to have one of the highest rates of femicide in Europe. As a region of the United Kingdom, we have a rate higher than the national average. Last year, more than 33,186 domestic abuse incidents were recorded by the PSNI. That is one every 16 minutes. By lunchtime today, four more victims will have reported abuse to the police. It is a slight increase on the previous year, but it is certainly not going down and does not take into account incidents that go unreported due to lack of confidence in the criminal justice system.

I pay tribute to Rachel Simpson, the third woman to be murdered in Northern Ireland within four weeks, after the horrific murder of Montserrat Martorell in late August — the twenty-second and twenty-third women since January 2020. That figure should be alarming, and it should motivate each of us, as women, as men, as mothers, as fathers — as human beings — to genuinely want to address the issue of gender-based violence in Northern Ireland. That begins with hard truths, with calling it out for what it is and with recognising that we are not doing enough to prevent anyone from becoming a victim in this way.

It is not all men, but, when it happens, it usually is a man. Indeed, men are victims too, but, again, their perpetrator is usually a man. Yesterday, a young man of 21 was charged with murder — 21. What has happened in the lives of perpetrators that violence and murder comes too easily? They are not born bad. They grow up — barely grow up — to be aggressive, to abuse, to assault and to murder. They ruin other lives as well as their own.

There has to be a better way: one that recognises that it is a wider societal problem. It begins with tackling misogyny in boardrooms, on group chats and in classrooms. There needs to be a recognition that we do not encourage healthy relationships without there being age-appropriate relationships and sexuality education (RSE) and that, despite being a post-conflict society, we have never dealt with the trauma of our past, which is then passed on to the next generations.

I welcome the Executive strategy that will be launched later today. It will not stop the abuse overnight or lives from being taken, but I hope that, at a minimum, it begins a new and honest conversation, leading to action, about a crisis that women and girls have lived with, and died for, for far too long.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

Another week in Labour la-la land. Another episode of 'Carry On Keir'. I thought that we were told that 'Things Can Only Get Better'. That tells me much about a Prime Minister who is more concerned about which donor will buy his latest designer suit or glasses than about dealing with the pressing priorities that people across the country face.

Just last week, on Saturday, 800 illegal immigrants crossed the English Channel. Sadly, eight of them lost their life. Just last week, there was a vote in Parliament on the Labour Government's decision to cut winter fuel payments for 10 million pensioners. The very next day, whilst pensioners fear for the winter, the Labour Government announced £600 million in additional funds to fight the war in Ukraine. Just last week, Sir Keir Starmer released 2,000 prisoners from our jails, with one being arrested and detained on the very same day, following a sexual assault. To me, this does not seem to be a Prime Minister who is in touch with the issues affecting citizens every day.

There is a two-tier approach to victims being taken. Just last week, the Government announced a public inquiry into the murder of Pat Finucane. Every family that suffered during the Troubles has a right to access justice, but I cannot but say that there has been a two-tier approach taken to addressing the carnage, brutality and barbarity of the acts carried act by the republican movement. I think of Alan Black, a friend who was shot 18 times on a roadside in Kingsmills. Ten of his colleagues were killed in the most brutal sectarian act of our Troubles. Sinn Féin members refused to take part in the recent inquest. Alan Black is not the only example. There are countless people out there who are crying out for justice, but whom do the Government seek to protect? I cannot but draw the conclusion that it is an attempt to spare the blushes of an Irish Government that refuse to cooperate or, indeed, those in the Sinn Féin ranks who continually conceal information about what they know to have happened in the murderous past.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

The Member's time is up.

Paula Bradshaw (Alliance, Belfast South)

As we mark the beginning of Good Relations Week 2024, I make the case for including a mission on "Peace" and peacebuilding in the Executive's Programme for Government (PFG). Like many in the Chamber, I welcomed last week's launch of the draft Programme for Government for consultation. My party's Ministers have been working hard around the Executive table to progress the PFG. Alliance wanted to see "Peace" and peacebuilding as a separate mission in the PFG from the outset. We proceeded on the basis that it would be included as a cross-cutting theme, with the option of a dedicated mission on "Peace" forming a specific part of the public consultation. I hope that Members will agree that the case for its inclusion could not be clearer. Without embedding reconciliation, diversity, equality and inclusion in everything that we do, we cannot achieve so many of the priorities and ambitions that are set out in the document.

To begin with, the draft PFG includes ambitious proposals for growing a globally competitive economy in Northern Ireland, but we know that civil unrest, paramilitarism and political upheaval are major barriers to economic growth. Time and again, research has shown that political stability is a driver of foreign direct investment and the shared prosperity and job creation that come with it. We will never build the thriving economy that we want in an environment that is defined by stop-start government and political chaos.

Elsewhere, the draft PFG, rightly, targets the long-overdue transformation of Northern Ireland's public services, but we have to acknowledge that that is not possible without tackling the cost of the division that remains so deeply embedded across our society. The duplication and segregation of the likes of health services, housing and schools mean that those services cost a fortune to maintain. That is a fortune that the Executive can ill afford, the spending of which robs those services of desperately needed funding and investment. That also stops us from creating the high-quality, integrated and inclusive public services for which our constituents have been crying out for so long.

Whether it is growing the economy, creating safer communities, improving public services, tackling poverty or supporting the vulnerable, none of the PFG goals will become a reality without "Peace" and peacebuilding being at the heart of the Executive's agenda. Alliance will continue to make the case for that vital mission in the time ahead, and I hope that other parties will support us in our effort.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

I call Diane Dodds. You have two minutes, Mrs Dodds.

Diane Dodds (DUP, Upper Bann)

Thank you, Mr Speaker. Thirty years of terrorism and evil perpetrated by paramilitaries in Northern Ireland have left a shocking legacy of pain and tears. Last week, the Government's actions of granting a public inquiry into only one death and citing the "exceptional" issues in that case perpetuated that legacy. Today, we should think of those for whom there is not the truth or justice that should be the hallmarks of a democratic society. The Government's hypocrisy and double standards were reflected in the actions of the Irish Government when, last week, they welcomed the inquiry into one evil act but did not acknowledge the collusion between the Provisional IRA and the gardaí.

I make no apology for again raising the case of Ian Sproule. He was a young loyalist from Killen, near Castlederg. He was 23 years of age when, on 13 April 1991, gunmen lay waiting for him. They fired 41 bullets into his car. Shortly after that, his father received a phone call from the Provisional IRA telling him to go out to the yard and see the mess that they had left for him — it was his son. There are significant reasons to believe that the gardaí officers in Donegal passed erroneous information on Ian Sproule to the Provisional IRA. I have been involved with the case for many years. Along with John Sproule, I met the Irish Government in relation to the case, and there has been a blank refusal to carry out an investigation. The Irish Government should come off the fence —

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

The Member's time is up.

Diane Dodds (DUP, Upper Bann)

— and stop the double-talk and the gaslighting of innocent victims in Northern Ireland.

Assembly Business

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Paula Bradshaw has sought leave to present a public petition in accordance with Standing Order 22. The Member has up to three minutes in which to speak.

Paula Bradshaw (Alliance, Belfast South)

As the chairperson of the all-party group on stroke, I am delighted to present this petition calling for 24/7 access to thrombectomy services. The petition was organised by the Stroke Association and has been signed by 3,567 people, including stroke survivors who have benefited from a thrombectomy. I am delighted to welcome some of them to the Public Gallery. They have come to see the petition being presented, and I thank them for their efforts.

A thrombectomy is a mechanical procedure that is carried out on eligible stroke survivors in a timely manner. It saves brains and significantly reduces the chance of disabilities such as paralysis, visual impairment and communication difficulties following a stroke. It saves money: on average, each patient who receives a thrombectomy saves the health service £47,000 over five years. It changes lives: a quarter of patients who receive a thrombectomy experience reduced disability, and a fifth achieve functional independence. Thanks to the efforts of hard-working stroke teams, Northern Ireland has a relatively well-developed thrombectomy service compared with the rest of the UK. However, with only 6·7% of patients receiving a thrombectomy, we still fall short of ensuring that every eligible patient — thought to be at least 10% of stroke patients — can benefit from this life-changing treatment.

One way to enhance access to a thrombectomy is by providing a 24/7 service so that patients can access it no matter when or where they have a stroke. The Department of Health previously committed to delivering a 24/7 service for Northern Ireland by the end of 2024, but it now says that that is unlikely to happen. This is unacceptable and will lead to more serious disabilities and, unfortunately, death in some cases.

I urge fellow MLAs to work with me, the Stroke Association and the community support groups to lobby the Department of Health to commit to thrombectomy expansion, with multi-year investment in infrastructure, equipment and workforce training and support to tackle stroke workforce shortages by progressing the promised stroke workforce plan for Northern Ireland; to progress stroke transformation to create efficient treatment pathways so that eligible patients can access a thrombectomy as quickly as possible; and to invest in innovations that can support enhanced and timely access to a thrombectomy.

Members, now is the time to make thrombectomy treatment for stroke patients a priority. Failing to do so will have devastating consequences for so many lives. Thank you.

Ms Bradshaw moved forward and laid the petition on the Table.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

I will forward the petition to the Minister of Health and send a copy to the Committee for Health.

Committee Business

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

I ask Members to take their ease while we change the Chair. We will then move to a statement from the First Minister and deputy First Minister.

(Mr Deputy Speaker [Mr Blair] in the Chair)

Ministerial Statements

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

The Speaker has received notice from the First Minister and deputy First Minister that they wish to make a statement. Before I call the First Minister, I remind Members that they must be concise in asking their questions. This is not an opportunity for debate. Long introductions will not be allowed.

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Today, I am delighted that we are announcing Executive approval for the strategic framework to end violence against women and girls and its first delivery plan. Before I continue, I would like to remember all those women who have been tragically murdered in our community recently. I extend our sincere condolences to the family and friends of Patsy Aust, Kathryn Parton, Sophie Watson and Montserrat Martorell, all of whom died in horrific circumstances over the past few months. At the weekend, we heard of another tragic loss — that of Rachel Simpson. Five women dead in a matter of weeks. Five women whose names we now know for the most tragic of reasons. There have been many others. In the past four years, over 20 women have been killed here, and their untimely deaths have had a lasting and traumatic impact on their family and friends. The depth of the loss, which is always felt, is so hard to express here in words.

All of that points to how shocking our statistics are. Behind those statistics are all those individuals. The stories of all those women who were killed must make us even more determined to act to tackle the scourge of violence, harm and abuse, which seriously impacts on the lives of too many women and girls right across our community.

Today, we bring forward a strategic framework and first delivery plan to help mobilise a whole-of-society and whole-of-government response. The strategic framework was co-designed by different voices, many with years of experience in the area, and all of whom, like us, are committed to ending violence against women and girls. We are very grateful to them for that. I acknowledge that some of them are here, in the Public Gallery, this afternoon.

The public consultation responses were overwhelming in their support for realising the framework's vision: a changed society, where women and girls are free from all forms of gender-based violence, abuse and harm, including the attitudes, systems and structural inequalities that cause them. The framework sets out a seven-year road map and describes the changes that are needed and the work that needs to be done to bring about an end to violence against women and girls. It will help to mobilise all parts of society to improve outcomes across four key themes.

The first is prevention, which is about addressing the underlying causes of violence against women and girls to stop it before it even starts. It is the main focus of the strategic framework. We want everyone to understand what violence against women and girls is and how to take action to prevent it. We want everyone, especially our young people, to be equipped to enjoy healthy, respectful relationships. We want to ensure that women and girls feel safe, and are safe, everywhere. That means educating ourselves, our society and our young people in every aspect of their lives to ensure that we are clear that violence and abuse in relationships are never acceptable. Ultimately, we want to change society so that women and girls no longer live under that underlying threat and very real risk of harm and abuse, and it is a place where everyone can thrive and be safe.

Protection and provision of services is key to the success of the strategic framework. We will support delivery of quality front-line services for victims and survivors whilst investing in the grassroots communities that carry out amazing work in tackling that issue to build capacity and extend those services. Our strategic priorities also include strengthening the justice system to build the confidence of victims and survivors and the public and create a safe space for them to tell their stories and see justice done.

All that requires us to work better together across all parts of government and society to end violence against women and girls. We must work together to equip and empower our young people to enjoy healthy, respectful relationships. Men and boys have an important role to play in ending violence against women and girls. They are part of the solution if we are to bring about a change to attitudes and behaviour and challenge a misogynistic culture that can lead to harm, abuse and violence against women and girls.

The framework sets out and tells us clearly what needs to be done. It is shaped by real people and real-life experiences. From that, we have created an initial delivery plan, which will deliver real-life change to people in need. That is just the beginning. We will continue to work together, right across the Chamber, to build a changed society where women and girls are free from all forms of violence, abuse and harm. Collaboration is essential for us to start to build the transformative change that is required.

The delivery plan is designed to connect and support many parts of government and other strategies and investment. That includes the Department of Justice and the Department of Health and their work to deliver the domestic and sexual abuse strategy and the recommendations of the Gillen review. Collaboration and innovation will improve front-line services, protection and provision for victims and survivors, and will therefore improve experiences and better outcomes for women and girls.

That work will support efforts across all parts of society. That includes building on the vital work of the grassroots groups and organisations across the voluntary and community sector. We have spoken to those people on the front line who help women and girls who are suffering and are in the most dire need of support and guidance. They make a difference each and every day. They are often the first port of call; a trusted and safe space for women and girls who need help. They are the continued source of support for victims and survivors. Their work on the ground is helping to address the culture of damaging attitudes, beliefs and behaviours that can lead to violence against women and girls. We must continue to support the delivery of that life-changing work. Community investment is therefore key. The plan ring-fences £3 million over two years in a change fund. That will support grassroots groups and community and voluntary sector organisations to do more to further build capacity and be better equipped to address the significant issue in their area. That way, we will see more interventions that will make a real difference to people's lives. We will announce further details on the change fund in the time ahead.

We will also develop campaigns to raise awareness. They will provide strong and consistent messaging so that there are no excuses and everyone understands the issue and the attitudes, behaviours and culture that enable and lead to this deep-rooted problem.

I have said this before, and I will say it again: there is no place in our society for violence against women and girls. It is an epidemic, and we must stop it. The harm and abuse that many suffer is often hidden in plain sight. It can affect anyone, including people whom we know. It can affect the women and girls in our life — our mummies, our sisters, our daughters, our granddaughters and our friends — the woman who lives across the street, the woman who sits next to you in work, or the woman you meet on the bus, in the shop or at the school gates. It happens everywhere. It must stop, and there is something that all of us can do.

The framework has been designed by our society and government working together. It has been fully endorsed by the public in the consultation. It is now for all of us to continue to work together and make real change possible. That way, we can end violence against women and girls.

Sinéad McLaughlin (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

Thank you, First Minister, for your statement today. I really welcome the progress that has been made. It is long overdue and very positive. The elephant in the room is funding. Your statement mentioned £3 million for a change fund over two years. Do you accept that that does not even scratch the surface of what is required and that we are far, far away from the €60 million investment and 35 dedicated members of staff that the Irish Government committed to in recent days to tackle violence against women and girls?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Of course we would want to have more funding and resources, but this is a good first step. We are nowhere near the position that the South of Ireland is in; you know that. There are two different jurisdictions, unfortunately, for now. We have to deal with the reality in which we are working. It is a positive first step today to be able to announce £3 million to back up some of the delivery work that we want to see over the next two years, but it is just the start. Let us build on it and learn as we go. Right at the heart of the strategy and plan that has been set out is the idea that we can measure our progress as we go and continually look towards revising areas that we think need revision. We need to continue to invest in the area.

I wish that we were in the same position and that we could invest at the level that you referred to, but that is not our reality. However, I am pleased that we now have the strategy and framework and that there is broad support for it. We now need to see the delivery plans and the practical benefits on the ground. Let us get that £3 million out to the groups that provide first-class services every day, often on very restricted budgets. Today marks the start of our getting to a point at which we can end violence against women and girls. I think that we all have to accept that that is a reality. We can end violence against women and girls. Prevention is right at the heart of that. We must invest. As I said, I am pleased that we have been able to do this today.

Paula Bradshaw (Alliance, Belfast South)

Thank you, First Minister, for your statement. I echo the condolences that you sent to the bereaved families of the poor women who lost their life so tragically.

Thank you for meeting us earlier. I want to pick up on your point about the grassroots groups in the community and voluntary sector that have been battling away in this area for so long. We know that, when media attention is put on an issue such as ending violence against women and girls, there may be some women who come forward who have experienced historical cases of violence and abuse. How will they be provided for in the frameworks?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

The framework is very much about ending violence against all women and girls, including anyone who has been impacted on by historical institutional abuse, but we also have a focused area of work to make sure that we have proper support for people who have come through such trauma. If, for example, throughout the lifetime of the delivery plan, we start to see that that becomes an issue of concern or launching the framework today perhaps invites more women to come forward, we would, obviously, have to adjust to reflect that. Thank you for that question.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Gabhaim buíochas leis an Chead-Aire as a ráiteas.

[Translation: I thank the First Minister for her statement.]

The strategic framework states:

"a whole of society and whole of government approach"

is needed to end the daily violence against women and girls. Will the First Minister confirm that the voices of those with lived experience and expertise are and will be reflected in this vital strategy and delivery plan?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I thank the Member for that question. She makes a relevant point. Success in this area of work has to involve us listening to people on the front line. They are at the coalface, supporting women day and daily. There is no better experience that could be brought to bear on how we should respond than the experience of those who have been impacted. Those real-life experiences and voices have been crucial in getting us to the juncture we are at today. They help us to properly understand the journey that a woman may go through. Co-design has been at the heart of developing the strategy, and we are proud of the fact that so many partners came together to get it right. I confirm that the feedback from the consultation was positive about it being the right approach. As I said, today marks the start of our journey in ending violence against women and girls.

Brian Kingston (DUP, Belfast North)

As a member of the Committee for the Executive Office, I warmly welcome today's announcement on the strategy and delivery plan. It is essential that the strategy to end violence against women and girls is not categorised as a woman's issue but is viewed as an issue for all of society. Challenging negative beliefs and attitudes towards women and girls is the responsibility of everyone. Will the Minister join me in saying that everyone in the Chamber has a role to play and that we must lead by example?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Yes, thank you. I look forward to working with the Member and the Committee as we develop the work and see the implementation of the delivery plan. Absolutely, it is a whole-of-society problem. It is not a woman's problem. It is about all of society, and everybody has a role to play. The areas of work that we have identified in the delivery plan will focus minds on key messaging in order to ensure that people understand what violence looks like and that it comes in many forms. Getting that better understanding will help us to get to the point where we can say that we have ended violence against women and girls. I absolutely concur that a whole-of-society approach is required for us to be successful.

Doug Beattie (UUP, Upper Bann)

Thank you, Minister. I welcome the framework. It really is something that we can get stuck into. Much of prevention is brought about through education, and you focused on that heavily. Punishment, however, is also a clear deterrent. Outcome 5 refers to a justice system that "holds perpetrators to account" and that in itself brings societal "confidence". Our sentencing for violence against women and girls in particular is absolutely pitiful: will the Minister and Executive Office work with the Justice Minister and the judiciary so that we get sentences that are fit for purpose?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

As the Member has rightly highlighted, the justice system is one of the areas that we are focused on. All Executive colleagues are committed to delivering on the framework, including the work around justice that falls within the framework and is under the responsibility of the Justice Department. When we come at such things, prevention is the best approach. That is why the framework and delivery plan focus on prevention, but the other side is, obviously, ensuring that sentencing is appropriate. Absolutely, we will continue to work with Justice on that.

Emma Sheerin (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Gabhaim buíochas leis an Chead-Aire as a ráiteas.

[Translation: I thank the First Minister for her statement.]

Minister, I thank you for your answers thus far and associate myself with the condolences that you passed on to the families of all the women who have been murdered recently.

I welcome the statement. It is particularly relevant given the actions of the past few weeks to which you referred. Minister, can you comment on whether you will give specific consideration to the groups of women who are at particular risk of violence such as our LGBTQI+ women, women from ethnic minority backgrounds and other women who may be at the margins of society?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Thank you for that. Of course, you are absolutely right. There is no doubt in my mind that there are many women and girls across our society who will face particular and increased risks, as well as additional barriers to justice, services and support — not only women who are deaf or disabled or from minority ethnic communities or from LGBTQIA+ communities but older women, women who are financially dependent, women who are homeless, women who suffer from addiction, women who have emigrated here and women who live in rural areas. There are particular barriers that will be faced by different categories of women, and it is important that we say from the Chamber today to all of those women that we see you and hear you and that we are determined to reach you as well as everybody else.

Part of our delivery plan, as you will see, includes ensuring that we fully understand any of those additional barriers, in whatever form they may come, and understand whatever additional challenges there may be. We then have to work out how we can overcome those challenges. I assure the Member that this is, again, an area of work that will be very much evidence-based and driven by the lived experience of so many women and girls.

Harry Harvey (DUP, Strangford)

Like the Minister, I welcome the strategy and the positive difference that it will make to the lives of women and girls in Northern Ireland. What funding has been allocated to the strategy, and where will that funding come from?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Thank you for your comments on the strategy. I am delighted to say that the deputy First Minister and I have been able to secure the £3 million funding. I want to get that onto the ground as quickly as possible, so we are actively working our way through how that can be done. We have published the plan today, we know what the actions are and now we just need to be able to fund it. I think that £3 million for the first two years of the programme allows us to get moving on that work, but we need to continue to build on that and add to it as we can.

Connie Egan (Alliance, North Down)

Thank you, First Minister. This is a really welcome day, and I think of all the women in Northern Ireland who have lost their lives to gender-based violence. There are some really good positives in the delivery plan, but I want to touch on funding. Have you engaged with the co-design partners in regard to the funding that has been allocated, and are you confident that all the positive actions in the plan can be delivered with the funding?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Yes, I absolutely can say that we have engaged with partners the whole way through. They are part and parcel of getting us to this juncture, and we are grateful. That is the strength of the strategy and of the delivery plan. I do not think that there is anybody out there who would not say that we would want to have more finances to put in this area of work. We have identified the £3 million, and we will work with the sector and the organisations to get that out onto the ground as quickly as possible.

As I said, one of the benefits of the plan is that we will do a stocktake every six months. We will report to the Executive on progress, and we will be able to identify additional areas that come on board that we, perhaps, have not planned for. We have to continually try to maximise the funding that we have for this work. We will very much work with the sector. I have no doubt that there will not be anybody in the sector who will not say that they need additional funding to do the necessary work on the ground.

Linda Dillon (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Go raibh maith agat, a Chéad-Aire.

[Translation: Thank you, First Minister.]

I thank the Minister for bringing the strategy to the House today. It is long-awaited but very welcome, and I am glad to hear about all the work that has been done and has been put in by all of those most impacted.

Minister, we know that there needs to be a justice response and that we need to support all of the victims, but the most important thing is to ensure that there are not victims or perpetrators in the first place and to protect all of those who end up in those circumstances. Minister, do you have confidence that all of the Ministers and all of the Departments are fully bought in to the strategy and will work in collaboration across Departments, with statutory partners and with the community and voluntary sector to deliver the strategy?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Yes, I am confident about that. Every Department has been involved and engaged in the work that we have done to get us to this point. The fact that the Executive have signed off on this as an Executive-wide strategy shows the commitment across the Executive to this work. I have no doubt that every Member in the Chamber also supports this work. This is something that is so deep-rooted in our society, and, if we do not start to try to turn it around and end it and focus on prevention, the problem will only get worse.

You can see from the document that we talk about "Working better together", and that is very much our commitment at a ministerial level and across the sector with those who are on the ground in the delivery of the framework to make sure that we meet the needs of all. I am confident that we have that commitment to work together, and working better together applies to most things in life. We will get more done when we work together than we will when we work in silos.

Joanne Bunting (DUP, Belfast East)

I welcome the strategy and trust that, as it is taken forward, work will also be done with men and boys. What processes have been put in place to effectively evaluate the strategy to ensure that it is actively making a difference for women and girls?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I concur. This is not just for women to solve; it is for everybody in society to solve. The piece of the jigsaw around education is crucial in making sure that we have clear, consistent messaging across society, including in our school system.

With regard to being able to measure our progress, written into the plan is an outcomes-based accountability framework. We will have an oversight board in place that will report twice a year to the Executive. Those reports will be not just from the Executive Office but across all Departments and all strategies that are aligned to the framework. In the coming weeks, we will talk about the Department of Justice and Department of Health domestic and sexual abuse strategy (DSA). All those things will be interlinked and complementary in many ways. It is important that those things are aligned. I am confident that we can measure our progress as we go.

Danny Baker (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

I thank the Minister for her statement. It is extremely important that we instill in our young people, in society and, particularly, in men and boys an understanding of what healthy, respectful relationships are. Does the Minister agree that that will be a key component in addressing violence against women and girls?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Yes, I absolutely agree. As I said previously, it is an everyone issue. We have to take that approach to it, otherwise we will not be successful in ending violence against women and girls. All the evidence tells us that most acts of violence against women and girls are by men, so the problem will not be solved without the support of men and boys. We need them to be allies in this area of work. They are an integral part of the solution, so it is important that we talk to young people and, in particular, men and boys about their role in getting us to the point where we eradicate violence against women and girls.

Cheryl Brownlee (DUP, East Antrim)

I welcome the strategy. I want to touch on grassroots organisations in local communities. How will they be involved in delivering protection and services on the ground? Will you touch on the likes of alcohol abuse and mental health services and how those can be supported moving forward?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

There are strategies around those last two areas, but none of these things can work in silos. To have a whole-of-society approach, we have to come at everything in a holistic and collective way. We want to be able to say more about the change fund and how we will get the £3 million on to the ground over the coming weeks. We are working our way through the practicalities of what that looks like, but I assure the Member that we will make sure that that is widely publicised and that groups know what they can apply for, the quantum of it and the area of work that they can deliver. We will be able to document a lot more about that once we get to a final juncture, so we will be able to say more in the coming weeks.

Nuala McAllister (Alliance, Belfast North)

I thank both Ministers for the statement this morning and welcome its launch. Notwithstanding the independence of the judiciary from the Department of Justice and the Executive Office, it is important that all parts of our criminal justice system work together in tackling violence against women and girls. I want to ask specifically about the issue of bail. I think of the brutal murder of Katie Simpson. Her murderer was let out on bail and not remanded back into custody. How will the First Minister and deputy First Minister engage with the judiciary regarding that aspect of bail and those who are charged with serious offences against women?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Perhaps it would be better if I came back to the Member in detail in writing, because a lot of that comes under the remit of DOJ and what it is doing, but I am very happy to follow it up with a more holistic response.

In answer to a previous question, I said that none of these things can be looked at in isolation; they need to be looked at in the round. Our strategy is around making sure that prevention is at the heart of our plan. That is the best solution so that we do not focus all our efforts at the end point, but, clearly, we have to when terrible, horrible murders have occurred.

On the particular question of granting bail, I will ask DOJ to write to the Member.

Cara Hunter (Social Democratic and Labour Party, East Londonderry)

I join the First Minister in thanking the incredible organisations and their staff who are here today. Without them, the strategic framework and the first delivery plan would not have been possible. It is a very positive and historic day for ending violence against women and girls. So many victims of sexual violence feel that an important aspect of violence that needs to be addressed is the retraumatisation that they experience in our court system. What has been included in the strategy to support victims and survivors who are going through our courts? Can the First Minister provide any detail of any conversations that she has had with the Justice Minister on the matter?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

One of our key themes is around the justice system, because we know, as the Member has said, that going to court is a very traumatic time for any woman who has experienced violence. Going through the justice system and feeling that retraumatisation is something that has to be tackled. I am very glad to say that, yes, we have been working with the Department of Justice on that area. It is one of our key themes, and something on which we are going to make improvements. We will be able to say more about that as the plan develops. The Member can see from the first delivery plan that it is an area on which we are focused in the first two years, because we identify it as being one of the areas on which we need to see early progress made. We hope to keep Members up to date on the work that we are doing. When it comes to justice, for example, one such area of work is the My Justice Journey platform, which will allow us to improve access to information and support and to build confidence in the justice system. That will be a very targeted campaign to ensure that people have the fullest information. It will represent a good development by addressing some of the areas to which the Member has just referred.

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

Gabhaim buíochas leis an Chead-Aire as a ráiteas.

[Translation: I thank the First Minister for her statement.]

I commend the launch of the strategic framework and the ambitious first delivery plan. As other Members have said, incredible work is already being done on the ground in our communities to help prevent violence against women and girls but also to help those who are suffering abuse and harm every single day. Will the First Minister outline how she will continue to support the groups and organisations that carry out that life-changing work?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Yes. That goes right to the heart of how we will use the £3 million that we have identified for the change fund. As I said, it is only the beginning, in order to allow us to get moving on the first two-year plan. The investment in our community and voluntary sector will enable all those grassroots groups and regional organisations to expand the number of on-the-ground projects in response to particular issues on which they are already working. I hope that our supporting them through that investment will enhance the work that they do so well. Many of the groups and organisations are ready to scale up if we can secure additional funding. It is that type of work that makes a hugely positive difference to people's lives. It transforms people's lives. I want everyone to be clear that our ambition for the programme is to do what we can in the immediate future but also, for the next seven years, to determine how we can continue to build on what we have announced today and continue to create that long-term transformation in society.

Nick Mathison (Alliance, Strangford)

I thank the First Minister for her statement. I join my colleagues in welcoming the launch of the strategic framework today. A number of Members have referenced the importance of education in tackling violence against women and girls. Will the First Minister confirm what engagement she will have with the Education Minister to ensure that any interventions in our schools are accessed by all pupils in Northern Ireland and will not be a lottery based on the priorities that individual schools set?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

The Member will know that we recently had a debate on that topic. I agree that, in today's world, there is so much misleading information and mistruth out there, and it is so easily accessed, often online, by all our children and young people and by adults. It is therefore more important than ever that our young people have age-appropriate information that is consistent and is provided in school and also that they have trusted adults to speak to and engage with.

As you know, the Department of Education is reviewing the relationships and sexuality education curriculum. The Member will have a role to play in trying to shape that review. We need to reach further and beyond, however. It needs to be got right in schools but also beyond there, in wider society. How therefore do we support community groups that work with young people with messaging, for example? How do we support families as they navigate the complex world in which we live today?

The healthy relationships forum that is led by the Department of Education is reviewing not only what we teach our young people but how we equip the trusted role models in our schools, communities and homes. Our change fund will also have a role to play in supporting groups that work with young people in particular.

Declan McAleer (Sinn Féin, West Tyrone)

I thank the Minister for her statement. I note that the framework is based on lived experiences and on the expertise of those who work every day to end violence against women and girls. How will the progress of the strategic framework and delivery plan be measured?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

It is a scenario in which we can clearly measure our progress. We will have an oversight board. That will not just be in Departments but will work with the sector. The framework will be benchmarked regularly. We will have regular reviews, and we will be able to monitor how effective we have been or, perhaps, where we have not been effective and need to do better. I am confident that we have built into the plan the tools to measure progress.

Kellie Armstrong (Alliance, Strangford)

Thank you, First Minister. I am delighted to hear your answer about the oversight board. You talked about collaboration, co-production and co-design: does that mean that, as part of the oversight board, the community and voluntary sector will continue to have a role in updating and amending the framework moving forward, if needs be?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Yes. We have developed a performance management framework that will monitor progress against our objectives. Part of the work to be undertaken under the first delivery plan that we have set out today involves the establishment of baselines. That will support the effective measurement of progress, which will be able to be monitored at both programme and project level on an outcomes-based accountability basis. We want to ensure that the oversight board will be cross-sectoral and include representation from local government, the community and voluntary sector and independent experts, the people who helped design the framework that we have today.

Philip McGuigan (Sinn Féin, North Antrim)

Go raibh maith agat, a Chéad-Aire.

[Translation: Thank you, First Minister.]

I thank the First Minister for her statement, and I note that she spoke about the women who have lost their lives in horrific circumstances in recent weeks. Does the First Minister agree that the launch of the framework and delivery plan is essential and timely?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Yes. Every loss of life or every woman who has experienced violence is too many. It is so timely that, today, we reach the point of announcing the framework and delivery plan, given, as I said, the number of women who have so tragically lost their lives to something that is preventable. Violence against women and girls is preventable. I referred to five more names, and enough is enough: it is time for it to stop and for everybody in society to step up and make sure that this is the end. Today, as a society, we start on a journey towards the point at which we can end violence against women and girls and create an environment where we say no to everyday sexism, misogyny and abuse and do so collectively.

Kate Nicholl (Alliance, Belfast South)

My thoughts are also with the victims of violence. There are survivors in the Public Gallery today, and I pay tribute to them.

Under "Working better together", the plan includes conducting the first phase of gap analysis of violence against women and girls provision. Is there a timescale for that analysis and for the roll-out of additional phases?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Yes. Gap analysis is important. In year 1 of our two-year plan, we will have research on men and boys' attitudes and behaviours related to violence against women and girls. We also want to evaluate the criminal justice support worker pilot that ran in Belfast and Lisburn Women's Aid and to conduct the first phase of gap analysis for violence against women and girls — provision in general and specialist services — to help to inform further policies. If we are to keep advancing and making strides forward, it is important that those areas of work go ahead. The first piece is around research on the attitudes of men and boys, but we will do the three pieces of work over the next two years.

Mark Durkan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

I thank the First Minister for her statement. I also put on record my sympathy to the families of the ladies lost to violence and my solidarity with those who suffer the scourge of violence day and night.

We have heard that prevention, education and early intervention are crucial. Effective punishment also plays a part, but does the strategy say anything about the role that the rehabilitation of offenders might play in reducing the risk to women across our society?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

The strategy is very much focused on prevention; that is at the heart of the strategy. Rehabilitation will fall to the Department of Justice. That is outside the framework but runs alongside it, because all these things are interlinked.

Sian Mulholland (Alliance, North Antrim)

I thank the First Minister and deputy First Minister. I am keen on outcome 3 about women and girls feeling safe everywhere, with a particular focus on creating a safer night-time economy for audiences and artists in our arts venues and spaces . I am keen to understand how, on an ongoing basis, all Departments will feed into the strategy when it comes to changes to policies or regulations, such as licensing regulations or mandatory training for entertainment venues and licensed premises.

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Thanks for that. There is a dedicated stream on being able to go out and socialise safely, which is really important. A group is now in place. As we develop the strategy, when any changes come forward, that group should be the filter that provides the lens. I think that is how it will operate, but I will confirm that. We now have a ready-made group: why would it not become the filter and lens for the framework and what we are trying to achieve? We have to make sure that it gives us feedback. Where we need to adapt policy, regulation or legislation, that is what we should do.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

Last week, in evidence at the Executive Office Committee, the Equality Commission suggested that transgender rights are a gap in equality legislation. In Scotland, there was a ridiculous situation where a rapist was held in a female prison before, rightly, being moved. Is there anything in the strategy to defend women-only rights and women-only spaces and to oppose the efforts of a biological man who thinks he is a woman to gain access to female-only spaces?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

It is unfortunate that you take that approach, but we will not be distracted. We are here to launch a strategy to end violence against women and girls. It is endemic in our society, and it must stop. The focus of the framework is on prevention and tackling the root causes of violence against women. We will remain focused on the work that we are trying to do. It is a whole-society approach. I encourage you even to get behind it, because it is really important. It is about women who are being murdered. We need to end violence against women and girls. I would like to think that everyone who has been elected to the Chamber has the same goal in mind.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

Thank you, First Minister. I join you in remembering those who have been killed by partners or ex-partners. Intimidation points are still not awarded to women who are harassed by current or ex-partners. I am keen to hear how the strategy will work in respect of that problem.

The £3 million does not seem a lot, given the scale of the problem and the fact that it is endemic in our society. What financial support will be given to support women who want to leave abusive partners but are economically trapped?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Thanks for that. I go back to the point that the strategy is about prevention. It is vital that we focus on prevention and ensure that the violence does not happen. That will take time, of course. We will not do it overnight, but we have to start somewhere, and today is the start of that work. I agree with you about the intimidation points. My party colleagues have also raised that issue. It is separate from the preventative piece and the framework, but, yes, collectively, we, as an Assembly, should look towards how that can be rectified in the housing system.

On the £3 million comment, this is the start of a plan. It is £3 million for the first two years. I hope we can build on that, particularly when we find areas of work where we can invest more. We will not be found wanting in trying to find every penny that we can to tackle what is the biggest issue facing our society.

Claire Sugden (Independent, East Londonderry)

First Ministers, I welcome the strategic framework launch. I also appreciate that both First Ministers have taken it forward, almost as a flagship policy priority for this mandate. That sends a clear message about how serious the issue is. I join the First Minister in paying tribute to the victims of violence, not just those who have lost their lives, or who are trying to move on from what has happened to them, but those who will, inevitably, lose their lives in the future, because this is not going to fix things overnight.

Does the First Minister genuinely have Executive buy-in from all Ministers? I am mindful of the fact that, six months ago, the previous Health Minister cut funding to Nexus, and then, reactively, reinstated it because of public outcry. We also had an Assembly debate, prior to the summer, in which the Minister of Education did not support a change to RSE in schools. That change would encourage healthy relationships, which is a big part of the wider societal piece that you talked about.

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I thank the Member. I know that you also raised the issue earlier during Members' statements, so thank you for that. I also know that you will get behind the framework.

All Executive Ministers signed up to the framework. It is now a collective Executive strategy, so it is down to the collective Executive to make it happen. I can say no more than that. I can tell you that I am determined, and I know that the deputy First Minister is determined, to ensure that the framework and delivery plan are live from today. I encourage people to look them up online. We want people to be engaged in them. The hard work starts here. We have a huge opportunity to turn this tanker and to end violence against women and girls. It is incumbent on us to get to the point at which we end violence against women and girls. If we do nothing else in this Assembly mandate, is that not the thing to do? Thanks to everybody for their contributions to the debate.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

Members, that concludes questions on the statement. I ask Members to take their ease for a moment or two as we prepare for the next item of business.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

The Speaker has received notice from the Minister of Finance that she wishes to make a statement. Before I call the Minister, I remind Members, again, that questions must be concise.

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

Thank you for the opportunity to provide the Chamber with an update on the deplorable decision by the British Government to pause their funding commitments to the city and growth deals until the spending review. Members will have heard by now that, on Saturday evening, the Secretary of State, Hilary Benn, confirmed that the signing of the Derry City and Strabane District Council city deal will go ahead. I am aware, and thankful, that other Members had been making representations to reverse the previous ill-considered move, and I am glad to confirm that the deal-signing event is back on and will take place this Wednesday morning in the Guildhall. The Secretary of State also confirmed, late last night, that, following communication with Treasury, nothing has changed on the status of the Belfast region city deal. While I welcome that move, the pause must be lifted immediately on the Causeway Coast and Glens growth deal and the Mid South West growth deal.

As Members will be aware, there are four city and growth deals: the Belfast region city deal; the Derry City and Strabane District Council city deal; the Causeway Coast and Glens growth deal; and the Mid South West growth deal. The growth deals initiative is a package of capital investment of some £1·7 billion from the Executive, the British Government, councils and deal partners. The British Government pledged £617 million for four deals across the North on the basis that the Executive would match fund that investment. We have done that and have added another £100 million to the pot, making it a £717 million contribution. Councils and deal partners then added significant funding to the overall investment, which is seen as a catalyst for local economic growth.

Over 60 projects are being developed that will be delivered across the four deals, covering every council area. That substantial capital investment and the numerous projects that are in development will be truly transformative for local regions and the North as a whole. The projects range from cutting-edge innovation centres and research facilities to digital transformation projects alongside developments in local infrastructure, exciting tourism offerings and the regeneration of local cities and towns.

We became aware of the British Government's decision to pause their funding commitments until the spending review only when officials were informed on Wednesday. I immediately informed my Executive colleagues and took action to raise the matter with the British Government. During a meeting with the Chancellor in London on Thursday, the First Minister, the deputy First Minister and I outlined our shock and laid out the dire consequences that such a decision would have, urging a reconsideration. We conveyed the considerable time, effort, commitment and enthusiasm that have gone into the deals for years and advised that plans and contracts have already been put in place at significant cost to councils, project promoters, the Civil Service and Whitehall Departments.

We also made clear that such a short-sighted decision could risk private-sector confidence in the investment, the securing of which has been a key objective of the deals. The Chancellor advised that I should engage with the Chief Secretary to the Treasury on the matter. I wrote to the Chief Secretary to the Treasury that evening to ask for an urgent call, the courtesy of which has still not been extended to me. I had hoped that the British Government would provide space for proper political engagement to get a positive outcome and a commitment to proceed with city and growth deals, honouring the pledges that have been made for some years. Those pledges have included official announcements, financial profiling and British Government Ministers signing different deal documentation for three of the four deals so far — what are known as "heads of terms" and deal signing.

On Friday afternoon, the NIO informed representatives from the four deals of the decision to pause the funding commitments. That reprehensible decision came less than a week before the scheduled signing of the Derry City and Strabane deal. The Derry City and Strabane deal-signing event was called off shortly afterwards. Thankfully, common sense prevailed, with the British Government coming to the right decision late on Saturday evening, which has now enabled the Derry City and Strabane District Council deal-signing to go ahead as planned on Wednesday. From speaking with the council's chief executive on Saturday night, I know that the reinstatement of the deal signing has come as a huge relief to the council and deal partners, who have invested significant time and effort in preparing for that important milestone, which will allow funding to begin to flow to the cutting-edge projects and bring real change to the region.

While some level of common sense has prevailed, we are now faced with the incomprehensible decision to treat the deals differently. I am clear that there can be no disparity of approach. The approach that has been taken could undermine the momentum and confidence of deal partners in the Causeway Coast and Glens and Mid South West growth deals, who have put so much time and effort into developing the many projects. I spoke to the chief executives of those councils this morning and assured them that I continue to press for the immediate reversal of the pause in the funding commitments to those deals.

I am very frustrated and angry about the British Government's handling of the matter. The lack of information to and formal communication with Departments and deal partners is totally unacceptable, and it is not how I would expect people to do business. If the British Government are serious about resetting relationships, they must seriously reflect on this shambolic episode and put an end to this appalling behaviour. It is completely unfair that Causeway Coast and Glens and Mid South West growth deals would have to wait until the spending review for clarity.

The British Government must immediately lift the pause on the Causeway Coast and Glens and Mid South West growth deals. It is time for them to have a reset on their reset. Those city and growth deals will be game changers for our cities and towns and a catalyst to boost economic development and create good jobs. It is crucial that all deals continue as planned.

I will continue to impress upon the Chief Secretary to the Treasury that the British Government must honour their commitments and pledges made to the city and growth deals, which will be transformative for our cities, towns and regions, bringing hope and prosperity right across the North for our citizens, communities, businesses and future generations.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

Thank you, Minister. Members, I think that we have time for one question before Question Time.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. Minister, the SDLP has long been a champion of city and growth deals, including when others were not so enthusiastic, so we are frustrated and disgusted by the ineptitude and chaos that we saw on Friday night, and we support the call to ensure that all city and growth deals proceed as planned. Could the Minister be specific about the conversation that she had with the Chancellor of the Exchequer on Thursday, because it appears that there was a conversation about this? The Minister made representations to her. Was she aware that this had happened? Was she unaware? What was the specific ask that the Minister made, and what was her response? It is important that we, including those on the Finance Committee, understand what went wrong here.

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I thank the Member for his question and for his support in this matter. As I set out, I laid out our shock at the news that we had received just the day before; the considerable time, effort and commitment that had been put in by deal partners right across the North; and the consequences that such a decision would have and how negatively it would be received.

I cannot answer as to whether she had previously been aware. I assume that she was, because we had, obviously, engaged at official level in advance of travelling to London, but she advised that I should engage with the Chief Secretary to the Treasury, which I did immediately. He would have had an email in his inbox before I arrived back to Belfast. I had, as I said, requested an urgent call, and I have not yet had that call, which is really disappointing. I do not think that that is how you should do business, and I would expect better.

I am continuing to press that all those deals go ahead as planned and that the pause on the funding commitment is lifted.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

Minister, thank you.

Members, I am afraid that I must interrupt the proceedings as it is time soon for questions to the Minister for Communities. After Question Time, we will start again on this item with questions to the Finance Minister. The next question then will be from Philip McGuigan. I ask Members to take their ease for a moment or two for a change at the top Table.

The business stood suspended.

(Mr Speaker in the Chair)

Oral Answers to Questions — Communities

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Question 6 has been withdrawn.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

1. Mr O'Toole asked the Minister for Communities when he will announce his next steps in relation to the social inclusion strategies. (AQO 766/22-27)

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I will be writing to Executive colleagues before the end of September to outline the next steps in developing the anti-poverty strategy. Details of the proposed timetable for the next steps in developing the disability, gender equality and sexual orientation strategies will follow in the coming weeks.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Minister, we have now been waiting more than seven months for meaningful progress on the inclusion strategies. A few months ago, when we had an Opposition day focused on poverty, the Opposition were dismissed and told that lots of work was happening in this area, but, as of now, we have not seen a single strategy published. We have not seen the anti-poverty strategy, the gender strategy, the disability strategy or the strategy on sexual orientation. Obviously, we did not get any detail in the Programme for Government about when they will be published. Can you be specific today and give me dates of when one or possibly all of those strategies will be published?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Just because you do not see the work going on does not mean that work is not taking place. That work has been happening, and I outlined in the answer — perhaps the Member had already prepared his supplementary question before he listened to the answer to the first question — and was clear in saying that I will write to Executive colleagues before the end of September.

I also do not accept what he says about the Programme for Government. Although there is no specific reference to the anti-poverty strategy, it is clear that so many of the areas in which we are bringing forward work will be used to tackle poverty. For example, getting good housing for people in Northern Ireland is a way to tackle poverty. Getting more and better jobs for people in Northern Ireland helps us to tackle poverty, as does better educational attainment and, indeed, better health outcomes. All of those will contribute to reducing poverty, and I look forward to being in a position to publish that strategy in the near future. Of course, the Member will understand that it will be subject to Executive referral and approval.

Brian Kingston (DUP, Belfast North)

Given the rise in poverty with the cost-of-living crisis, will the Minister commit to prioritising the anti-poverty strategy?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Absolutely, but not just because there is a legal duty on me, as there has been on all of my predecessors since 1998, but because this is an issue that we need to tackle. We need to see real progress on this because too many of our people are out of work and too many of our people live in poverty, and we need to do everything in our power to change that. I am committed to doing that, and I am taking concrete steps to make sure that greater progress has been made on the issue than at any time in the past.

Sian Mulholland (Alliance, North Antrim)

Minister, given the deadline that you have spoken about — we had it in our DFC key deliverables plan for 2024-25 — are any initiatives being discussed to combat rising poverty levels?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Absolutely. We are doing a number of things that help to minimise the risk of people getting into poverty, limit the impact of poverty and help people escape poverty. The strategy will bring those together, add measures and make sure that we have Executive buy-in so that we can do something concrete. I am determined that we will deliver on that.

Andy Allen (UUP, Belfast East)

Can the Minister detail the last time his officials engaged with the expert panel members who helped shape the strategies?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

It is important that we have that coordination and that we listen, and it will certainly be my intention to make sure that the strategy is viewed and that we have further time for input on the strategy. The Member will forgive me: I do not have the specific date that he asks for, but I am happy to provide it to him.

Colm Gildernew (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

2. Mr Gildernew asked the Minister for Communities for his assessment of the impact that the British Government’s decision to means-test winter fuel payments will have on fuel poverty. (AQO 767/22-27)

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

As I said when it was announced, restricting the winter fuel payment will have a detrimental impact on many in our society. For those who are less well off, it creates an additional financial burden and comes amid a range of cost-of-living pressures. I have already made crystal clear to the Secretary of State for Work and Pensions my opposition to this decision, and I have outlined the impact that it will have on people in Northern Ireland. A household is considered to be in fuel poverty if it must spend more than 10% of its household income on all fuel use. The last house condition survey identified the types of households most likely to be impacted by fuel poverty. It reported that 31% of households with one or more people of pensionable age are likely to be in fuel poverty. The rate increases to 38% of households headed by a person over the age of 75.

Given the decision to move annual winter fuel payments to a means-tested system, the fuel poverty strategy will aim to minimise the impact of the change on pensioners at risk of fuel poverty in Northern Ireland. We will analyse the impact of the removal on pensioners who are above the threshold for winter fuel payments and income-related benefits and are susceptible to fuel poverty.

Colm Gildernew (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

Thank you for that, Minister. Given the number of rural properties that have been identified with that crossover, will you outline the steps that you can take or are considering taking to mitigate the effect on rural homes that may not have access to gas or other forms of heating?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

It is absolutely the case that rural homes are affected even more than others by fuel poverty. I addressed that in my response to Deborah Erskine last week. Of course, we will see it reflected not just in the fuel poverty strategy but in the energy strategy that is being brought forward. How do we tackle fuel poverty? It is not just about raising incomes but about making sure that people have to spend less of their income on heating their home. That is where energy efficiency, in particular, is important.

Diane Forsythe (DUP, South Down)

Will the Minister ensure that the fuel poverty strategy reflects the Labour Government's cuts to payments?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Absolutely. We are making good progress on finalising the parameters of the fuel poverty strategy, but it will obviously have to change now, because there is a significant difference from what was the case. It is possible that many more older people will fall into fuel poverty, so we need to make sure that we take all the steps that we can to address what, unfortunately, is a new aspect to the issue because of the decision of the Labour Government.

Kellie Armstrong (Alliance, Strangford)

Minister, when it comes to the winter fuel payments, we know that affordable warmth is important. Can you confirm that the Housing Executive will direct that scheme first at pensioners who live in homes that have not yet been retrofitted, in order to make their heat as affordable as possible?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I will absolutely raise that issue with the Housing Executive at our next meeting. I will encourage it to take all the steps that it can to make sure that we identify and help those who will be most affected by the decision.

Mark Durkan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

I will follow up Ms Armstrong's question and the Minister's answer encouraging the Housing Executive to target with its affordable warmth scheme pensioners impacted by the loss of the payment. Will the Minister outline how he expects the Housing Executive to do that when the budget for the affordable warmth scheme has been cut by 53%?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Of course. I am grateful to the Member for raising that issue. It is right that we identify the serious budgetary situation in which we find ourselves. That is why I and, I hope, the Member will continue to press for additional funding for the key schemes and strategies that my Department implements that have an impact on reducing so many of the societal problems that we face. It is also why, in bringing forward a new fuel poverty strategy, we will make sure that we look at innovative ways to target the money and make sure that we help those most at need.

Claire Sugden (Independent, East Londonderry)

Minister, the change to the winter fuel payment will bring in a new process that will undoubtedly cost money. How much will it cost, compared with the savings that the British Government are trying to make?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I do not have the details of the change, first, because it is for a UK Government and the Department for Work and Pensions to issue it. I do not expect any direct cost to the Department. The savings will probably be fairly limited overall. On the additional expense for the system, it may just be about pressing one or two buttons to change it. I hope that there will be no additional expense to it. However, it is clear that the decision will have further ramifications. There may be a saving of around £44 million in Northern Ireland, but that will end up costing us a significant sum of money, because we will see an increased number of people having to visit their GP or, perhaps, even being hospitalised because they are no longer able to heat their home in the way that they did. That is not only shameful but not very clever.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

Stormont's decision on means testing means that hundreds of thousands of people will lose out. What work have the Minister and his officials completed in order to recognise the benefits of the universality of public services and of public supports such as the winter fuel payment?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

The first part of the Member's question serves to demonstrate how he does not listen. He claims that it was a decision for Stormont, but we do not have the finances to keep the scheme going and make the payment universal. We do not have the means to do that without having access to the DWP system. I do not see how the blame can be laid at the door of the Executive when we do not have the ability to do those two things. I am, however, committed to doing whatever I can to make sure that we support those who are in need.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

3. Mr Blair asked the Minister for Communities when he will publish the new housing supply strategy. (AQO 768/22-27)

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I am in the process of finalising the housing supply strategy. It remains my intention to bring the strategy to the Executive for their consideration shortly. Publication will be dependent on Executive approval.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

I thank the Minister for his answer. At this stage, can he give any detail on discussions that he has had with the Department for Infrastructure about the reform of the planning system or with the Department of Finance about budgets to ensure that the housing supply strategy can be properly implemented?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I have had conversations with the Minister of Finance and the Minister for Infrastructure. The Member's question raises important issues. First, planning is one of many issues that affect our ability to build homes. We need to look at a number of aspects of how we operate our planning system, especially statutory consultees' response times — that is one particular issue that I raised with the Infrastructure Minister — and at the need to make sure that we can encourage responses as quickly as possible. It may be necessary to go beyond encouragement at times.

In the many meetings that I have had with the Minister of Finance, I have emphasised to her the need for more investment in our social housing budget. In order for people to have a safe, secure and warm home, it is incredibly important that we have the necessary funds to continue the social housing development programme at the required pace. I hope that those conversations will produce fruit.

Maurice Bradley (DUP, East Londonderry)

What does the Minister believe to be the most important actions, especially on water and sewage infrastructure, that can be taken to improve housing supply across the regions of Northern Ireland?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

We can take many actions to ensure that we have a greater supply of homes in Northern Ireland. In the private sector, we absolutely need to look at availability of land, at planning and at water infrastructure. All are important. One of the single most important things that we can do, however, is to see the change that is required to the Housing Executive's borrowing powers come about. "Game changer" is used all too often in this place, often inappropriately, but the revitalisation of the Housing Executive programme would truly be a game changer for housing supply in Northern Ireland, significantly changing our ability to build the houses that we so desperately require in Northern Ireland and bringing us into line with housing associations in, for example, England and Wales. I have had conversations about that with the Finance Minister and other Executive colleagues, and I believe that the necessary support exists for us to get those changes made and to get agreement from the Treasury. That would truly be a game changer.

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

Minister, what hope can you give to the 47,000 — 47,000 — people who are on the housing waiting list, given that you have confirmed that only 600 social houses will be built this year?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I hope that the Member was listening to my previous answer. We are in a very constrained budgetary position. Even if my budget were to be doubled, it would not put us at the number of social homes that we need to build. We therefore need to look at alternatives. That is why I introduced the intermediate rent model. It can make a difference. It is why I am pushing for the revitalisation of the Housing Executive programme. Those are two examples of things that can make a difference, and I am determined to pursue them.

Tom Buchanan (DUP, West Tyrone)

4. Mr T Buchanan asked the Minister for Communities to outline when The Northern Ireland Football Fund (TNIFF) will be open for applications from interested groups. (AQO 769/22-27)

Tom (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

13. Lord Elliott asked the Minister for Communities for an update on the business case for The Northern Ireland Football Fund. (AQO 778/22-27)

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Mr Speaker, I believe that question 4 has been linked to question 13.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Yes.

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Thank you. The Northern Ireland Football Fund will provide investment for football at all levels. It is a key priority for me. I am committed to moving forward as quickly as possible, and my officials are continuing to push forward at pace. I want to roll out the funding as quickly as possible. However, it is important that funding be disbursed in a fair and transparent manner. I expect that the first projects to be taken forward under the fund will be identified by the end of this financial year.

Keith Buchanan (DUP, Mid Ulster)

Thank you, Minister. I also thank the Minister for his visit to west Tyrone in July. He saw at first hand the tremendous work being done with children and young people by the football clubs there. Will the Minister ensure that grassroots football remains a commitment for The Northern Ireland Football Fund?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Yes. It is critical that we invest in grassroots infrastructure in Northern Ireland. Of course, there is huge need at performance level, but grassroots football cannot be forgotten. I appreciate and thank the Member for his invite to west Tyrone. I saw there the important role that those clubs, like so many other clubs that I have visited right across Northern Ireland, play in the local community and how they help more people to get more active more often, which is a key priority for my Department. I assure the Member that I will do everything that I can to make sure that we get that funding out to the clubs that need it.

Tom (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

I thank the Minister for his answer. I declare an interest as the chair of a Northern Ireland Football League (NIFL) football club. I welcome the Minister's progressing of The Northern Ireland Football Fund. A business case fund, which seemed to form an element of The Northern Ireland Football Fund, was launched by his Department last October. Will the Minister provide an update on that? Have any clubs progressed through that process yet?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

The Member will be aware of the first 10 clubs that were able to benefit from the business case funding. I recently announced a further three clubs that will have the ability to get the funding that they need. I hope to be in a position to continue further down the list and allow clubs that need the funds that I will make available to progress works to apply for the programme.

Liz Kimmins (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

On the grassroots element of the football fund, I met groups over the summer that are willing the fund to open soon. Will the Minister provide a timeline for when we can expect the grassroots element of the fund to open, given that he said that he hopes that letters of offer will go out for the 2025 financial year?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

The performance clubs will be first, not overall but in the performance element of it. I hope that we will be able to initiate those conversations in December, with the application period opening in January. I hope very early in the new financial year to allow grassroots clubs to apply.

Nick Mathison (Alliance, Strangford)

What steps will the Minister take to ensure that funding is equitably distributed among communities and football groups across Northern Ireland?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

When I announced The Northern Ireland Football Fund, I set out some of the criteria that clubs will be expected to adhere to. There certainly will be fair and equitable treatment, and, importantly, the process will be transparent.

William Irwin (DUP, Newry and Armagh)

5. Mr Irwin asked the Minister for Communities to outline the financial support that is available to pensioners this winter. (AQO 770/22-27)

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Pensioners who are on a low income may be entitled to pension credit, which is a means-tested benefit for people over state pension age. On average, people on pension credit can be better off by around £4,400 a year and are passported to other support, such as help with housing costs and NHS costs, and there are free TV licences for those aged over 75.

Winter fuel payments will continue to be paid to all pensioners who are in receipt of pension credit and meet the eligibility criteria. Pension credit recipients also receive cold weather payments of £25 a day for any seven-day period of very cold weather between November and the end of March each year. Pensioners on low incomes may be able to access support from my Department's discretionary support service, which can include an interest-free loan to help with fuel costs.

William Irwin (DUP, Newry and Armagh)

I thank the Minister for his response. Has there been any increase in pension credit uptake, given the shocking announcement by the Labour Government?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Yes, there has been. In August 2024, 889 people applied in Northern Ireland, compared with 610 in the same period last year. In July 2024, there were 663 applicants, compared with 526 last year. We are seeing an uptick in the number of people who are applying for pension credit. Only two weeks into this month, we have already had over 550 applications. I encourage Members to continue to highlight the importance of pension credit and to get people to apply. I know that it is a long process, but, with the average uplift being £4,400, it is certainly worth it.

Ciara Ferguson (Sinn Féin, Foyle)

The Minister would agree that, when it comes to financial support, the affordable warmth scheme is critical, particularly for our most vulnerable people and pensioners on low incomes. Can he outline whether the scheme is unable to be continued for new applications, due to the chronic and sustained underfunding by the British Government? If so, what conversations have been had to support vulnerable people whose applications are being processed, or any new applicants?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I have certainly raised that with the UK Government. I told them, first of all, about the need to change their minds on the winter fuel payment, and also, if that is not the case, to ensure that we have sufficient support in place for older people, especially those who are most vulnerable. The affordable warmth scheme is, absolutely, a lifeline to many people, and makes long-lasting changes, not just for one year. That is why I will continue to do all that I can to ensure that we can keep that open, and also to ensure that we find a replacement for that scheme under our new fuel poverty strategy.

Patsy McGlone (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Mid Ulster)

7. Mr McGlone asked the Minister for Communities when he will announce his decision in relation to the recommendations of the expert panel, appointed to review the discretionary support scheme. (AQO 772/22-27)

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

My officials have been working to identify options to progress the expert panel's recommendations in the context of the current climate of financial constraint. I will provide an update to Members once that work has been completed.

Patsy McGlone (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Mid Ulster)

The Minister will be aware that that report was published in March 2022. It is now 30 months' old. At what stage will we have an injection of a bit of vitality into the decision-making process? It is a good scheme, but it would be well worthwhile to take on board and implement a number of the report's recommendations.

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Absolutely. It is incredibly important and is a genuine lifeline for many people. We are working our way through the review. Some of the important recommendations have, of course, already been implemented, but, as the Member will be aware, others will require significant financial commitment.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

8. Ms Ní Chuilín asked the Minister for Communities to outline his Department’s plans to reduce housing stress in areas where there is high demand. (AQO 773/22-27)

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

The social housing development programme (SHDP) is a three-year rolling programme of planned social housing schemes, based on the identification and analysis of housing need by geographical area. The formulation of the SHDP is shaped by the Housing Executive's strategic guidelines, which ensure that the programme targets those areas of greatest social housing need. In managing the programme, the Housing Executive administers the housing association grant to facilitate the delivery of social housing, and directs housing associations to identify and bring forward development opportunities in those areas of greatest unmet social housing need.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

I thank the Minister for his response. It was a bit convoluted. Given the shortage of funding for housebuilding, can he ensure that he will stand over houses being built and delivered on objective need, rather than along sectarian or social engineering lines, and that houses will be allocated to those who are in housing stress on the housing waiting list?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I am sorry if the Member believes that my answer was convoluted. I was simply setting out the process for how the funds are allocated. I can certainly assure the Member that I am not doing anything on the basis of sectarian decision-making.

David Honeyford (Alliance, Lagan Valley)

9. Mr Honeyford asked the Minister for Communities whether he will introduce funding for the installation of energy efficiency and decarbonisation measures for low-income families in domestic properties. (AQO 774/22-27)

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Improving energy efficiency and installing decarbonisation measures in homes is a vital part of addressing fuel poverty and meeting our requirements under the Climate Change Act (Northern Ireland) 2022. My Department is responsible for the affordable warmth scheme, which aims to assist low-income owner-occupiers and households in the private rented sector with an annual household income of less than £23,000. The scheme provides a range of energy efficiency measures, including loft, cavity wall and solid wall insulation; the replacement of inefficient heating systems; and the replacement of windows, where appropriate. My officials are in the early stages of developing a new and more ambitious fuel poverty energy efficiency scheme for low-income households to replace the current affordable warmth scheme, which ends in 2026.

David Honeyford (Alliance, Lagan Valley)

I thank the Minister for his answer. Will he outline how he is going to meet the carbon goals in relation to housing as we move into the years ahead?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Of course, as we all know, the House passed the Climate Change Act, which gave us the climate change targets. Those are going to be incredibly difficult for us to meet. Of course, they were beyond what was recommended by experts at the time. We now have to live with the consequences of the decision that this place made.

The schemes that I have outlined will contribute to net zero targets. That is important, as residential decarbonisation is significant, but what is more important is ensuring that people have a warm home to live in. That is where the real benefit comes from.

Robbie Butler (UUP, Lagan Valley)

10. Mr Butler asked the Minister for Communities how many recipients of the winter fuel payment will no longer be eligible as a result of proposed changes to the scheme. (AQO 775/22-27)

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Two hundred and forty nine thousand, six hundred.

Robbie Butler (UUP, Lagan Valley)

I thank the Minister for his answer, which was given with brevity. Two hundred and forty nine thousand is an incredible number; it is almost a quarter of a million. Will the Minister detail the concerns that he has raised about the disproportionate effect that it will have on pensioners in Northern Ireland, given that it is a disproportionate number? Will his Department introduce a support scheme, such as the previous emergency fuel payment scheme, to assist householders who are in need?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I have raised the issue and highlighted the impact with UK Ministers on a number of occasions, including with Ministers in the NIO and different Ministers in DWP and elsewhere. To put the number in context, it is over 80% of pensioners in Northern Ireland. So, it is not just the rich, millionaires or people who can easily afford it: many people who are just above the threshold are going to be significantly impacted by the decision.

Regarding mitigation, we will certainly do what is in our power. We need to wait to see what Barnett consequentials might be available. We then need to make sure that we help those who are in need.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

11. Mr Gaston asked the Minister for Communities what discussions he had with his Executive colleagues to identify savings to retain winter fuel payments for all pensioners. (AQO 776/22-27)

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

As I have said, I strongly disagree with, and am totally opposed to, the Labour Government's decision to change the winter fuel payment eligibility criteria. I am very concerned about the serious consequences that it will have on the comfort, well-being and health of older people across Northern Ireland. I circulated a paper for Executive discussion, detailing the implications of the changes to the winter fuel payment following the Chancellor's statement. The paper outlined the estimated £44·3 million of additional costs, excluding additional delivery and staffing costs, to the block grant of maintaining the universal payment. The paper also estimated the cost of delivering an appropriate IT system to deliver universal winter fuel payments in Northern Ireland to be between £5 million and £8 million, with a further 20% of the development spend per annum for support and maintenance.

The Member will be aware that, in order for me to have stood still this year in the Department, an additional £130 million would have been necessary. I received £13 million. I have already had to make significant savings this year. I did not have the room in my budget to enable the payment to continue. However, as I have said on many occasions, not only did we not have the budget available but we did not have the means to deliver it due to the absence of a suitable IT system.

Timothy Gaston (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

I thank the Minister for his answer. We have heard much talk about the problem with the computer system. Why did that problem not arise when we broke parity on the bedroom tax?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

There was a longer lead-in period for that. DWP is changing its system to allow for the changes that are taking place across the whole of the United Kingdom. We asked whether there was any capacity to allow us to do things differently, but the indications that came back were that that was not possible. The difference with the other mitigation measures that the Member raised is that those were done with a much longer lead-in period, which enabled those payments to be made.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

We will now move to topical questions.

Mark Durkan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

T1. Mr Durkan asked the Minister for Communities when and how he learned of the UK Government's decision not to fund the Casement Park project. (AQT 511/22-27)

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

My private office was emailed at 6.32 pm on Friday. That email was forwarded to my departmental email address at 7.00 pm.

Mark Durkan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

I thank the Minister for his answer. It seems that the Minister, once again, is the last to know. Just before Question Time, we heard in the Finance Minister's statement that her officials learned on Wednesday that the British Government were to pause their funding commitments. Does he not think it odd that, as Minister responsible for the Casement Park project, he was not informed of their decision until more than 48 hours later?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I can only reflect to the House what happened with the timings of the decision. What has taken place with the Government over the past week is, to put it mildly, inappropriate. When announcements are made, it is right and proper that Ministers are able to answer questions on them and speak to the media. Of course, neither of those things happened.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

T2. Mr Carroll asked the Minister for Communities, having noted that there has been a lot of hand-wringing by the Minister to try to distance himself and his Executive colleagues from his decision on Friday 30 August at 3.30 pm to cut the winter fuel payment and without knowing whether that is the result of a guilty conscience, whether he regrets making that decision. (AQT 512/22-27)

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I communicated my decision to Members as soon as I was in a position to do so. The urgent procedure request that I was granted was delivered to me, and I informed the Assembly as soon as I could.

When it comes to my role in all that, we were given the facts by the UK Government. We were told of the changes that they are going to put in place. After work that my officials did, I was informed about what it would cost. We were informed about the issues in and around the IT system as well. We were left in the position of being told that we do not have the resources to continue it or the means by which to take it on.

Perhaps the Member might have taken the approach of burying his head in the sand and pretending that the problem is not here, but officials made it clear that if we did not confirm our decision with the UK Government, they would go ahead and change the DWP system for only Great Britain. That would have meant that nobody in Northern Ireland would have had access to their winter fuel payment. The Executive were not pleased about the decision in any way, but making it was preferable to sitting on our hands and letting everybody in Northern Ireland lose their winter fuel payment.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

The truth is, Minister, that you buckled under Keir Starmer. You could have stood strong against him, but you failed to do that. You also failed to listen to the hundreds of thousands of people who will be impacted by that decision. Minister, what work have you, your officials and your Department carried out to work out the number of excess winter deaths that will occur as a result of that decision? Make no mistake, that will be the result of it.

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

It is very disappointing that the Member simply cannot understand what I am saying to him. It is very straightforward and simple. It is very concerning that an MLA, as someone who sits in the House, is unable to process and understand that information and simply parrots the kinds of things that he says.

I share the concerns that many have expressed about the impact that the decision will have on people right across Northern Ireland. The UK Government's decision was given to us at very late notice. We did not have time to put in those sorts of assessments, but, unfortunately, the Government have not done so either. I do not think that that was because they did not have time; they have not bothered to put together an impact assessment of how their decision will affect the most vulnerable. That is shameful. I will do everything that is in my power to make sure that we get extra funding where it is available, support those who are in need and use our existing programmes to support people. Unfortunately, in Mr Carroll. we have a Member who does not even understand the process.

Harry Harvey (DUP, Strangford)

T3. Mr Harvey asked the Minister for Communities to outline his plans to ensure that we adequately celebrate and recognise the phenomenal achievements by all our Northern Ireland athletes at the Olympics and the Paralympics. (AQT 513/22-27)

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I am grateful to the Member for the question, and I know that he has an interest in this, with a gold medal winner coming from his constituency. I was delighted to be able to celebrate with Rhys, Jack and others that evening. I am pleased to be able to say that there will be a celebration event for all our athletes, not just those who were medal winners. It is absolutely right that we celebrate their achievements. That event will be in the SSE Arena, and, Mr Speaker, I may even invite all Members so that we can all celebrate together.

Harry Harvey (DUP, Strangford)

Thank you, Minister. Can you also provide us with an update on how you can ensure that there is a real legacy from the success of our athletes?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Yes. Although it is right that we celebrate the amazing achievements of our Olympians, it is also appropriate that we set in place all that is necessary so that we can have a real and lasting legacy from those incredible games. We need to make sure that we are directing the proper resources towards those performance athletes and also the grassroots so that we can build up for the future. I know that we all want to celebrate the amazing achievements, but let us make sure that we also build a legacy for the future. I will play my role in that.

Andy Allen (UUP, Belfast East)

T4. Mr Allen asked the Minister for Communities, having in previous answers referenced the fuel poverty strategy, to give a definitive date for when that strategy will come forward. (AQT 514/22-27)

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Unfortunately, I am not able to give a definitive date on that because it will be subject to Executive approval, but I can reassure the Member that we have progressed with it at pace. As I have said, we have done more on it than has been done for some time, and I am looking forward to being able to share that as soon as possible.

Andy Allen (UUP, Belfast East)

I am sure that the Minister, as with other Members, including me, is being contacted almost daily by members of households who are struggling to heat their homes. Can he therefore give a guarantee that the fuel poverty strategy will be truly cross-departmental and will have meaningful and tangible outcomes that will be felt by those householders struggling to heat their homes?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Yes, absolutely, because it will be successful only if it is cross-departmental. Energy has a large role to play in this. Infrastructure will have its role, and Health, in my view, absolutely has a role as well. Not only will it be beneficial for it to be Executive-wide but it is necessary.

William Irwin (DUP, Newry and Armagh)

T5. Mr Irwin asked the Minister for Communities for an update on the US/NI cultural working group. (AQT 515/22-27)

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I am really impressed by the commitment and dedication shown by the members of the US/NI cultural working group. Excellent work has been done in collaboration with the United States. There has been good collaboration between National Museums NI and the Smithsonian Institution and between the Public Record Office of Northern Ireland (PRONI) and the National Archives. I look forward to being in a position to announce more on that very soon.

I think that it is also really important that we take advantage of the 250th anniversary of the signing of the Declaration of Independence and make sure that Northern Ireland remembers and recognises its role in that part of the history of the United States.

William Irwin (DUP, Newry and Armagh)

I thank the Minister for his response. What else can he commit to in support of the work of the Ulster-Scots Agency and that of the many other organisations that support the Ulster-Scots tradition?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

The Member is right to mention the Ulster-Scots tradition because it goes far beyond a language and is about the culture, history, heritage and tradition that we want to celebrate. It goes beyond our shores. It is not something from here that remained here; there is so much more for us to celebrate throughout the world. That is why I have introduced the US/NI cultural working group. I believe that there is huge potential that has not been exploited in the past, and I am determined that we do that in the future.

Kellie Armstrong (Alliance, Strangford)

T6. Ms Armstrong asked the Minister for Communities, having thanked him for his comments about Ulster-Scots culture and welcomed those comments as a former festival Irish dancer, about the reaction that he has had from Westminster when he has raised the issue of the housing crisis and the need for investment in Northern Ireland. (AQT 516/22-27)

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

I had the opportunity, in recent weeks, to meet a number of UK Government Ministers, Northern Ireland Office officials and others in housing, and I have expressed to them the issues around housing in Northern Ireland. The main issue that I have been progressing with them is the need for Treasury to change its rules around the Housing Executive so that we can see better maintenance of our stock and more housebuilding in Northern Ireland. I believe that is something that the Government have taken on board.

Kellie Armstrong (Alliance, Strangford)

Thank you, Minister. You mentioned that the housing strategy is coming forward. Can you share with the House what priorities you will have to ensure that all people have access to an appropriate home to prevent homelessness?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Homelessness is a key priority for me, not only because of the seriousness of the situation but because of how much we currently need to spend at the end, when it is most expensive. We should invest earlier to make sure that we prevent homelessness rather than address it when it arrives. The housing supply strategy is so important because all the bits fit together, and all the different tenures are important for increasing supply. In order to do that, there are many different partners against many different Departments. That is why I have been progressing that work at pace.

Joanne Bunting (DUP, Belfast East)

T7. Ms Bunting asked the Minister for Communities what action he is taking to deal with the causes of poverty, given that we often deal with the effects, and although Members have heard a lot about his anti-poverty strategy today, we all recently received an email from the Trussell Trust that said that almost four in 10 — 37% — people who claimed universal credit in Northern Ireland ran out of food in the past month and did not have enough money to buy more. (AQT 517/22-27)

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

It is absolutely right that the Member raises that issue. My Department does significant work to tackle the impact of poverty, but that is not good enough any more. We need to tackle the root causes of poverty. There are a number of issues that we have discussed before, and it is about housing, health and education, but what is really important is getting people into work. That is one of the greatest barriers that people face right now to getting out of poverty. That means that we need to be in a position where we are giving tailored support, where necessary, and I have raised that with the Government and given them examples of where we have been able to make a difference.

You only have to take some of the figures around disability and employment. We are way behind where we should be and way behind the rest of the United Kingdom, and we need to ensure that we have the tools to get people the support that they need to get back into work, because that is one of the best ways that we can tackle poverty.

Joanne Bunting (DUP, Belfast East)

I am grateful to the Minister for his answer. My constituents, along with many others across Northern Ireland, are living in damp and mouldy conditions, and because they are in poverty, they are not able to pay for remedial works themselves. The Trussell Trust points out that just over four in 10 people claiming universal credit in Northern Ireland are either behind on bills and credit commitments or are finding it a constant struggle to keep up with them. They cannot afford to do the work themselves, and if they were able to afford to do it themselves, the Housing Executive would not stand over the work. Doubtless, there is a considerable backlog of maintenance. What will the Minister do to tackle the delays in maintenance across Housing Executive properties?

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

Those are serious issues, and I encourage the Member to feel free to come to me if she feels that there specific examples that she thinks that I can help her with. In respect of those other, wider issues and what we can do to help, she mentioned the Housing Executive and reiterates why it is important that we ensure that the Housing Executive gets the powers that it needs to borrow against its assets to make improvements in the homes that we are talking about. That will save us money later on. I will say it again and again: if we can prevent problems at an earlier stage, we will end up saving not just money but a lot of grief for people. That is why we need to make sure that this is changed and that we have the proper investment. Revitalisation is the way for us to do that.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

T8. Mr Blair asked the Minister for Communities to clarify whether the discussions with Treasury, to which he has referred a number of times, specifically referenced the ability of the Northern Ireland Housing Executive to increase investment through borrowing to improve our housing stock. (AQT 518/22-27)

Gordon Lyons (DUP, East Antrim)

That is the issue that I was talking about. We need to make sure that the rules are changed with Treasury so that we can see that borrowing against our own stock, not only to improve the properties like the ones that Ms Bunting was talking about but to ensure that we can build more homes. That is exactly what I was referring to.