Northern Ireland Assembly, 26 February 2024

326 contributions from 65 members. The official report.

Members' Statements

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

If Members wish to be called to make a statement, they should indicate so by rising in their places. Those Members who are called will have up to three minutes to make their statement. I remind Members that interventions are not permitted, and I will not take any points of order on this or any other matter until this item of business has been finished.

Sinéad Ennis (Sinn Féin, South Down)

I will take this opportunity to reflect on the positive announcement last week around Narrow Water bridge and the opportunities that I believe now exist. Those of us who have championed Narrow Water bridge know that it is more than just an infrastructure project. We know that it is key to unlocking the huge economic and tourism potential that we have in south Down and right across the Carlingford lough region. Funding has been secured from the Irish Government's Shared Island unit, and that will help to boost Ireland's eastern corridor region and help strengthen our all-island ties.

Newry, Mourne and Down District Council and Louth County Council have a strategic alliance to promote, strengthen and stimulate the social, cultural and economic links within and between the people of the Carlingford lough region, and Narrow Water bridge is not just an example of that but an example of what can be done when we work together on an all-island basis.

We have a huge, unique tourism offering in Warrenpoint, Rostrevor and, of course, into the Mournes, but we must build on that to ensure that residents and visitors can be proud of South Down's attractions and we continue to offer a first-class visitor experience. That is why, as we see the Narrow Water bridge progress, Sinn Féin will work with Louth County Council and Newry, Mourne and Down District Council to see the restoration of Warrenpoint's iconic baths. With planning permission in place, a viable and innovative project such as Warrenpoint Baths will complement the Narrow Water bridge when it is built. I hope that funding from the Shared Ireland unit can be a viable avenue for the funding of the Warrenpoint Baths project, because it is time to deliver the investment that is needed to transform that iconic landmark and restore Warrenpoint Baths to their former glory.

Paul Frew (DUP, North Antrim)

As reported on Downtown Radio and Cool FM news by journalist Tara Griffiths on 16 February, the child and adolescent mental health services (CAMHS) waiting times statistics for Northern Ireland were published on 14 February. Those statistics were for the period up to December 2023. As of that date, more than 2,000 children and adolescents were waiting for a CAMHS appointment. More than half of those 2,000 young people had been waiting for more than nine weeks. In December 2022, nearly half of the total number waiting were in the Northern Trust area. As of 31 December 2023, the Northern Trust had reduced that number to 697 out of the 2,095, but, out of that 697, 415 were waiting more than nine weeks.

It is important that those figures are on record, because those are our young people and adolescents. Waiting lists are one thing, but the sheer number of children who need to use the service is astronomical. It is absolutely shameful. Children as young as two years old are on mental health waiting lists. The figures correlate with school absence figures. The number of children missing 50% of school time has doubled. The number of children missing 80% of school time has doubled. Those figures have doubled since the onset of lockdown philosophy and the deployment of fear.

Anxiety levels in children have gone through the roof. Children and infants are struggling with developmental and social problems that they should never have had to deal with. When they seek support, they have to go onto a waiting list and wait nine weeks to get it. Not only have we let those children down through the pandemic, we are letting them down now. Not only that, but no one wants to talk about it. I assure you, Mr Speaker, that I will keep talking about it until those figures are reduced.

Peter McReynolds (Alliance, Belfast East)

I rise to speak on a medical treatment that, I am sure, some Members may already be aware of: Palforzia. It was brought to my attention a few years ago by Tierna Byrne, a mother from East Belfast who was concerned about the impact that lack of access to the drug could have on the future of her now five-year-old son, Matthew, who, sadly, lives with a severe peanut allergy. In her initial email to me, she described the fear and worry that she and her husband live with daily; how her son has experienced swollen eyes and lips or his face covered in blotches; how he has been hospitalised due to anaphylactic shock; and her heartbreak that he has had to grow up a lot faster than his classmates by having to immediately tell new people that he cannot eat nuts.

I was shocked to learn than one in 50 children in the UK live with a nut allergy. In 2021, NHS England approved access to the drug. In Northern Ireland, it has been approved since February 2022. The Belfast Trust has committed to introducing Palforzia as it knows that it will help to reduce risk further down the line.

The reason that I raise the issue in the Chamber today, however, is that children in Northern Ireland living with nut allergies are missing out when compared with children in the rest of the UK and many other children across the globe, as Palforzia is regarded as being too resource-intensive to distribute fully here; instead, it is distributed on a case-by-case basis by consultants. That is done despite parents' rightful concerns, the evidence confirming Palforzia's efficacy, the support that I have seen in the medical sector and from consultants, and the acknowledgement that I had from permanent secretaries during the most recent Assembly collapse.

Everyone knows about Palforzia and that it works. They know the benefits that it brings and that its full introduction is needed in Northern Ireland. I was working on this when these institutions' hands were tied through the lack of a Minister, but Northern Ireland is now in a better place. I call on the Minister of Health to do what he can to make Palforzia more widely available for the families and children who so desperately need it.

Steve Aiken (UUP, South Antrim)

Members will now be aware of the notification of a new EU regulation on protection of geographical indications for craft and industrial products. You wrote to Members of the Assembly on Friday evening, Mr Speaker, informing us that an applicability motion must be tabled by the FM and the dFM, acting jointly, to the Assembly within 14 days of its receipt. Members may not be fully aware that that applicability motion requires the cross-community consent of the Chamber for it to be added to the Windsor framework legislation. The notification, which came originally to the Clerk of our Windsor Framework Democratic Scrutiny Committee, was not, as I understand it, originally forwarded to you, Mr Speaker, as it should have been, by the Cabinet Office, and there is a particularly tight timeline for it that commenced on 21 February. The Chair of the Windsor Framework Democratic Scrutiny Committee has made clear to the rest of the Committee that our remit stretches only to future regulation, among other areas, as outlined in the letter that the Committee sent to Ministers the previous week.

In the light of that and the taut timelines required, we are concerned that insufficient scrutiny will be conducted on this new EU regulation, whereby, according to the explanatory note, it may downplay the implications for Northern Ireland businesses. There is, by implication, a possibility that it may impact on internal UK trade, particularly on the vital east-west dimension of our internal UK market. While the note refers to minor changes, those of us who have been in the Assembly previously may remember that the impact of the removal of only a few minor words from a piece of transferred legislation brought down a Government. Our party notes with concern that scrutiny of the legislation has not already been expedited. Furthermore, with future timelines of five working days for other matters that are due to come under the purview of the Windsor Framework Democratic Scrutiny Committee and the need for us to move accurately at pace, there is a need to ensure that our Committees start looking beyond the narrow remits that they have been given, and if the lessons of the renewable heat incentive (RHI) inquiry are not to be forgotten, we must stop being incurious and start critically examining the potentially fundamental changes in legislation that are beginning to affect us, starting with this protection of geographical indications regulation.

Daniel McCrossan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, West Tyrone)

I would like to raise awareness of the significance of encephalitis, following World Encephalitis Day last Thursday. Encephalitis is a serious condition that impacts on individuals and families across the UK and Ireland and, indeed, globally. Raising awareness about the disease is crucial in promoting and understanding the needs of those affected. Encephalitis is a condition characterised by inflammation of the brain, often leading to symptoms such as confusion, seizures and, in severe cases, coma or even death. The disease can have a profound impact on those affected and their families, making it emotional and challenging in all circumstances. In the UK and Ireland alone, encephalitis impacts on thousands of people each year, highlighting the importance of increased awareness and support for that terrible condition.

I will take a moment to acknowledge the efforts of a family in my constituency. Sonia Hargan and Jackie O'Kane — two sisters — and their families have been instrumental in raising awareness about encephalitis on behalf of their late mother, Bridie Hargan, who passed away in recent weeks. Bridie was a native of Douglas Bridge and a huge part of the local community, and she battled against this terrible disease for a significant period. She spent months on end in hospital and in care. The sisters' dedication to the cause, despite the untimely loss of their mother to the disease, is truly commendable and serves as an inspiration to all those affected.

It is through the efforts of people like Sonia and Jackie and their families that we are able to shed light on the impact of encephalitis and work towards greater understanding and support for those affected. Today, I amplify their voices and the voices of all those affected to raise awareness and provide crucial support to individuals and families who face the challenges of encephalitis.

As we reflect on World Encephalitis Day and the important work being done to support the cause, let us all commit to spreading the necessary awareness, offering compassion and advocating for those affected by this debilitating disease. Together, we can make a difference in the lives of individuals who are battling encephalitis, and we must ensure greater awareness of, and support for, all those affected.

I thank all those who have dedicated their time, energy and resources to raising awareness of this important cause. Your efforts are making a difference, and we stand with you in solidarity as we continue to support this important cause. Together, we can make a positive impact. It is worth noting that encephalitis can affect anyone at any age and at any time in their life. In helping this particular family, I have seen its worst possible effects, which, unfortunately and ultimately, resulted in the loss of Bridie Hargan.

Emma Sheerin (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I congratulate the bravery and courage of a couple in my constituency, whom some of you might have seen in the news over the weekend: Danielle and Nial Sands. They spoke out very bravely about their experience following the birth of their baby, Joe. Danielle suffered from postnatal depression, and Nial then realised that he was going through the same thing. I thought that their courage, in talking about their story and raising awareness of something that is never really discussed, namely men's mental health in the wake of a new addition to the family, was amazing. I know them personally — Danielle's granny is my neighbour — so I congratulate them on their bravery.

Stephen Dunne (DUP, North Down)

This week marks the nineteenth anniversary of the tragic disappearance of Lisa Dorrian from a caravan park in Ballyhalbert in County Down in 2005. Lisa's disappearance left an irreplaceable hole in the lives of her loving family and her many friends. Lisa's body has not been found. Her family has led a courageous and dignified campaign called "Let's Find Lisa", as they seek to bury her with her mother, Patricia, who sadly passed away in 2015 with a broken heart following her daughter's disappearance.

I commend the Dorrian family for their bravery and resilience in continuing to search for justice and fighting to bring their beloved Lisa home. Their dedication to getting truth and justice for Lisa is as strong today as it was 19 years ago. I particularly pay tribute to Lisa's sister Joanne, who I have met a number of times, for all her ongoing efforts and campaigning to find Lisa. The family has worked very closely with many other families who are in similar circumstances, from right across the country and beyond, to look at ways that they can support each other and give each other hope through the most trying of the circumstances that they face. The investigation remains open. I encourage anyone with any information at to contact the PSNI immediately.

Recently, Lisa's family has backed the campaign to introduce Charlotte's law, which would see murderers face tougher sentences if they do not disclose the location of their victim's remains. The campaign is named after Charlotte Murray, who, similarly, went missing in 2012. She, too, was tragically murdered and her body secretly buried. If passed, this law would impact on a perpetrator's parole and include incentives for their cooperation in disclosing where they have put the victim's body. Lisa's family has been heartened in recent weeks by the Justice Minister's commitment of her intention to legislate in support of Charlotte's law as part of the upcoming sentencing Bill. I certainly welcome that, and I urge the Minister to move at pace to deliver that much-needed legislation, which will bring some hope and comfort to families. It will support the tireless work of families like the Dorrians and the Murrays in their search for justice, truth and peace. Importantly, it will give families that peace to grieve properly for their loved ones.

No family should ever have to face the additional heartbreak of not being able to bury a loved one. I commend the family of Lisa Dorrian for their bravery, dedication and courage, 19 years on, as they fight for justice for Lisa.

Sorcha Eastwood (Alliance, Lagan Valley)

February is the month when we mark Apprenticeship Week and celebrate our apprentices. I believe that we had another bit of business on that week, so I raise it now, and better late than never.

Apprenticeships are a great way to grow our economy, to tackle poverty and social inequality and to help us to address the many and various challenges that face our economy, including productivity, meeting the challenge of skills gaps and looking at how we develop a strategic plan for our economy. They are a key part of widening participation and access to education. However, all of us can do a lot more to promote apprenticeships. We need to be honest: every time that we talk about education and skills, there appears to be an ingrained bias in our society that always goes down the well-trodden path of academia. Did anyone ever stop to ask why?

I am one of those in the House who benefited from a pilot of a higher-level apprenticeship, which was brought in by my party colleague Dr Stephen Farry when he was Minister for Employment and Learning. I see some younger people in the Gallery, and it is a shame that they cannot shout down. I believe that there is a perception in society about apprenticeships. I do not know whether that is developed by the system or how it has come about. It may be due to different policies that seem to be, at times, at cross purposes, but there is a bias out there around apprenticeships. However, I believe in our young people and that they are being more informed than ever. Indeed, Members will know that one of the issues that I will seek to further in my time as this mandate goes forward is careers advice in schools. I believe that there is very much an effort across Education and Economy. Part of helping us to grow apprenticeships and opportunities for young people and, indeed, people of all ages is having a vibrant and thriving further education sector. I am deeply concerned about some of the issues that are being raised by people who work in that sector and by people who avail themselves of the courses that are available there.

We speak about 25 years of prosperity, and all of us want to see that. However, each one of us has a role to play in the House in advocating for not just apprenticeships but the role of further education. I also want to raise again the issue of the apprenticeship levy. We have a role to play on that issue in this House and in the other place, and I will not rest until we get that resolved. I also want to place on record my thanks to all the apprentices working across Northern Ireland. They are delivering great work.

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I rise to pay tribute to and mourn the loss of Mr Chris Nicholl, who passed away on Saturday night at the age of 77. Chris, on no fewer than 51 occasions, was selected to represent the Northern Ireland senior men's football team. He became a stalwart of the early glory years of Billy Bingham's second spell as manager, beginning in 1980, when he was a regular in the team that went on to win the British Championship that year. That was a year when I was a rookie reporter/commentator on the Northern Ireland team. He was always very kind to me, although, to be fair, he never pushed himself in front of a microphone. He was content to make his contribution on the field of play.

I was lucky enough to see him play in all five of Northern Ireland's matches at the 1982 World Cup in Spain, including that famous night on 25 June when we inflicted a 1-0 defeat on the hosts in the Luis Casanova stadium in Valencia. Chris contributed more than his fair share because, inexplicably, the Spanish kept throwing high balls into the Northern Ireland box. At 6 feet 4, Chris was fit to nod them away again and again and again. After he retired as a player, he enjoyed success as a manager, including a spell at Southampton, where he mentored he likes of Matt Le Tissier and Alan Shearer. A few years ago, Shearer made a documentary called 'Alan Shearer: Dementia, Football and Me', and, sadly, Chris was one of his interviewees. He said that he was suffering from brain damage brought on by heading footballs. He talked about his memory, and he said:

"Everyone forgets regular things, where your keys are. But when you forget where you live, that's different. I've had that for the last four or five years ... It bothers me."

He suffered from chronic traumatic encephalopathy, and it appears that it cost him his life.

I should acknowledge that, in 2022, when Stormont and devolution were down, Billy Bingham also passed away. Billy played in Sweden in 1958 in our first World Cup and managed the other two — Spain in 1982 and Mexico in 1986. He was the only manager ever to have straight home and away wins over the great West German team of that era. I would like to think that we will see the likes of Billy Bingham and Chris Nicholl again, but their exploits have set quite the challenge.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

I associate myself with the remarks about Chris Nicholl.

I will speak about the news that emerged at the end of last week — shocking and unacceptable news — that shared and integrated education capital funding, totalling, it appears, £150 million, has been removed from 10 schools in Northern Ireland. I should declare an interest: I am a parent of a child who is at one of the affected schools, Forge Integrated Primary School, which was expecting to be funded. As a serving MLA and someone who follows the policy, it was shocking that I and, indeed, other parents found out that the money was being cut because we received emails from the principals of the affected schools. I have been in touch with the principals in my schools in South Belfast, including Millennium Integrated Primary School. That is a brilliant integrated primary school just outside Carryduff that had been expecting to build a new 14-base classroom and a two-class nursery. The school was also expecting to invest in special educational needs provision.

This case goes far beyond South Belfast. It is shocking news, and we will seek answers from not only the Minister of Education and the UK Government but other Executive parties, because it comes after a whole range of other bits of information about the agreed financial package has leaked out. Let us face it, this was leaked or sneaked out. It was not based on an official announcement from the Minister or the Department. Boards of governors were contacted in private and given the information. That, in itself, is unacceptable, but it is also unacceptable that £150 million that was designed to be allocated to shared and integrated education — that should be a priority for all of us in the Chamber as something that we are all signed up to support under the agreement and subsequent legislation — is being cut in private and in secret.

We need to know how the decision was made to reallocate the funding, which parties and Ministers knew that it was going to happen and why the Assembly was not told and had to wait until the information was sneaked out to parents, via an email, so that they could find out what was happening. What other important projects are going to lose funding as a result of the reallocation? What has been waved through by Executive parties in the rush to deal with these things? It is completely unacceptable. I hope that we get more clarity from the Education Minister on how the decision was taken, who knew that it was being taken and what will be done to support those integrated schools and shared projects that are expecting to build facilities.

Maolíosa McHugh (Sinn Féin, West Tyrone)

I want to talk about the miscarriage of justice in the Horizon post office scandal. The details of the saga have been well publicised, thanks to a very successful ITV drama this year. In 1999, Post Office began the roll-out of its new IT system, Horizon. It soon became clear that Horizon was faulty, which made it appear as if money was going missing. Management and Post Office blamed the sub-postmasters, and, as a result, the accused were sacked and forced to pay money back, and many were wrongfully prosecuted. Hundreds of innocent postal workers were scapegoated in that way, including here in the North of Ireland. The injustice went on for years, with Post Office refusing to acknowledge that Horizon was to blame, despite repeated attempts by victims to raise complaints.

The First Minister and I met victims of the post office scandal here in the North and heard of the impact on their lives and how their livelihoods and those of their families were completely destroyed.

They told us about how they were dragged through the courts and convicted of crimes they did not commit. Not only was their good reputation tarnished in their communities, but they were dismissed from their employment after many years of loyal service and, in some cases, faced financial ruin. Some of the victims told us that their health, including their mental health, suffered and that they developed disease as a result of the stress that they were under because of the false accusations.

The victims all agreed on what was needed in order to go forward: all convictions should be quashed and fair compensation provided to the victims. I welcome the announcement by the British Government and the legislation that has been brought forward, which will exonerate victims in England and Wales. However, because the Post Office is a reserved matter, it does not include the victims in the North of Ireland. I commend the call by our First Minister and the Minister of Justice to ask that the issue is addressed to ensure that the convictions are reversed and that the law is extended to the North of Ireland to cover the people here who should also be compensated for the losses that they have suffered over the past number of years.

Jim Allister (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

As part of the dud deal that brought the DUP back into the Executive, today, in the House of Commons, one of the DUP's fig leaves — what is grandly called a "humble address" — will be promoted. It is build around a flagrant deceit, a deceit that, in the words of that humble address, includes:

"acknowledging the foundational importance of the Acts of Union 1800, including the economic provisions under Article 6 of those Acts".

I say "deceit" because the deal that it celebrates confirms the suspension of the very article 6 that it references.

(Mr Deputy Speaker [Mr Blair] in the Chair)

Our Supreme Court, in clear terms, because of the supremacy afforded in law to the protocol, because it establishes a continuing Irish sea border and because of the foreign EU law that it submits Northern Ireland to, has held that article 6 of the Acts of Union is in suspension. Nothing in the dud Donaldson deal reverses one word of that: article 6 remains in suspension. Yet, because of that, we continue to have a country partitioned by a customs and regulatory border, subject to foreign law and subject to a foreign court. Thereby, the Acts of Union, despite the deception of the humble address —

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

The Member's two minutes are up.

Jim Allister (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

— continue to be diminished and violated. Those whose mission it is to dismantle the Union will rightly say —

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

Can the Member bring his remarks to a close?

Jim Allister (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

— "Well done, Jeffrey".

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

Thank you.

Assembly Business

Private Members' Business

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

I call Emma Sheerin to move the motion.

Emma Sheerin (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Go raibh maith agat, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle. Gabhaim buíochas leis an Chéad-Aire. Déanaim comhghairdeas léi faoina post nua. Bíodh a fhios aici go bhfuil na daoine i Lár Uladh iontach bródúil aisti ag an am seo.

[Translation: Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. I thank the First Minister. I congratulate her on her new role. She should know that the people of Mid Ulster are very proud of her at this time.]

We are moving this motion this afternoon —.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

Will you move the motion?

Emma Sheerin (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Gabh mo leithscéal.

[Translation: Excuse me.]

Can I move the motion? Is that me?

[Laughter.]

I beg to move

That this Assembly affirms that the Executive Office’s strategic framework to end violence against women and girls must recognise that misogyny is a root cause of violence against women and girls; laments that, since 2021, we have had the joint highest rate of femicide in Europe; expresses deep sadness that violence against women and girls is endemic here, with one woman killed every three months; regrets that victims of sexual and gender-based violence still face obstacles within the justice system and within society itself and that these obstacles prevent many women from reporting their abuse; condemns the budget cuts imposed by the British Government that significantly cut funding for public services, early intervention and rehabilitation services, community and voluntary sector services and Women’s Aid; and calls on the Executive Office to urgently implement, in full, the strategic framework to end violence against women and girls to transform how society understands and responds to violence against women and girls.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

Thank you. The Business Committee has agreed to allow up to one hour and 30 minutes for the debate. The proposer of the motion will have 10 minutes in which to propose and 10 minutes in which to wind up. As an amendment has been selected and is published on the Marshalled List, the Business Committee has agreed that 15 minutes be added to the total time for the debate.

Please open the debate on the motion.

Emma Sheerin (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I should have said, "Ba mhaith liom é a mholadh." That translates as "I want to move it".

We are moving the motion this afternoon because we want to end violence against women and girls. We are agreed across the House on the importance of that and on the harm that violence against women and girls does. We know that this is a commitment from the previous mandate and appreciate the work that has already gone on. I specifically thank the co-design team; I know that some of those involved have joined us this afternoon to listen to the debate. I credit those who are involved in front-line services and the people who work with victims and survivors every day. They play a massive role in society.

Gender-based violence is endemic and pervades society. We know that it has to be a priority in this mandate. It has to be a priority for all parties, and we all must work together on that. We want to set this at the top of the agenda to ensure that it is a priority and that the framework is implemented in full. We will support the amendment, because it is totally in line with the spirit of our motion. We know that it has to be funded to be implemented fully, and we want to see that happening.

The reason for moving the motion today is to start the conversation about this and to bring it in to the public discourse. Gender-based violence has happened for centuries in Ireland and has been facilitated by silence: people knowing deep down that something was wrong but not having the courage to call it out. That is how it has been allowed to manifest itself in the way in which it has. We have to break the silence and call it out. We have to start the conversation. Hopefully, the debate today will serve that end.

We know that misogyny is the root cause of gender-based violence. Misogyny, in its simplest terms, is the belief that women are lesser. Just like any discriminatory mindset, it manifests itself, breeds and festers in a vacuum, in a situation in which there is no conversation, no information being shared and no myth-busting, where people are allowed to spread disinformation, fear and hatred. That is how misogyny has taken shape. An awful lot of the time, we do not even recognise it. Those thoughts are so internalised that we do not sometimes call it out.

We know about it and have seen it all too often, even in recent years. There were 42 women murdered between January 2013 and June 2023. We see an extreme act of violence against a woman, in that a woman is murdered, and then there is an outpouring of grief. We all stand at vigils, and everybody is so sorry that it happened. However, further back in the chain, when the beliefs were first being issued, we did not challenge them. That is what we have to do and what the strategy has to do. It has to address it at the root. I am pleased to see that the framework sets it out clearly that this is about addressing cultural norms and challenging the structural inequalities that lead, ultimately, to someone losing a mother, a daughter, a sister or a friend as a result of gender-based violence.

Misogyny is the cause of so many problems across society. It is the reason why women who present to their GP with what is clearly the menopause are told that they are just a bit stressed and are prescribed antidepressants. It is the reason why it takes about eight years to get a diagnosis of endometriosis or PCOS. It is the reason why, if a female politician wears a dress, it is the subject of news articles, yet a male politician will never face the same criticism for a suit that he wears. It is the reason why our dresses do not have pockets. That is the reality, and it is the reason why women are being murdered. We have to get to the root of that to stop it happening.

Over the weekend, in preparation for today's debate, I re-familiarised myself with some of the statistics. Some of the facts and figures that have been gathered on the issue are totally depressing and shocking. One of the statistics that really shocked me was in the 2022 life and times survey, which showed that 75% of the 16-year-olds surveyed had experienced street harassment. I read that and said, "Oh my God, three quarters of our teenage girls have already been harassed on the street". Then I said to myself, "Why am I shocked at that? I was a 16-year-old girl. I have friends, a sister, a mother. We have all experienced that, and we all know what it feels like". The overwhelming emotions that you have are shame and embarrassment, so you do not call it out. It has become completely normalised to the point where, an awful lot of the time, those remarks are made or you are harassed and, 10 minutes later, you are back to getting a cup of coffee or talking to a friend, and it does not even have an impact on you. However, over time, those things build up to the point where the situation gets so extreme that there is an act of violence, and that is when we all react.

This is not about demonising anyone. The issue affects everyone across society. The victims are men and women. We know about its impact on families, particularly in situations of domestic violence, where children suffer and that has an impact on their relationships later in life. We know that it is intergenerational: hurt people hurt people. We have seen that time and again. The studies all reflect that. We have to address it to stop it getting that far.

I urge everyone to support the motion. I want to see us all working together to call out gender-based violence and to stop that phenomenon.

Harry Harvey (DUP, Strangford)

I beg to move the following amendment:

Leave out all after "abuse;" and insert: "condemns inadequate levels of UK Government funding for public services, early intervention and rehabilitation services, community and voluntary sector services and Women’s Aid; and calls on the Executive Office to urgently implement, in full, the strategic framework to end violence against women and girls, including by prioritising funding for the delivery of programmes contained in the associated action plan, to transform how society understands and responds to violence against women and girls."

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

The Member will have 10 minutes in which to propose the amendment and five minutes in which to make a winding-up speech. All other Members will have five minutes. Please open the debate on the amendment.

Harry Harvey (DUP, Strangford)

The motion draws our attention to the unacceptable and ongoing issue of violence against women and girls in our society. The issue affects us all and has the potential to affect every home represented in the Chamber. For women and girls, it affects them directly. For men and boys, it has the potential to affect them indirectly, should violence be perpetrated against a female whom they hold dear, be she a mother, a sister, a wife or a partner. In light of that, it is incumbent on us all to be willing to play our part to tackle the issue head-on and tackle its root causes.

The need to address violence and the causes of violence against women and girls formed a core aspect of my party's Assembly election manifesto in 2022. I am pleased that progress is being made across government, particularly in the Executive Office, on spotlighting the issue.

The first necessity is to acknowledge the existence of the problem. The Executive Office's strategic framework does exactly that, as does the motion. The stark reality is that 75% of girls, even at the formative age of 16, have experienced street harassment at least once in their life. Sadly, such events occurring on our streets mirror the far more serious circumstances faced by too many women behind closed doors. The problem exists, and the message must be that it is wrong, regardless of the form that it takes.

The framework's vision is one of:

"a changed society where women and girls are free from all forms of gender-based violence, abuse, and harm, including the attitudes, systems, and structural inequalities that cause them."

That aim will be achieved through working together as partners across society, in the public, private and third sectors and in the community, to prevent and eradicate all forms of violence against women and girls. While it is right and proper to have such a document in government, it will be for every sector and every community to buy into its vision and seek to make it a reality, because that will not be achieved by government alone. I am encouraged by the willingness for collaboration that has already been evidenced in seeking to address and tackle the issue.

Co-design has been a vital aspect of developing the framework, bringing together expertise and experience from across government and the community and voluntary sector, as well as from lived experience. It is important to acknowledge the great work that has been done to support women and to tackle the issue of violence against them over many years. Organisations such as Women's Aid have been at the coalface dealing with the ugly realities and outworkings of misogyny and sexism in wider society. I am hopeful that the strategic framework will build on the foundation that has already been laid and provide further support for the organisations and bodies dedicated to supporting women and girls across Northern Ireland. It is astonishing to think that it is estimated that domestic and sexual abuse across Northern Ireland costs £750 million to £1 billion a year. Not only is there a direct and often catastrophic human cost to the victims of such abuse but there is a financial cost as a result of the ongoing prevalence of that societal illness.

We must be clear by our actions as well as our words that our women are to be valued, respected and protected against the minority who would do them harm, be it physical or emotional. I look forward to seeing the practical outworkings of the strategic framework and to working collectively towards the eradication of violence against our women and girls.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

Members, this is Connie Egan's first opportunity to speak as a private Member. I remind the House that it is the convention that a maiden speech is made without interruption.

Connie Egan (Alliance, North Down)

I am honoured to stand here as an MLA for North Down. I am delighted finally to be able to make my maiden speech, after getting elected in May 2022. I pay tribute to my predecessor, Rachel Woods, who was a dedicated representative for North Down as an MLA and as a councillor on Ards and North Down Borough Council, where I enjoyed working alongside her. I thank everybody who trusted me with their vote and all my friends and family, two of whom are in the Gallery today, who have supported me in getting to this moment. I have lived in North Down all my life. It is a wonderful place to live, work and visit and has so much unfulfilled potential. It is home to a welcoming and diverse community, and I will endeavour to be a voice for all in my constituency.

Ending violence against women and girls is a subject that I care deeply about. I am glad to support the motion and amendment, which recognise misogyny as the root cause of violence against women and girls and call for the implementation of a strategy that we desperately need. Shamefully, this is another area in which Northern Ireland has fallen behind, being the only region in these islands without a strategic framework to end gender-based violence. Last year, Ulster University produced a report titled 'Every Voice Matters!', which found that 98% of women who were interviewed had:

"experienced at least one form of"

gender-based

"violence or abuse in their lifetime."

That is a harrowing statistic that reinforces the need for urgent action to seriously tackle this issue in our society.

The strategy recognises the whole-society approach that is needed to end violence against women and girls and tackle its root causes. In the last mandate, the Justice Minister, Naomi Long, made much-needed progress on the issue to protect victims. That included introducing a stalking offence, updating revenge porn laws, outlawing upskirting, downblousing and cyberflashing and creating the new offence of coercive control.

Legislation is important, but the issue of violence against women and girls is not solely for our justice system to address; we need a whole-society approach to tackling gender-based violence, which thrives in a society where misogyny and sexism go unchallenged. The Executive Departments need to work collectively to implement the action plan, which includes things like education programmes to empower young people with information about consent and healthy relationships; a housing system that recognises domestic violence as intimidation; and support for organisations, such as White Ribbon NI, that work in the community to prevent gender-based violence.

Last year, when we had no sitting Executive or Assembly, we saw one of the devastating consequences of siloed working between Departments. We had the absolutely perverse situation that the Executive Office was consulting on an action plan and strategic framework to end violence against women and girls, yet, at the same time, the Department of Health was removing all core grant funding from the Women's Aid Federation. That situation was completely contradictory and failed those who had worked hard to co-design the strategy and all the women whom they support.

We need to see not just commitment from all Departments to tackle gender-based violence but resources to fund the necessary programmes and interventions. It is unreasonable to move forward with the strategy and expect the community and voluntary sector, which already leads in Northern Ireland on responding to and tackling the issue, to deliver more, if the resources and support from the Executive do not follow. Last year, Nexus, the organisation that delivers the domestic and sexual abuse helpline, had to close its services for under-16s due to insufficient funding from the Executive. We are failing people by not fully funding those vital services.

To go back to my constituency of North Down, we have a Women's Aid refuge that is run by a dedicated and compassionate team but on a shoestring budget. There can be no doubt that that refuge has saved lives and rescued families, but the facilities fall short of others across these islands. A new and accessible facility is urgently needed to meet the needs of all victims and survivors and their families.

I hope that the commitments that we have seen so far across the parties will continue in the Executive, with cross-departmental working and sufficient funding to implement all the actions in the strategy. We have a real opportunity to transform Northern Ireland. We can all play a part in tackling the root causes, supporting victims and survivors and ending violence against women and girls.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

Thank you for that maiden speech.

John Stewart (UUP, East Antrim)

I congratulate you on your new role, Mr Deputy Speaker; I do not think that I have spoken with you since you took the Chair. I also congratulate the Member for North Down on her maiden speech — it was very well done — and echo her words about Rachel Woods, who is a sad loss to the Chamber. I wish her well too.

The Ulster Unionist Party supports the motion and the amendment. I thank everyone for bringing forward this important issue, which should have been tackled through a strategic framework before now. As we know and as has been mentioned, the process of setting out that strategic framework is well advanced. I chaired the TEO Committee during the last mandate. At one of the last meetings of that Committee, evidence was sought from the Women's Resource and Development Agency. I commend that organisation and the many thousands of people who completed the survey and took part in the consultation that helped us to formulate the strategic framework. Motions were tabled in the House in 2017 and 2021, and there was unanimity in all the responses on both occasions about how we should go forward in tackling the issue. The sad reality is that, were it not for the five years out of seven of political vacuum in this place, a strategy not only would have been in place but would have been well advanced and tackling the issue. Sadly, we are where we are. If any positive can be taken from not having a long-overdue strategy on tackling gender-based violence, it is that we can learn from models of best practice elsewhere, learning from what has worked badly, taking on board what has worked well across these isles and applying that to any strategy that we begin to roll out. We owe that to our women and girls.

In the absence of any live strategy or strategic framework, I acknowledge the tireless and invaluable work of organisations such as the Women's Policy Group, the Cithrah Foundation, Women's Aid, the White Ribbon project and the many other groups and organisations across the country that dedicate their time to supporting women and girls, striving to end violence and raising awareness of the issues at all levels of our society. I also acknowledge the huge volume of work that has been carried out by Executive Office officials over many years. They have worked tirelessly to resolve the issue and put together a strategic framework, and they have brought forward all the responses that have been made to date. I look forward, as they do, I am sure, to seeing the strategic framework in place.

As I said, in March 2021, a similar motion was debated in the House, and there was unanimity in the responses that day. During the debate, many Members discussed the critical issues around the violence, harm and abuse that women and girls continued to face and the need for a strategy to ensure that we protect women and girls and eliminate gender-based violence in Northern Ireland. That motion was discussed during the COVID pandemic. Unfortunately, violence and domestic abuse towards our women and girls did not disappear or reduce; they increased. As we move into a post-pandemic society, we must reflect on the things that were said.

Statistics were quoted, and, regrettably, three years on, they are not the same but worse. We still have no strategy to end violence against women and girls. We have failed them. Between 2022 and 2023, the PSNI recorded 32,875 incidents of domestic violence here in Northern Ireland — an average of one every 16 minutes. Sadly, in 2021, when the issue was last discussed, the figure was one every 17 minutes. As we know, over one third of such incidents are not reported or recorded, which makes it even worse. The statistics show how important it is to have emotional support, counselling and referral support, such as that provided by Women's Aid Federation Northern Ireland, but such organisations must be properly resourced and funded, as Members have said. Our party met the Women's Aid Federation Northern Ireland in September, after it had reached out with concerns that its local government funding was due to end that month. Since then, Women's Aid has lost significant funding that helped to support women and girls who were victims of domestic abuse, harm and violence. A consideration in the strategic framework must therefore be to improve the support available to victims and ensure that support networks are adequately funded.

We must start as we mean to go on and ensure that our youth are educated to be respectful towards one another. Educating our youth is necessary from nursery school onwards. Young people must be encouraged to respect and listen to others and to accept that violence towards any person, regardless of gender, is totally unacceptable. Our society must be educated through awareness campaigns. There needs to be change in the long-established societal attitudes towards domestic and sexual violence until the statistics reflect respect towards women and girls.

I am encouraged that the Executive Office said that the strategy will be cross-departmental. It needs to straddle the Department of Justice, including probation services, the Department of Health, the Department of Education and the Department of Finance. I hope that the strategic framework will be laid out as soon as possible, allowing us to tackle this hugely important issue.

Sinéad McLaughlin (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

We have all been here before. Violence against women and girls is a crime, and it has become endemic in our society, in our homes and on our streets. The violence has been fuelled by the toxic legacy of our past and the deeply misogynistic culture in our society. The violence has gone unaddressed by government here, whether through sheer dysfunction, the inability to agree or the stop-start nature of our politics.

I welcome the opportunity to once again be here, debating the issue, yet I do not think that anyone in the Chamber disagrees with implementing the strategy. We are here, in essence, to put our agreement on the record. That is no bad thing, and I applaud the sponsors for tabling the motion and demonstrating the consensus that exists in the Chamber, yet this is too important an issue for us to debate in the Chamber and satisfy ourselves that we have moved the needle.

Today, I want to discuss a number of issues that the Assembly must address. The first is funding; we have heard it around the Chamber this afternoon. As we stand here, there is still uncertainty about the funding for the strategy to end violence against women and girls. The strategy has been painstakingly crafted, and I pay tribute to the team that did that. I commend the work of Claire Archibald and those whom she has worked with. The strategy has the voices of women right at the centre of its creation. I know that, at the conclusion of the process, we can hope for a financial package to accompany its implementation and the immediate action plan, but the Assembly must state unequivocally that a strategy without funding to go with it is not worth the paper that it is printed on. The women who are affected by it deserve so much more than that.

We know what we need to do in order to hold perpetrators to account and ensure that survivors have the support that they need, but, as the UN Women executive director said:

"We must do what we always do when we recognize the gravity of an issue: allocate serious resources ... To unlock financing across different sectors, to track budget allocations, to do more gender-responsive budgeting, and to resource the crucial efforts of women's rights organizations who are at the front line of response and are crucial partners for policy change."

Of course, the issue goes much wider than simply funding. For me, it is about culture, our society and the value that we attach to women's lives. That culture is writ large by newspaper headlines about femicide. It is right that our reaction to each and every one of those murdered women is profound devastation and that we say each time that they deserved to live and that their murder is unforgivable. The same culture that drives our most extreme violence happens around us each and every day in passing comments and the quiet acceptance of misogyny and sexism. It starts with phrases in schools like, "Boys will be boys" or jokes in workplaces, but we know that those examples are part of a pyramid of escalating violence. That culture can be addressed only from the earliest possible days in children's lives.

Cara Hunter (Social Democratic and Labour Party, East Londonderry)

I thank the Member for giving way. She mentioned the earliest days of children's lives, so will she agree that it is in those years, specifically in secondary school, that we start to learn the importance of consent and boundaries and that, given that importance, there is a dire need for comprehensive and inclusive relationships and sexuality education (RSE) for our young people?

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

The Member has an extra minute.

Sinéad McLaughlin (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

Absolutely. I thank the Member for her intervention. Education is at the heart of the matter, as is RSE, and consent and learning about consent are at the very heart of the strategy.

I know the frustration that the public can have with strategies. When we are faced with urgent crises and devastating need, demands for a strategy can sometimes sound like kicking an issue into the long grass. I understand that instinct, even though I have a view that a strategy is essential.

We need to do much more in the immediate term, starting with supporting the services that exist and the organisations that are doing incredible work. Those are organisations like Women's Aid and others, which have lost core grant funding in the past year. That does not mean an inadequate level of funding; it is a cut, plain and simple. I find it hard to quantify the scale of the impact of the work of Women's Aid, and I do not think that anyone here actually can. Through its practical front-line impact, the small investment through the core grant to Women's Aid paid off many times over. When we are debating the very strategy to end violence against women and girls, it is absurd that we would rip money away from organisations like that. It is absurd that we passed a Budget Bill last week that underpinned the cut to organisations like that. Will any Minister now guarantee that funding?

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

I ask the Member to bring her remarks to a close.

Sinéad McLaughlin (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

Otherwise, as was said earlier, I worry that the commitment to the strategy and the consensus that we have all shown today will be a commitment in words only.

Deirdre Hargey (Sinn Féin, Belfast South)

I echo what everybody else has been saying: this is a really important debate. I welcome the fact that, within a few weeks of the Assembly being up and running, this is one of the key items for discussion. That is reflective of the change that we have seen in our society. In the past couple of weeks, there has been a visible sign of change in the Executive Office with the offices of First Minister, deputy First Minister and junior Ministers all now held by females. We know that females make up more than 50% of the population, so why should that not be reflected in our policies and procedures in this place but also in society as a whole?

As was said in the report, women and girls cannot be reduced to a statistic, nor can they be reduced to a story that appears in the media one day and is gone the next. Indeed, the concerning figure that 90% of women and girls believe that sexism and misogyny is an issue should really be the headline; in this day and age, 90% of over 50% of the population believe that sexism and misogyny is a key issue. That goes to the heart of why the motion has been tabled today: it is because of the importance of bringing forward the strategic framework as part of the strategy to end violence against women and girls.

We know the history of, and we have seen and heard the statistics on, domestic abuse, misogyny and the culture of mistreatment of women and girls by society, which goes back decades and decades. In the past couple of years, we have looked at that through the institutional abuse inquiry and in respect of mother-and-baby homes, which are a real scar on society right across the island. We have all heard the comments that a woman's place is in the home, doing the dinner and washing the dishes. We have heard the whistle calls and the abuse that women take on a daily basis. Indeed, many of us have seen the physical and psychological signs of women being abused on a daily basis. We have also seen the health and economic impacts on women and how they are seen in society as a whole.

Jim Allister (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

Will the Member give way?

Deirdre Hargey (Sinn Féin, Belfast South)

No, you are OK. Thank you.

The issue demonstrates the need for a cross-societal approach. It is not just for women and girls to grapple with the seriousness of the issue; we need all of society to work together to look at our responsibilities and what we can do in order to meet the challenges. Importantly, a cross-departmental approach is needed. While I know that the Executive Office will lift the strategy and drive it, it needs all the other Departments to pull together. We have heard about Health, Education, Communities and Economy, but to see implementation being driven forward will require all the Ministers to pull together under the leadership of the Executive Office.

Over the past couple of years, a lot of good work on co-design has been done with the women's sector and women's organisations on the ground. That work and those relationships definitely need to continue. Overall, it is about saying that we want a society that treats people equally; that is based on rights and enshrined in an international human rights setting; and that embeds not just gender rights but economic, educational and class rights. All those issues are interwoven. The grassroots women's movement would also say that, which is why it stands on the front line with other rights organisations that are looking at rights in their entirety.

I welcome the fact that we are having this debate today. I welcome the action that will follow and the leadership that will be given, and I look forward to working with everyone across this Chamber to ensure that we eradicate this scourge on our society once and for all.

Diane Forsythe (DUP, South Down)

I will speak on the devastating impact of violence against women and girls. Across the United Kingdom, the police receive a domestic abuse call every 30 seconds, yet it is estimated that less than 24% of domestic abuse crime is reported to the police. Most women do not call the police following the first time they are abused; they usually have been abused a significant number of times before they contact the police. Violence against women and girls in Northern Ireland is very real. As detailed in the motion, it is horrific that, on average, every three months, a woman is murdered here.

In this Chamber, women are in the minority, representing just one third of our Members. While that is an improvement in representation, the lack of female MLAs for so many years has meant that Northern Ireland has fallen behind on many important issues. We lack strategies on childcare, on women's health and on violence against women and girls. Women have been left behind because they were not in the room when the decisions were being made, and it is our responsibility now to make that right. The lack of strategies and laws to define domestic abuse offences as criminal has shaped behaviour in society, and the suite of new legislation brought in in the previous mandate was much needed and has already had a significant impact in this area. The Justice Minister, the Justice Committee and the all-party group on domestic and sexual violence all played important roles in that change, along with the many stakeholders that serviced those. As the new chair of that all-party group, I am committed to supporting the delivery of more and look forward to working with the many Members across the Chamber who are also committed to working on that all-party group.

The deep-rooted misogyny in society is a cause of this violence. The attitudes to, behaviours toward and treatment of women need to change. From subtle comments to sexual harassment, stalking, upskirting, downblousing, physical abuse and coercive control: where does it stop? For some of us, it means being the victims of online abuse and deepfake harassment; a vicious weapon used to degrade and humiliate women. The escalation of these things often leads to violence and murder.

I support the motion today for the urgent implementation of the strategic framework to end violence against women and girls. Every Department has a role to play, from lawmaking and enforcement in Justice; to healthcare and mental health support; to crisis homelessness for women who flee; and to schools, where child victims need support. The roll-out of Operation Encompass has already proved impactful on this. We need everyone on board. We need to change attitudes and educate society. I thank the co-design team and all involved in the hard work in bringing this so far to date. I also support the amendment, which condemns the inadequate funding levels provided by the Government for public services here. It is critical that the strategy to end violence against women and girls is allocated sufficient funding or it will become just another strategy on the shelf. In allocating funding to the strategy, I also call for the priority to be supporting and sustaining the voluntary and community groups delivering these support services and shaping the policy on these matters. It was a travesty that the Women's Aid Federation for Northern Ireland lost its core grant funding last year, as referenced by others. Funding that body and restoring this money should be a priority within this strategy. Where expert services exist and already support women who are the victims of domestic abuse, we should be securing their existence with multi-year funding.

We also need to remember the victims and keep their names and their stories to the fore. Those were real women who were murdered. They were daughters, sisters, mothers, grandmothers and very dear friends from right across Northern Ireland who were viciously murdered, mainly by people whom they knew and trusted. They deserved better, and it is our responsibility to do better for them. We need to change attitudes in society, and we need to be brought into line with the rest of the United Kingdom on the issue.

We need to stop the count of dead women in Northern Ireland and work together to end violence against women and girls.

Paula Bradshaw (Alliance, Belfast South)

I will make some initial remarks as Chairperson of the Committee for the Executive Office.

As we know, initial work on the draft strategy followed an Assembly motion three years ago. During the previous mandate, the Committee heard about the initial steps to develop the strategy with co-design partners. The public consultation on the outcome of that work concluded in October. That is all to ensure that actions are grounded in the collective experience and knowledge of those who deal with those issues daily.

Already during this mandate, the Committee has heard that responses to that consultation have led to revisions of the draft strategy. Then, there will be a process of brokering with other Departments, which is essential because all Departments need to take ownership of specific actions. The strategy will then require sign-off by the First Minister and deputy First Minister. The Committee expects to be kept updated and engaged as the strategy is rolled out. As we heard during the debate on the Budget Bill, £2 million was allocated to the Executive Office for that work. The Committee will look forward to hearing how that money is spent and what other resources are needed. It will be on hand to provide advice and guidance on implementation at every stage.

I will now make a few remarks in my capacity as an Alliance Party MLA. I thank the proposer of the motion for bringing it to the House so soon after restoration. We will support the motion and the amendment.

At the outset, it is essential not to miss the vital foundation of the strategic framework, namely the action plan and the vision contained in it. The plan recognises that transformational change requires collaboration; in other words, it requires a commitment from us all, and that commitment should be nothing less than:

"a changed society where women and girls are free from all forms of gender-based violence, abuse, and harm".

It goes on to emphasise something important: that, in order to be free from all forms of gender-based violence and abuse, we also need to be free from:

"the attitudes, systems, and structural inequalities that cause them."

One striking and horrific statistic from the strategic framework is that three fifths of 16-year-old girls in Northern Ireland have been sent unwanted sexually explicit pictures. That is deeply shocking and speaks to the attitudes that we need to challenge, yet it gets worse. Research that was carried out by Ulster University found that over half of 11-year-old girls reported that they had experienced violence or abuse of some form. It could be any of our daughters, nieces or granddaughters reporting that. I find that chilling.

The first-100-days decisions for the incoming First Minister and deputy First Minister include approval of the Executive Office's response to the consultation on the strategic framework, approval of the budget for the action plan and approval of long-term implementation. I look forward to an assurance that those things will happen within that time frame.

One of the main pieces of evidence that went into the design of the framework and action plan was called 'It's Just What Happens'. We can be and, in many ways, already are much better than that. The passage, in the last mandate, of the Domestic Abuse (Safe Leave) Act (Northern Ireland) 2022, the Protection from Stalking Act (Northern Ireland) 2022, and the Domestic Abuse and Civil Proceedings Act (Northern Ireland) 2021 brought Northern Ireland into line with and, in many ways, put it ahead of neighbouring jurisdictions' legislative interventions to protect women and girls from violence, abuse and unwanted attention, while supporting victims. Clearly, I am proud of the leadership that my colleague, the now returned Minister of Justice, Naomi Long, showed on that, but it shows that the Assembly is capable of passing laws that can bring about greater good. Going forward, we need to deal urgently with the obvious remaining area of violence against women and girls. Let us be clear: our task is not to tackle violence against women and girls but to end it.

We have heard and will, no doubt, hear many compelling contributions in the Chamber. I commend my colleague Connie Egan for her hard work as my party's spokesperson on the topic and congratulate her on her maiden speech. I also thank Women's Aid, White Ribbon NI, Nexus, the Rainbow Project and many others for their ongoing contributions on the issue. What we need now is concrete action from the Assembly. We must commit ourselves to ensuring that women and girls feeling safe everywhere is something that just happens.

Linda Dillon (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

This is a difficult topic to speak to, because it is so real for so many women and girls every day of their life. It causes untold damage and trans-generational trauma. We in the Chamber have a responsibility to show leadership on the issue of violence against women and girls. There can be no level of tolerance of misogyny or abusive behaviour in our society. It will require a cultural change that will take many years and cannot be seen as solely a judicial problem, because the law alone cannot address the cultural change that is required. Change begins in our homes, schools, sporting organisations and clubs, and every one of us must be part of the solution.

To change the culture, we need a reset in our education system. Our young people — young women, girls and boys — need to know what a healthy relationship looks like. They need to know what is acceptable and unacceptable behaviour. We need age-appropriate sex education. One of the most valuable programmes that have been rolled out in recent years is the NSPCC's Talk PANTS. As a mother of a young child at the time, I would not have had the knowledge of how to have that conversation in an age-appropriate way. It was on the radio, however, and it taught me how to do that. That was extremely valuable, because it had the potential to protect my child. Everybody should have that conversation with their children, and it needs to be done in conjunction with organisations such as the NSPCC and Women's Aid, which fully understand the impact but also understand how to do it in the right way, at the right time, with the right people. Unfortunately, some children are as young as small babies when they are first abused, so we cannot wait until children are teenagers in secondary school. We need to have those conversations with them at a very young age.

Silence and shame are what perpetrators rely on. It is what shields them and allows them to carry out their horrific acts. I listened to Amanda Brown talk about her guilt at not speaking out sooner. She thought that her silence would protect her family. Silence makes the victim think that somehow it is their fault: that is what silence does. I think of women such as Caoimhe Morgan in north Belfast and Katrina Rainey in Knockloughrim, murdered in front of their children. A victim is not just the person who dies or who is abused: their children, who are witnesses to the violence and abuse, and their children's children will suffer because of it. All the information that we have tells us that violence and abuse of women and girls is mostly carried out by people whom they know and trust: partners, husbands, fathers, other family members and family friends. That needs to be a part of the conversation. We cannot keep it to stranger danger — those evil people who are out there somewhere whom you do not know — rather, they are the people whom you know and trust. They are the people who are supposed to love you.

Abuse and violence against women and girls knows no barriers. Victims and perpetrators come from all backgrounds. Victims and perpetrators are doctors, teachers, shop assistants, nurses, police officers and elected representatives. The strategy to tackle violence against women and girls needs to include every element: education, support services, policing, the courts and much more. If we get this right, we can transform the lives of women and girls and transform our society.

We have seen the immeasurable pain that is caused to families when their mother or daughter is murdered, in most cases by a partner or an ex-partner, who is the very person who was supposed to love her, be good to her and protect her. We need to end the silence and see greater reporting and better support for those who take that brave step. We have seen a lot in the way of legislation, but legislation alone cannot protect women and girls. It is how that legislation is implemented and how the courts deal with perpetrators that matters. Bail conditions and delays in the judicial system must be improved in order to give women and girls the confidence to come forward.

I have a 15-year-old daughter, and I talk openly with her about what is appropriate behaviour and what is not. I talk to her about challenging misogyny among her friendship group, but I want to see age-appropriate relationships and sexuality education being standardised across all schools, so that I know that all our young people are being taught better than we were. Frankly, it is not good enough that that is not in place in 2024.

Ending violence against women and girls is the responsibility of all of us. Let us take that responsibility seriously. Let us take it on together and finally end violence against all women and girls across our society.

Cheryl Brownlee (DUP, East Antrim)

I support the motion and the amendment. I am pleased to see that we have got straight down to business since the return of the institutions and that we are dealing with the real issues that affect people across Northern Ireland every day.

Violence against women and girls is a society-wide problem and requires a collaborative, whole-of-society approach. From the outset, it is important to acknowledge that a lot of excellent work is already being done by a variety of groups and organisations. It is vital that that work is supported, funded properly and progressed and that we recognise that those people are literally lifesavers. Anything that comes from the Executive should serve to further enhance and complement the existing work by looking at where there is need, establishing what work is already being done and looking at how that can be better signposted and communicated to create a joined-up approach to ending violence against women and girls across society.

Co-design has been an integral part of developing the draft strategic framework, bringing together expertise and experiences from across government, sectoral organisations, the community and voluntary sector and those with lived experience. The framework contains a strong focus on the prevention of violence against women and girls by challenging misogyny and sexist attitudes. Of course, we must not forget that men and boys will also suffer violence, and by no means do we want to forget them. However, the framework is to address the fact that victims of gender-based violence are disproportionately female. Men and boys also have an important role to play in challenging the current culture.

I stated earlier that violence against women and girls is a society-wide problem. It is also important to remember that abuse does not necessarily have to be physical for it to have a damaging impact. Verbal abuse, coercion, degrading remarks, humiliation, threats, financial control: none of those will necessarily leave any physical marks, but the emotional scars that they leave can be just as devastating. For example, almost two in three women who were surveyed across the United Kingdom said that they had experienced harassment at work; 67% of female students surveyed said that they had had at least one unwanted sexual experience during their time in higher education; and 71% of women of all ages have experienced some form of sexual harassment in a public space. I was particularly alarmed to see that one in two girls aged just 16 have received an unwanted intimate picture or video in their lifetime.

A number of Ministers have a very important role to play in the process. I very much welcome the commitment from the Minister for Communities at Question Time last week to explore how we can better support those suffering from domestic abuse when they seek to be rehomed in social housing. Supporting people at that time is an absolute priority.

There is a serious lack of confidence in our justice system in Northern Ireland when it comes to cases involving domestic and sexual abuse. While that is unfortunate, in many ways it is understandable, due to unacceptably long wait times, a serious lack of prosecutions and convictions and an overall worry about not even being believed. While finances pale into insignificance when discussing such a serious topic, it is important to note that it is estimated that domestic and sexual abuse costs Northern Ireland up to £1 billion per year.

I have a young daughter, and I worry when I hear some of the statistics and stories that have been mentioned in the debate. I am sure that that will resonate with all parents here today and those watching from home, but it should not be the norm. I want our daughters to grow up in a world where they do not need to worry about walking home at night by themselves or experience any unwanted comments or actions simply because they are female. I want them and all other girls to be able to be themselves, do their own thing and enjoy happy, prosperous lives.

I absolutely join in the calls for the Executive to implement this much-needed framework, and I will finish with the same sentiment as that with which I finished my maiden speech on the childcare debate last week: we must do more.

Sorcha Eastwood (Alliance, Lagan Valley)

I was going to say that I welcome the opportunity to discuss this issue, but I really do not. The Member for Mid Ulster Linda Dillon spoke so incredibly and said out loud in this debate in this Chamber what matters to me and to the people across the North who are listening. She said out loud that the vast majority of people who suffer this absolutely heinous abuse and, in some cases, death, do so at the hands of somebody whom they know. Looking across the Chamber, I note that we have all said worthy things and that everyone has spoken amazingly. However, I want to make this real, and I want to make this impactful. I could point at every woman in the Chamber right now and remember things that have been said about them in the media. There was a huge outcry at the time; absolutely nothing was done after it.

We find ourselves in a truly shameful position here in Northern Ireland. Violence against women and girls is a systemic and ingrained issue, and one theme that I find throughout the comments is that vow of silence. We still live in an incredibly conservative culture in Northern Ireland. I remember, years ago in one of my old jobs, having a talk about training. There were 20 people in the room, and someone said that one in whatever figure was going to be an abuser. Everyone looked around the room to find the abuser, and guess what? They do not come with "Abuser" written across their head, do they? No, they are people whom we love. They are people whom we respect. They are people whom society respects. The one thing that I want people to take away from the debate today is that nobody is beyond reproach in this regard. If someone makes a disclosure, that must be taken seriously, because these people live amongst us.

Improving the situation that our girls and women face will take a whole-society approach, as everyone has outlined. The violence that we see is not caused by one single factor but is endemic and has existed for centuries. For context, divorce was legalised in the Republic of Ireland only in 1996, following the referendum the year before. Marital rape was defined as an offence in the UK only after the case of R v R in 1991. This lag in our laws leaves a long tail of societal acceptance, minimising and death in its wake, and I commend the work of my party leader and current Justice Minister, Naomi Long, and the strides that she has made. The grim reality is that there is absolutely no point in having that life-saving legislation unless every person in society recognises the role that they have to play.

Would it surprise you to know that the remnants of the patriarchy, violence against women and girls and misogyny are strewn throughout the strata of our life? The echoes, as well as the overt and deafening shouts of misogyny, are ringing around the public square. Shall we prosecute the case of violence against women and girls in the media and in the public square? Let me give you some examples of headlines: "Jealous man kills wife due to failing business"; "Strange case of domestic murder"; and "Did living in the shadow of his successful wife cause her death?" In a world where the president of the United States of America once said that he wanted to grab women by the — can we be shocked when people like Andrew Tate are held up by some in the media or seen as role models or heroes? I am sorry, but I am done with women being the butt of the joke. We can have laws and debates, but, unless every person, including men in the Chamber, their sons and everyone else whom they know stands up for us, there is absolutely no point.

Finance and budgeting are crucial, and a number of Members raised them. I believe strongly that we lag behind in some areas in our society because women have not been in the room.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

Will the Member conclude her remarks, please?

Sorcha Eastwood (Alliance, Lagan Valley)

We intend to be in every room, and we will end violence against women and girls.

Cara Hunter (Social Democratic and Labour Party, East Londonderry)

It is regrettable that we are here today talking about this matter, but it is greatly important. We know that our society has a deep-rooted problem with misogyny and violence against women and girls.

Just some of the heartbreaking and brutal murders over the past few years include those of Stacey Knell, Karen McClean, Natalie McNally and so many more. Their murder brought such sadness to our communities, a feeling of lives unfinished and justice not served. Their cases have brought to light, as have many others, the sheer and clear inadequacy of our society and its total inability to protect women and girls. Without the correct protections, women will suffer and continue to die. In order to tackle the issue, we must start at the root cause, with early intervention.

I welcome the fact that the Education Committee will soon do a micro inquiry into the implementation of relationships and sexuality education in Northern Ireland. We need to educate our young people to recognise what sexual harassment, sexual assault and sexual abuse look like. Such education is fundamental to their well-being. We must make our young people feel empowered and educate them on the significance of fostering a culture that emphasises the importance of sexual consent. That includes promoting open communication, respect for boundaries and understanding the key role that bystanders can play in preventing non-consensual situations.

Sadly, though, we have a culture that has normalised violence against women and girls and taken pleasure in violence against women and girls. Women are often seen through the lens of victim blaming or are even blamed for their assault. It is horrific, and we can and must do better. Tackling rape myths and challenging the narrative is extremely important. It is on each and every one of us, specifically when we have a platform such as this, to call out rape culture and rape myths. There is an evident call to consider our need to tackle the issue, specifically from an educational perspective. Younger years are key and are where healthy perceptions of women are shaped and created. Our education system must reflect that in its commitment to create a fair and equal society.

A comprehensive student survey that was carried out in the past few years showed the extent of sexual harassment on Northern Irish campuses in third-level educational institutions, with one in three students revealing that they had experienced unwanted sexual behaviour during their time at university: one in three. That is an astonishing statistic, particularly when we think about the long-lasting, traumatic impact that such behaviour has on victims and survivors.

I also want to look at the obstacles to reporting sexual violence, and I am happy that those have been raised today. When researching for my speech, I came across a really inspiring young lady called Ellie Wilson. She is a rape victim and survivor based in Scotland who waived her right to anonymity in order to talk about the humiliating journey of reporting a rape and talking about it, publicly and with family, and the painful and excruciatingly embarrassing moments that can happen in court. I was really impressed by her story and her bravery, waiting years at a time in the court process and enduring those humiliating cross-examinations in court. The retraumatisation of victims is absolutely awful, and it can take a large amount of money to get things like court transcripts. The Assembly and Executive need to look at prioritising victims in our court systems and ensuring that we do all that we can to make sure that the process does not retraumatise them. That is really important.

I thank Ms Forsythe for her contribution when she talked about emerging technologies and, sadly, how those are weaponised and used to harm and harass women. Sadly, a few of us are no stranger to that. It is key that we educate our young people on the importance of treating women with respect.

I thank the team at Nexus and, of course, Women's Aid, who have been fantastic in dealing with these issues and supporting constituents because, sadly, we see these matters every week and month. We cannot talk about strategies without funding. Strategies are meaningless pieces of paper if we do not have the resource to back them. We all want to support the victims; we cannot do that without adequate funding. I call on all Departments and all Ministers to do all that they can to ensure that we stamp out violence against women and girls for good.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

Thank you. As there are still a small number of Members wishing to speak, I have decided to exercise the grace period in accordance with Standing Order 17(4). That will last for a maximum of 15 minutes following Question Time. First to be called at that point will be the First Minister to respond. I now call Sian Mulholland.

Sian Mulholland (Alliance, North Antrim)

Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. I am grateful to the proposers of the motion for bringing it to the Assembly. As others have said, it is a shameful reality that this is statistically the most dangerous place for women in Europe. However, it is not just the most serious of crimes that makes it such a dangerous place to be a woman; we have to factor in the interconnected continuum of violence, from everyday misogynistic attitudes and damaging social norms to harmful and unwanted behaviours.

As mentioned earlier, in the 'Ending Violence Against Women and Girls: Experiences and Attitudes of 16 year olds in Northern Ireland in 2023' report, one third of sixteen-year-old girls said that they had experienced online violence in the past year. It was by far the most prominent form of gender-based violence experienced by the young women who responded to the survey. The type of violence most experienced by young men was in the physical form. It is clear from the statistics that young women often experience a type of violent behaviour that pervades so much more than a physical act and cannot easily be avoided. It is evident that online spaces, particularly social media networks, are simply not safe spaces for young women and girls.

Worryingly, in the 'It’s just what happens' report, young women indicated that they considered receiving unsolicited sexual imagery and advances as just:

"a normal part of online life."

How perverse is that? As highlighted in that report and many others, more needs to be done to hold the social media companies to account. It is not good enough to abdicate responsibility for the safety of your clients just because you are not curating a physical space. That includes but is not limited to — some have been mentioned before — dealing with the AI generation of deepfake pornographic material, being quicker to delete offensive material that has been reported, blocking the IP addresses of accounts with multiple violations so they cannot simply create yet another account immediately, and having an easily contactable department that responds immediately to serious complaints of abuse.

Reports have pointed out that parents and carers feel that it is now simply impossible to keep their children safe in online spaces due to the lack of appropriate protections against acts of violence and inappropriate sexualised behaviour. Like most behavioural and attitudinal changes, early intervention and age-appropriate education programmes, like those outlined by Mrs Dillon, are effective tools to create the catalyst for long-term societal change.

Seven in 10 young female respondents demonstrated their commitment to combating sexism by being willing to intervene when their peers made sexual or sexist jokes. That 69% figure significantly outstrips the 30% of young male respondents who expressed a similar inclination. The findings underscore the urgent need for comprehensive, age-appropriate relationships and sexuality education in schools, because by equipping all young people, regardless of their gender, with knowledge about healthy relationships, consent, gender equality and respect, we can foster a generation that is confident and has the tools at their disposal to challenge harmful stereotypes and nip in the bud those questionable approaches to women and girls.

It is clear that this is not just a women's problem; this is a societal problem, and boys and men need to be included in the solution. The key aspects required for the strategic framework delivery to be effective are that it must be cross-departmental, multidisciplinary and involve stakeholders from the statutory, private and voluntary sectors. We have also seen initiatives, such as Ask for Angela, which nightclubs and bars have signed up to, and Hospitality Ulster signing up to the Women's Night Safety Charter, something that I championed in the arts sector. Those and other societal approaches to protecting women in social spaces, challenging dangerous norms and, ultimately, preventing violence against women and girls are so important.

To conclude, this is an issue that impacts women and girls in every aspect of their lives. It is imperative that central to every strategy is the desire and cooperation to work using a joined-up approach. If we make this place safer for all women, we will create a society that is safer for all. We need to address attitudinal change from an early age, we need tangible outcomes, we need targets that are experience led and intersectional, and we need to deliver it all with the utmost urgency because women are paying the price with their lives.

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

I wholeheartedly support the motion. The levels of violence against women and girls in the North are terrifying. Reading the motion is disturbing. As I speak, women and girls are suffering and living in fear and terror in their own homes. Women and girls are suffering years after the trauma of violence or abuse has been visited upon them. Some of the facts that have been mentioned in the debate are equally terrifying. Since 2021, the North has had the joint highest rate of femicide in Europe. On average, one woman is killed every three months. Research conducted by Ulster University found that 98% of women have experienced at least one form of violence or abuse in their lifetime. Of the 540 women surveyed by Ulster University, seven out of 10 had experienced some form of violence or abuse within the past 12 months: 29% from strangers, 23% from romantic partners and 19% from a friend or acquaintance. Harrowingly, 26% reported that that violence or abuse had occurred in their own home. Only one in three of those surveyed by Ulster University felt able to speak up about or report the incident. Shame and embarrassment were cited as the primary reasons for not coming forward.

The Women's Policy Group NI has found that men's violence against women and girls has reached endemic levels. Research that it conducted showed that 80% of women surveyed first experienced men's violence before the age of 20. Incredibly, it took until 2021 for the Northern Ireland Executive to even agree that a violence against women and girls strategy should exist. It is right that the motion laments funding cuts by the British Government with respect to early intervention and rehabilitation services and the community and voluntary sector, including Women's Aid, but it is equally important to lament the fact that, in the face of an emergency that claims the life of one woman every three months, our Executive have failed to act. Let us focus on advocating a fully funded strategy. That is more meaningful and conducive to addressing the crisis than attacking London for failing to provide funding for an unimplemented strategy.

The life of a woman is being lost every three months. That is not an abstract statistic on paper; it is fact. Those women have names such as Natalie McNally and Ashling Murphy. It is 425 days since Natalie's life and that of her unborn child were taken and 775 days since Ashling Murphy's life was taken. So many other women's lives have been taken in that time. I pay tribute to Noel and Bernadette McNally and their three sons for how they have moved through their trauma, grief, heartbreak and sadness to share only love, kindness and hope. They will lead a Women's Aid conference in Newry on Wednesday that I encourage everybody here to attend.

Thousands of others whom you will never hear of or know have lost their life or been abused in their own homes by people they know. Some women feel too much shame to come forward. Some women who come forward are unable to overcome obstacles in the justice system. The strategy, legislation and associated funding must be as cross-cutting as the crisis that is engulfing us. The united efforts of the Executive must transcend political ideology and departmental responsibilities. Action to address violence against women and girls must be aimed at facilitating a profound paradigm shift. It must overhaul toxic cultures and attitudes with respect to women and girls.

The fact that the North of Ireland has the joint highest rate of femicide in Europe brings great shame and disgrace on everyone in the House. The only appropriate response to this crisis engulfing our society —

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

Will the Member conclude his remarks?

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

— is for government and every Member of the Assembly to put their might behind a fully funded, far-reaching and cross-departmental response that can begin to address it and save us from our collective shame.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

The Member's time is up.

Alex Easton (Independent, North Down)

I support the motion and the amendment. We must realise that violence against women and girls is not only a violation of human rights but a multidimensional issue that goes across economic, social and political boundaries. We see misogyny manifested in physical, sexual, psychological and economic harm. The statistics are horrifying, and we must focus on the fact that they are the lived realities of numerous women and girls. Their lives, routines, hopes and ambitions are shattered by violence. Nobody has the right to harm, coerce, control, threaten or psychologically abuse a woman.

I salute the work of Women's Aid in my North Down constituency. I have witnessed at first hand its outstanding work, but I am horrified by the fact that, year on year, its workload rises as the level of domestic abuse against women and girls also, sadly and depressingly, increases year on year. Each statistic represents a life devastated, impacted by violence and emotional abuse, and yet, 24/7, Women's Aid supports women and girls, including many children, on their journey.

I salute the resilience of so many women and girls who have had the courage to speak out and who refused to suffer in silence, but we must go beyond policies and programmes to a societal shift in attitudes and behaviours. Let us commit today to challenging, through every avenue from education to legislation, every stereotype that perpetuates violence. Let us address, through a preventative strategy, the root causes of violence through educational awareness raising and make the protection of our women and girls key through access to services. I think here of the provision of safe shelter, legal aid and representation and psychological support in the short and long term.

Kellie Armstrong (Alliance, Strangford)

Will the Member give way?

Alex Easton (Independent, North Down)

Let me get on a wee bit.

Let us ensure that, through prosecution, justice is done and seen to be done through robust legal frameworks, with tailored wrap-around support for the victim that includes healthcare, counselling and economic support to allow the rebuilding of lives. It also includes enhancing access to employment, vocational training, financial services and housing. Let us ensure that our response is survivor-centred and education-centred and compatible with international human rights standards. Let us ensure that, no matter how horrifying the numbers, the data in that area are robustly accurate in order to allow us, through research, to measure the prevalence and, indeed, the patterns of violence and let that research lead our public and policy response.

As we go forward against the backdrop of disturbing research from the PSNI and Women's Aid, may we address and utilise existing good practice. Here I think of the United Nations Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women being taken alongside the sustainable development goals of addressing gender equality and the empowerment of women and girls.

As we set our collective face against violence against women and girls, let us never stop, both in words and deeds, to be part of the solution, supporting survivors, allowing their voice to be loudly heard and pointing towards a society where women and girls in Northern Ireland can be free from abuse, violence and misogyny.

Jim Allister (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

This has been an important and indisputably necessary debate, in which significant and essential things have been said in the motion, particularly in regard to femicide, and in many of the speeches. One of the issues touched on by Ms Hunter, for example, was victim blaming. Others talked about misogyny, and so they should. However, the proposers of the motion need to take a long, hard look at their organisation. Where on the spectrum of victim blaming would these words appear:

“You know ... sometimes abusers are so manipulative that the ... abused actually enjoy it.”?

They are certainly misogynistic. They are certainly victim blaming. They are the words of Gerry Adams to Máiría Cahill, a young woman who reported to senior Sinn Féin figures her repeated rape and abuse by a prominent IRA man and was then subjected to a kangaroo court by that party and organisation and made to confront her abuser. In the words of Máiría Cahill:

"Sinn Féin told everyone I was a liar, and they still can't admit that I told the truth."

That is borne out by the notorious response of she who is now the First Minister:

"It's not for me to say that I believe"

Máiría Cahill.

We then come to the House and talk about misogyny and victim blaming, yet we have a motion from a party from which all the matters that I have read out originate. The hypocrisy of that needs to be addressed.

It is clear that these are difficult issues. I have seen them from a side that other Members probably have not, which is through the courts. Yes, it is necessary to protect witnesses and to hedge around them all the assistance that there is, but, at the end of the day, our system is a criminal justice system, if justice is to be attained. As a criminal justice system, it requires the rights not just of the victim, which are very important, but of others to be observed, and cross-examination cannot be dispensed with in a criminal jurisdiction. It is easy to say that we have to do more, but we have to set that in the context of realising that there are certain restricting realities, particularly when dealing with the criminal justice system. Yes, let us make it as easy and as straightforward as we can, but we cannot contradict the fundamentals of the proof system and the justice system.

The final thing that I want to say is that the motion:

"condemns the budget cuts imposed by the British Government".

Those are now the cuts of the Sinn Féin Finance Minister. Since we adopted the Budget, it is now the budgetary approach of the Executive, so it is time to own up to that. It is time to face that. If something is to be done about it, the responsibility now lies with those who are promoting the motion. Let us see whether the budget cuts continue, or will they now be blamed in perpetuity on someone else? You to have to man up. You have to own up to what is now your own budgetary situation.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

Members, I ask you to take you ease for a moment or two, before Question Time begins at 2.00 pm.

The debate stood suspended.

(Mr Speaker in the Chair)

Oral Answers to Questions — Economy

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Question 13 has been withdrawn.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

1. Mr Carroll asked the Minister for the Economy whether he will bring forward legislation to enhance workers’ rights. (AQO 46/22-27)

Conor Murphy (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

In outlining my economic vision to the Assembly last week, I identified increasing the number of good jobs as one of my key objectives. To that end, I have instructed my officials to develop policy options for a wide-ranging good jobs Bill. As part of that work, my officials are engaging with the Irish Congress of Trade Unions to discuss how that Bill could strengthen workers' rights. Trade unions have a vital role to play in improving the pay and conditions of workers, particular those in low-paying sectors of our economy.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

I look forward to scrutinising that Bill and looking at its detail. As part of bringing forward that legislation, will the Minister commit to looking at removing the ban on secondary, solidarity strike action, which he will know was a cornerstone of Margaret Thatcher's anti-union laws?

Conor Murphy (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

We intend to bring a significant employment Bill through over the course of this mandate. It is early days in relation to that. The Member tried to bring in private legislation on some of these areas during the previous mandate. We will consult with the trade unions, who have a specific interest in this, but also with employers and other sectors. Last week, we had an early conversation with trade unions, business organisations, the social economy sector, the NI Council for Voluntary Action (NICVA) and community development trusts: they were all in the room together when we outlined the broad approach that we will take in relation to this. We will continue those conversations to try to put together a comprehensive Bill, and there will be analysis across all those areas to inform what goes into that legislation.

Declan Kearney (Sinn Féin, South Antrim)

One of the most repulsive practices within the workforce, particularly with regard to young people and women in employment, is zero-hours contracts. Will your legislation bring an end to zero-hours contracts?

Conor Murphy (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

Yes. I have clearly indicated a number of areas that I want to look at and intend to try to address as part of that legislation. I agree with the Member that we often find that the people in the most vulnerable, insecure and lowest paid jobs are generally young people, women and people with disabilities. That is a clear disadvantage to sectors of the community that we are duty bound, under our obligations under equality law, to try to assist. I have clearly stated that one of my intentions is to introduce legislation to bring an end to zero-hours contracts.

Sorcha Eastwood (Alliance, Lagan Valley)

Does the Minister have any plans to introduce unpaid leave for carers as part of an employment Bill?

Conor Murphy (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

I know that that issue has arisen. It is a very pressing issue for those who find themselves in those circumstances. I am certainly very sympathetic to ensuring that we have that flexibility and support for people. That will be part of the broad consultation on putting together the employment Bill that we intend to bring through, which will be a fairly broad Bill. I invite the Member, and others with a specific interest in this area, to come to the Department with their suggestions and views on that. We will be very happy to take all that on board.

Daniel McCrossan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, West Tyrone)

We cannot allow the rights of workers here to continue to fall further and further behind those of their counterparts elsewhere. Will the Minister give his personal commitment, today, that this legislation will be introduced before the summer recess?

Conor Murphy (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

Some particular elements and provisions of the legislation are ready to go, and we intend to move forward with those. The employment Bill will be a substantial piece of legislation. With the best will in the world, I do not see any piece of legislation being drafted, consulted on and ready to go this side of the summer recess. My estimation is that, with a very fair wind, it will take a year, but it is more likely to be 18 months before such legislation can be brought to the House.

Philip McGuigan (Sinn Féin, North Antrim)

2. Mr McGuigan asked the Minister for the Economy whether there are plans to submit an all-island bid to host the Tour De France. (AQO 47/22-27)

Conor Murphy (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

In July 2023, discussions on a potential all-Ireland bid to host the Tour de France Grand Départ were suspended, largely due to the absence of an Executive. Since coming into post, I have instructed my officials to reopen that dialogue. As part of those deliberations, the cost of the bid would have to be weighed against the benefits. I note that, when the Giro d'Italia Grande Partenza was hosted in Ireland in 2014, it generated around £2·5 million in economic activity, £12·7 million in tourism impact and attracted around 227,000 visitors.

Philip McGuigan (Sinn Féin, North Antrim)

I thank the Minister for his response. He mentioned the £2·45 benefit for every £1 spent in bringing the Giro d'Italia here. That included £13 million in additional tourism spend and £12 million of free advertisement worldwide to over 56 million viewers. Does the Minister agree that bringing events such as, potentially, the Tour de France or the European soccer championship to Ireland has a positive benefit for our economy, tourism and businesses in general?

Conor Murphy (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

That is well recognised. Of course, they require some upfront investment, and at a time when we are very challenged financially by the funding available to the Executive, but most of those large events tend to have a longer-lasting economically beneficial outcome, certainly for tourism, which is a growing market for us and a key part of our industry. It will be no different for the Euros, if, hopefully, we can secure their coming here.

I approach it from the point of view of what the investment can achieve. The question is whether we can secure the necessary investment when we set it against all the other priorities that the Department has. I look forward to doing the analysis and rejoining the discussion, which has been parked as a consequence of there being no Executive, to see what the estimations are for it and what we can hope to achieve.

I do not pretend to be as keen a cyclist as the Member, but I enjoy the odd spin on my bike. I was present for the Giro, and it was a great event, particularly because it came through south Armagh as well.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

The event space is so important to portraying a positive Northern Ireland around the world. We have seen that through events that have been held here, now and in times past, no more so than with the North West 200, which attracts crowds of over 150,000 spectators each year. It has had continual funding concerns and contributes £12 million to the local economy year-on-year. Will the Minister look at ways in which his Department could further support that important activity in the north-west to ensure that it continues?

Conor Murphy (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

I recognise the contribution of the North West 200. The other day, when I was doing a radio programme, someone rang in about it. It is clearly an event that has enormous benefit for the north-west. Of course, up on the north coast, you will be looking forward to hosting the Open again, which will bring enormous benefit to that area.

I am happy to look at it. It is the consequence of having very tight budgets that decisions have to be made on the level of support that can be given to any particular event. Like all Departments, the Department for the Economy has been challenged to find savings rather than make additional investment, but I am happy to consider the case for the North West 200 to see how we can match it with the level of support that we can provide.

David Honeyford (Alliance, Lagan Valley)

Such events are a major driver in tourism numbers, and our tourism industry is based around them. I agree with what the Minister said, but what other sporting events or major events such as business conferences can Northern Ireland target to host in the future? Will the Minister seek to bring agreement to the Executive?

Conor Murphy (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

I think that the Irish Open is coming to County Down this year, which is good news. As I mentioned in response to the previous question, the Open is coming to Portrush in 2025. That, again, is good news and will have enormous benefit. The tourism sector, and that sector in my Department, will look at any future opportunities that we have. Of course, as I said in my original answer, they always require upfront investment, but, in general terms, we have a significant return on the other side.

One fly in the ointment is the unresolved question of the outworkings of Brexit on travel permits and how that will have an impact. A lot of this is based on international tourism and international visitors coming here, staying and spending money. If we do not resolve the issue of the electronic travel authorisation (ETA), it could present an enormous challenge in future.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Minister, I agree with you on the sporting events, particularly on Euro 28 and the potential of Casement Park to bring a transformational, world-class stadium to west Belfast, the North and the island more broadly. Will you instruct your officials to work on specific economic analysis that will look at the potential long-term economic benefits and multiplier effect of building Casement Park, which will include having not only the Ulster final every year and the European championships —

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Order. Will the Member please ask a question?

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

— but, potentially, a whole range of other events?

Conor Murphy (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

I do not disagree with the Member. A lot of those issues have been brought into the business case for Casement Park, because it is not just about the potential of building a football stadium and hosting football matches but the wider economic driver that it would be, as he rightly said, not just to west Belfast but to Belfast as a whole, the entire North and, I am sure, beyond. That will be considered. If we in the Department are asked for assistance by, for example, giving analysis, I would be happy for us to provide that.

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

3. Mr Nesbitt asked the Minister for the Economy for his assessment of his Department's 10X Economy strategy. (AQO 48/22-27)

Conor Murphy (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

The 10X economic vision has many positive elements, and I intend to build upon those strengths in taking forward my own economic vision. The vision that I outlined to the Assembly last week provides a clear strategic focus on good jobs, regional balance, productivity and decarbonisation. It takes account of the recommendations of the independent review of Invest Northern Ireland. It also factors in greater certainty in our trading conditions, which creates opportunities to boost trade on a North/South and east-west basis.

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I thank the Minister. Does he agree that tourism did not get the showing that it deserved in the 10X strategy? I acknowledge that steps are being taken to address that. What is his assessment of the potential negative impact of the electronic travel authorisation? Would it be helpful if the North West 200 circuit took in Armagh?

Conor Murphy (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

I am not that parochial, I have to say.

I agree with the Member. We are looking at a separate tourism strategy, which has been out for consultation and which will no doubt come back to us for a further look. I have received many views on that, and I think that it can be improved.

The ETA is already causing very serious concerns. I have no doubt that, for some of the projects that we are talking about, including the big competitions and other events that we bring here, it is a factor in the minds of the organisers, because they depend on international tourism. About 70% of international visitors to the North come through the South. Over a quarter of a million day visits every year are made by people who come up from the South, where they have been holidaying. That is a growing trade, and it is enormously important to not only our tourism but our broader economy.

We intend to consult the Northern Ireland Tourism Alliance, because it has particularly strong views on the damage that the ETA can do. Our intention is to build up the evidence on the concerns on the ETA and to bring that to the Home Office in London in order to make a particular case for a relaxation of it for tourism. From what we have been speaking about in both the previous question and this one, tourism potential could be seriously undermined if we have a significant restriction on travel across the border.

Emma Sheerin (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Minister, do you agree that, as well as creating opportunities to attract high-quality inward investment, the Windsor framework provides opportunities for local firms to grow their exports?

Conor Murphy (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

Yes. The 10X strategy, which was the point of the question, has a lot of positive areas, but it is largely silent on post-Brexit trading arrangements. Now that we have some certainty on that, it helps in making sure not only that those internationally who are interested in potential investment here understand what the position is — that means North/South, east-west and the dual access that we have — but that local firms that clearly want to get involved in exporting into the South, Europe and internationally have a clear understanding of the arrangements. I hope that we are on the point of resolution, because any continued uncertainty will continue to damage not only international investment but investment by local people in their businesses. The more certainty that we have on that, the better.

Peter McReynolds (Alliance, Belfast East)

Education and skills are essential parts of facilitating the 10X strategy. A public consultation has recently ended on the potential closure of the Castlereagh Belfast Metropolitan campus, which is in my constituency of East Belfast. Will the Minister commit to meeting the management of Belfast Metropolitan College in order to discuss the challenges that it faces and any assistance that his Department can give?

Conor Murphy (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

Belfast Met has autonomy in decision-making on its resources, infrastructure and estate, but I have had some representations on the matter, and I have asked officials to look at what the issues are. I know that there is some disquiet about it. I have to confess that I am not entirely certain of Belfast Met's plans for carrying its business into the future, but we will have that conversation with it and see what can be done. The day-to-day decisions on its resources and estate are a matter for the college.

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

4. Mr Brett asked the Minister for the Economy to outline how his Department can support the growth of the tourism industry in North Belfast. (AQO 49/22-27)

Conor Murphy (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

North Belfast has a number of significant tourist attractions, including Crumlin Road Gaol and Belfast Castle. Tourism NI is developing plans and seeking opportunities for future capital programmes in order to enhance the tourism industry, and it is open to proposals for North Belfast.

Tourism NI is also working with Belfast City Council on a new £350,000 neighbourhood tourism investment programme, which will run over the next 18 months and will be of interest to stakeholders in North Belfast.

Phillip Brett (DUP, Belfast North)

I thank the Minister for his response. From the shores of Belfast lough and the historic White House to the beauty of Cave Hill and the cultural corridor on the edge of our capital city, as he rightly says, North Belfast is blessed with historic landmarks. How can we tie those across the Antrim and Newtownabbey Borough Council and Belfast City Council areas to ensure that all residents of North Belfast benefit from a tourism strategy?

Conor Murphy (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

Part of the Department's approach generally will be about co-design, including on things like North Belfast's tourism product and areas of historical significance. Cave Hill does not just have its beauty; it is also where the United Irishmen declared their revolution, so it has historical significance as well. Where a tourism product straddles council areas, such as in North Belfast, it is incumbent on both councils to work together. Then, it is much easier for Departments, tourism agencies and Tourism NI to respond to any particular propositions to support the tourism product in the general north Belfast area and make sure that full value is obtained from all of the assets that it has.

Cathal Boylan (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

Will the Minister give us a wee update on the development of linkages between the Causeway coastal route and the Wild Atlantic Way?

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

That is slightly off the topic of the tourism industry in North Belfast.

Conor Murphy (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

I did not realise that North Belfast had stretched its boundaries all the way to the north coast. There has been ongoing discussion between Tourism NI and the agencies responsible for the Causeway coast and the Wild Atlantic Way. Various signage issues are being looked at. The Wild Atlantic Way, Ireland's Ancient East and Ireland's Hidden Heartlands have become very successful tourism brands, not just in terms of international recognition but in lifting the tourist product in those areas by encouraging people to invest more and improve their tourism offer. It will be important to bring some of that understanding and knowledge across to the Causeway coast. Work is ongoing under the auspices of Tourism Ireland to look at improving that. Recognising the value that those brands have created over time, there is a case, which I will look for, to extend those brands into the North.

Nuala McAllister (Alliance, Belfast North)

This is my first time addressing the Minister in the Chamber, so I wish him well in his new role.

Sticking with North Belfast, what engagement will he commit to having with the Minister of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs on dealing with derelict and dilapidated buildings, such as Crumlin Road courthouse, which also have the potential for huge tourism opportunities?

Conor Murphy (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

I spent time in Crumlin Road courthouse — not by choice, I have to add.

[Laughter.]

My memories of it are not that fond. Nonetheless, I recognise the value of it and other significant listed buildings. I am very happy to engage with the Minister to discuss whether there is an overlap between our Departments. Sometimes we struggle to get to this place, but there is a recognition in the Executive that, with the limited resources that we have, the more joint work we do on various initiatives and areas of policy, the better the outcome that we can achieve across the board. I am happy to talk to the Minister in relation to that and try to generate some fond memories of Crumlin Road courthouse .

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

Minister, what initiatives and efforts are your Department pursuing to bring the Ireland's Ancient East tourism product to Counties Armagh, Down and Antrim?

Conor Murphy (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

As I said in response to the previous question, those brands are very strong and successful, not just in terms of their international recognition but because they have encouraged people who have received increased business to invest in their businesses to improve the tourism offer. The Member knows, as I do, that that area of Armagh and County Down, which has a beautiful and historic coast with many tourist attractions, and right up through the glens of Antrim coast would benefit from the additional boost that that marketing would give and the number of visitors that it would attract. There is a strong argument for building on those brands, and I look forward to engagement with Minister Catherine Martin, who represents the Southern Government on tourism matters, and to getting the North/South arrangements formally up and working again. We have had contact with the Departments that we share interests with, but I want to get those arrangements formally working to examine the case for bringing those brands northwards, because it would benefit tourism providers right along the north coast and on the east coast of Ireland.

Alan Chambers (UUP, North Down)

5. Mr Chambers asked the Minister for the Economy to provide an update on the implementation of the path to net zero energy strategy. (AQO 50/22-27)

Conor Murphy (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

The energy strategy, 'The Path to Net Zero Energy', was published in December 2021 following agreement by the Executive. It contained a commitment to report progress on cross-departmental actions to implement the strategy. Annual action plan reports on delivery in the first two years of the strategy have been published. The 2024 action plan is due to be published in the coming days and will outline priority areas of action and the associated tasks for delivery in 2024.

Alan Chambers (UUP, North Down)

I thank the Minister for his reply. Minister, the strategy details the requirement for capital investment of £461 million per annum from 2021. Can the Minister detail how much of that investment has been delivered to date?

Conor Murphy (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

I do not have the exact figures to hand. I am happy to provide him with that. Nonetheless, the strategy is a combined strategy across the Executive. It is about meeting our targets. Substantial work has been done, but it will have to be substantially improved to make sure that we meet the target for 2030 of an 80% reduction in carbon emissions. There are a number of investments. Some of them are from the Executive, and some of it is annually managed expenditure that we can access and other funds that we can access. I am happy to get a breakdown of the figures and provide them to the Member.

Nicola Brogan (Sinn Féin, West Tyrone)

Will the Minister outline what actions he is taking to tackle electric connection charging policy prices here?

Conor Murphy (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

If our strategy is to work in terms of the general renewables agenda that we want to promote across the island and the localised, smaller-scale improvements that people are doing in their own homes and areas and given the number of new builds that we have, we have to make sure that the connection charges are fair to people who are trying to invest in that. We will talk to the Utility Regulator and others in that area to try to make sure that we get a degree of fairness there, because there is a recognition that there is a high cost associated with connection. If we want to make sure that we get people connected who are producing their own renewable energy or some of the bigger-scale renewables that will be absolutely vital going forward, we need to make sure that connection is not an off-putting element to all of that.

Jim Allister (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

If the costing is of the order of £460 million per annum running up to 2030, that is in excess of £2·5 billion. Can the Minister tell us whether there has been any budgeting for any of that that he is aware of?

Conor Murphy (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

The Budget that we are currently dealing with is one that essentially should have been done or was due to have been done by the Secretary of State, and he stepped aside from that and left the Finance Minister with a very short-notice Budget. Of course, the Budget that we will be dealing with for next year has not yet been able to take account of what, I hope, will be the re-fixing of our financial position and our fiscal framework, which the Executive intend to talk to Treasury about. In that context, I am not aware that that has been planned in the future, but I am aware, as all Members here are aware, that we do not receive the funding that we should be entitled to and that we have to renegotiate that with Treasury. In that context, I am hopeful that we can genuinely plan into the future, because this is a key commitment not just for the Department for the Economy but across the Executive. It is a moral as well as a legal obligation that we have to meet, and the Executive will have to meet it.

Mark Durkan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

Has the Minister had or does he intend to have any practical discussions with Executive colleagues on how households can be supported to become more energy-efficient and how the transition to net zero can be made more affordable for ordinary people?

Conor Murphy (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

There are programmes that have come out of the Department in relation to supporting that energy efficiency. There are programmes that the Department has, but I understand that it will be an issue for Communities as well, which is in that kind of housebuilding arena. It is incumbent on us all to work together and link together to make sure that what programmes are available are understood and supported across the Departments, both in terms of new build — that comes from new housing stock — and of retrofitting, because there are enormous opportunities to reduce energy consumption, particularly in older households, if we can get the right schemes there. The challenge that we always have is in finding the right resource to go into such programmes. Nonetheless, it is an important area of our ambition to reach net zero.

Danny Donnelly (Alliance, East Antrim)

6. Mr Donnelly asked the Minister for the Economy to outline what progress has been made on the development of a new nursing higher-level apprenticeship framework. (AQO 51/22-27)

Conor Murphy (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

A level 6 higher-level apprenticeship in adult nursing is currently approved for delivery by the Open University. Joint funding for a single cohort of nine apprentices was provided by my Department and the Department of Health. That cohort was recruited into the programme in 2020 and completed their apprenticeships in 2023. All nursing apprentices on the programme were employed in the private sector, mainly in private care homes.

Danny Donnelly (Alliance, East Antrim)

I thank the Minister for his answer. What else does the Minister intend to do, working with the Health Department, to support workforce development?

Conor Murphy (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

Primary responsibility for that will be with the Health Department. My Department has a general responsibility for skills, education and training, particularly in relation to apprenticeships. That scheme shows that, where there is collaboration between Departments, it can have a positive outcome. Albeit that is small numbers, it is still a positive outcome.

As I said in response to a previous question, the best outcome that we can get from an Executive with limited resources is collaboration across Departments to ensure that we are not duplicating or cutting across one another. I am happy to work with the Health Department to ensure that we work together, where we can, to provide support for people to improve their skills and qualifications and the productivity that they bring to the workforce.

Gary Middleton (DUP, Foyle)

Does the Minister agree that we need to improve career guidance and entry rates across the board, not only into the health service but across the public sector, and that any development of such a programme needs to be reflected in the ethos in our schools and in careers advice?

Conor Murphy (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

Yes, I do. I have had that conversation briefly with the Minister of Education. The traditional pathways, basically through schools, were either into vocational work or universities. They are much broader and more varied now, and there is much more opportunity for people to follow high-level apprenticeships. We need to ensure that, when kids are 13 or 14 years old, they get all those options laid out for them and their parents, so that they can pursue whatever option, they think, is best for them, and that they continue to receive advice as they progress through school. Again, it is a bit like my response to the previous question: the more cohesion we have between Departments working together, the better the outcomes we will get, particularly for young people.

Pádraig Delargy (Sinn Féin, Foyle)

I thank the Minister for his answers so far. Does he recognise the opportunities that public-sector apprenticeships present?

Conor Murphy (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

Yes, I do, increasingly. In my previous role in the Department of Finance, we had responsibility for civil servants. There were efforts there to ensure that we gave opportunities for people to come forward, particularly people who, perhaps, would not ordinarily have ended up working in some parts of the public service. It is to the good of the public service generally that we have more diversity and ranges of experience in it. It leads to better outcomes in the decisions that it has to take and the ideas that it generates. It is of enormous value.

We have recognised that we have a stubbornly low level of productivity. We are the worst-performing region on these islands. It is through assistance, career progression, studying and apprenticeships that we will bring individuals up in terms of their approach to it, and that, in turn, will bring up overall productivity levels.

Eóin Tennyson (Alliance, Upper Bann)

7. Mr Tennyson asked the Minister for the Economy whether he will introduce legislation to ban onshore petroleum exploration and production. (AQO 52/22-27)

Conor Murphy (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

The Department is undertaking a review of that policy area. A consultation on new onshore petroleum licensing policy is currently live and will close on 12 April. My intention, which was also the proposed position set out in that consultation, is to introduce a legislative ban on all forms of onshore petroleum exploration and production. Following analysis of the consultation responses, I will seek Executive approval for a final policy position. I will then be able to introduce the necessary legislation.

Eóin Tennyson (Alliance, Upper Bann)

I thank the Minister for his answer. He has outlined his position with regard to onshore petroleum licensing. I understand that offshore petroleum licensing is a reserved matter. Does he intend to engage with the UK Government on securing a ban in that area?

Conor Murphy (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

The Member is correct to say that it is a matter for the Government in London, but I am happy to engage with them and raise any particular issues. Part of the rationale for introducing a ban on onshore exploration is that we need to move away from fossil fuels and that they do not contribute to our carbon reduction targets.

If the Government in London are intent on continuing to do that offshore, I do not think that that assists us generally in moving towards those targets. I am therefore very happy to talk to them about that.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

We will move on to topical questions.

Sinéad McLaughlin (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

T1. Ms McLaughlin asked the Minister for the Economy to commit to ensuring that the British Government place an investment zone in the north-west city region, given that investment zones are exactly the type of positive discrimination and incentive needed to deliver regional equality, with the north-west’s being the first place that an investment zone for Northern Ireland should go in order to meet the objectives in his economic vision and demonstrate loudly and clearly the ambition for regional balance. (AQT 31/22-27)

Conor Murphy (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

On many occasions since I came into office, including last week when I made a statement to the Assembly, I have outlined my ambition for regional balance, particularly for the north-west. A decision on an investment zone is a matter for the British Government, but we want to ensure that what we do through policy here creates regional balance. That is the vision that I outlined last week, and it is that vision that I intend to follow through on. We will adjust policy, and how Invest NI does it business, in order to deliver greater regional balance, with a particular focus on the north-west. It, however, is not the only area that feels left behind by investment over the years. Many areas in the west and in the south feel equally left behind. Nonetheless, there is a particular focus on the north-west, and we view the expansion of Magee to 10,000 students as being a central part of that. It will require work across the Executive, but where we can effect policy in that regard, we certainly will.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Ms McLaughlin, we want a question rather than a speech.

Sinéad McLaughlin (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

Minister, placing an investment zone throughout the whole of Northern Ireland will not address the lack of regional balance effectively. We need positive discrimination and incentives for places, such as the north-west, that have been left behind for decades.

Conor Murphy (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

There are things that we can control and things that we may not be able to control. Where I can control policy and investment, and the actions of Invest NI in that regard, I will attempt to achieve the objective of regional balance, particularly for the north-west. We will, of course, try to take advantage of whatever initiatives the British Government take, but they will be in charge of how those are set out.

Danny Baker (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

T2. Mr Baker asked the Minister for the Economy whether he agrees that staging the Euros will deliver a tremendous economic boost, not only in West Belfast but in the North as a whole. (AQT 32/22-27)

Conor Murphy (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

There is a real opportunity here for all sports fans, not just soccer fans, to get the Euros here. We had discussions earlier about the impact of the North West 200 and golfing tournaments, all of which bring a very positive news story. They also bring very significant international attention to the place, and I have no doubt that, if we were able to get the Euros here, we could get the Casement Park stadium ready to accommodate them, and that would have an enormous impact, not just as a result of international exposure but through visitor numbers. The stadium itself will have an ongoing regenerative impact on that part of Belfast in particular but also on the whole city and the wider region.

Danny Baker (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

Will the Minister provide an update on the Open Championship?

Conor Murphy (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

The Open Championship is due to be held in 2025 in Portrush. The experience of holding a recent Open Championship there outlines what I said previously. It brought enormous positivity, visitor numbers, exposure and viewing figures from around the world and led to an increase in golf tourism as a consequence. The holding of the Irish Open in County Down this year will do that as well. The fact that those tournaments are both coming here, this year and next, will have an enormous impact.

There are already meetings going on with officials, local councils and businesses in the area to see how we can improve on the offer, which was already very good the last time that the Open was held on the north coast. We will try to improve on that offer and on the tourism benefit from it.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

I remind Members that their supplementary question is supposed to be associated with their first question.

Alex Easton (Independent, North Down)

T3. Mr Easton asked the Minister for the Economy for his assessment of his departmental programme to boost the Northern Ireland economy, especially in the North Down constituency. (AQT 33/22-27)

Conor Murphy (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

I set out a vision last week of what I see as being the economic challenges here and of where areas of growth need to occur. We have stubbornly low levels of productivity and very high levels of economic inactivity. I am sure that pockets of the Member's constituency suffer from that, as do many others. We have a mandate that is shorter than we would have liked — only three years — but there are a lot of economic levers that we can adjust to try to achieve outcomes for places and people that have not previously benefited from those. I hope that, as we follow through on that strategy, we will give a better potential outcome to people who have been left behind either in the labour market or in skills and education. Many sub-areas within areas that might otherwise be considered to be affluent have struggled as well. We intend to try to provide support to those people.

Alex Easton (Independent, North Down)

What plans does the Department have to ensure that educational and vocational training is adequate to meet the demands of future economic employment opportunities through the use of the South Eastern Regional College (SERC) in my constituency?

Conor Murphy (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

The colleges are underutilised. Over the past number of years, we have had quite a significant investment in that estate. We have a very good offering when it comes to the colleges and the courses that they provide. In the current circumstances, they are not fully utilised. I want to work with the colleges to make sure that people are able to take advantage of the services that they have to offer.

The Member will recognise that one of the difficulties is that a lot of the money that the Department for the Economy previously put into skills, retraining and trying to bring people into the workforce was European funding like the European regional development fund (ERDF) and the European social fund (ESF). Post-Brexit, that is gone, and it has not been replaced, despite the Government's promises. We are left with a significant hole in the Department's budget in that regard. It will be a challenge to try to find the necessary resources to support some of those programmes and courses that traditionally used that funding. It is essential that we do that in the time ahead and are creative in how we try to find support for people who find themselves in those circumstances to give them the opportunities that they deserve to try to improve their skills and get a good job that gives a benefit to wider society.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

T4. Ms Ní Chuilín asked the Minister for the Economy for his assessment of how the £30 million from the Irish Government’s Enterprise Ireland fund can be used. (AQT 34/22-27)

Conor Murphy (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

The £30 million is very welcome. It is to be shared between Enterprise Ireland and the enterprise agencies here, and it will be worked through InterTradeIreland. There are enormous opportunities. There are very high numbers of business start-ups here, which is very beneficial, and a very strong entrepreneurial streak runs through the North and the island generally. Those additional funds to try to assist people and give them the start that many of them want to make their ideas into a business opportunity will be very beneficial in the time ahead.

We are doing that in the same context as I mentioned in answer to the previous question: we do not have the resource that we used to have for those matters, but we can have creative solutions to that. If that means getting assistance from Dublin at times in relation to that, that is very beneficial, because, in the immediate future, we do not have the financial resources that we need to do those things.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Gabhaim buíochas leis an Aire as a fhreagra.

[Translation: I thank the Minister for his response.]

In addition to the areas that the Minister outlined, will he provide us with some security about how he will work with Minister Simon Harris on ensuring that not only those who are looking at innovation but students who are looking at further and higher education can enjoy that right across the island?

Conor Murphy (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

I have had a conversation with Minister Harris already, and some work had already been done on making sure that there is more synchronicity between how exam results work so that we can ensure that people have greater access across the island to whatever university or college is their choice. Much more work can be done there, and he has committed, as have I, to working together on that. We are very much looking forward to the formal North/South Ministerial Council structures being up and working in the very near future, and, forbye that, a lot of work will be done between the two Departments to try to make sure that young people have as much access and clarity as possible in relation to some of the courses and studies that they can pursue across the island.

Declan Kearney (Sinn Féin, South Antrim)

T5. Mr Kearney asked the Minister for the Economy whether he will ensure that the trade union movement is fully consulted on the drafting and implementation of any legislation that he brings forward to improve workers’ rights, given that, for far too long, the Irish trade union movement and its individual affiliates have been denied meaningful involvement in the development of public policy, particularly in relation to industrial, employment and economic matters. (AQT 35/22-27)

Conor Murphy (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

I have always followed the principle — I think that it is a good one and a beneficial one — of co-design, particularly for the people who are being impacted on by any particular policy area or legislation. Last week, we had a meeting where the Irish Congress of Trade Unions (ICTU) and a number of trade unions were represented, along with business organisations, the social enterprise sector, NICVA, community development trusts and others. That was a very useful, valuable discussion for not just me but officials. I always think that, when we are trying to decide policy or legislation, there is much more benefit in going out and consulting and engaging with the people who are represented. That broad discussion, including with that organisation, will be a regular feature for me, not just specifically in relation to particular measures that we might consider. I think that it is a very useful forum for engagement when we are discussing how the Department is doing, how people view the areas that we are dealing with and what they think the priorities should be. In particular, I commit, in relation to specific legislation that we might bring forward, to engage with the unions and others that have an in interest. We want to strengthen the role of the trade unions, particularly in protecting the most vulnerable workers, including younger people, women and disabled people, who find themselves at the brunt of the worst employment policies in society, generally speaking.

Declan Kearney (Sinn Féin, South Antrim)

Thank you, Minister. The Irish Congress of Trade Unions has prioritised social dialogue as a process of consultation and policy formulation. I very much welcome the fact that, next week, you will sponsor the democracy at work policy launch here in Stormont. Can you set out for us how you envisage social dialogue being implemented between the trade union movement and your Department?

Conor Murphy (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

I am very pleased to be able to sponsor that event next Tuesday, and I invite any Members who wish to do so to come along to come to the Long Gallery, where the trade unions will present a policy paper on that area. I think that it is very important. We have the responsibility here for legislation on how people work, the conditions under which they work, the flexibilities that they might have and the pay that they may get. It is vital that, when we take action like that, we engage with all those responsible. The trade unions have a particular role in representing the rights of workers. Businesses have a role in being the employers, in a lot of cases, of those workers. Therefore, we need to make sure that we have forums in which we can engage with all of those interests and all of those sectors. We do that regularly, and I think that it would be beneficial to the Executive as a whole to have that regular engagement with such a group so that we can test ideas off each other and share analysis of and opinions on how things are moving. It makes for much better policy and legislation when you have that level of buy-in and input into its development.

Patrick Brown (Alliance, South Down)

T6. Mr Brown asked the Minister for the Economy, further to the positive announcement that applications for the second phase of flood recovery funding will open via local councils this week, to outline how he will prioritise any underspend that might be available once this phase has been fully allocated. (AQT 36/22-27)

Conor Murphy (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

We do not anticipate underspend because, to be quite honest and probably taking the same view as you, I do not think that there was enough money in the pot to begin with. It was decided and developed before the Executive were back, and there is a ceiling of £100,000 in compensation for businesses that lost stock and suffered other damages as a consequence. The priority is to get money out quickly so that businesses can assist in their own recovery, but I would be surprised if there were an underspend. If there happens to be, we will certainly take stock of how that might be used. As the Member knows, £15 million was set aside originally for that purpose. Some of the other funds that we have attached to that are about flood prevention and measures that individual premises can take to protect themselves in the future, so there may be scope for expanding that further. Given the damage that he has seen and that I have seen in my constituency, we could probably have spent a lot more if we had had the resource to do so.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

That brings topical questions to a conclusion.

Oral Answers to Questions — Education

Philip McGuigan (Sinn Féin, North Antrim)

1. Mr McGuigan asked the Minister of Education whether the Education Authority has changed the process for parental referrals for statutory assessments. (AQO 61/22-27)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The Education Authority (EA) has not changed the process for parental referrals for statutory assessments. Article 20 of the Education (Northern Ireland) Order 1996 clearly sets out the duty on the Education Authority to comply with a request from a parent or carer to arrange an assessment of special educational needs (SEN) for a child.

Following the introduction of the Special Educational Needs and Disability Act (Northern Ireland) 2016, the emergent code of practice asks that the Education Authority provide a standard pro forma for referral for use by a relevant party. The Education Authority launched the standard pro forma in May 2021 via an online portal. That is for schools, health professionals, educational psychologists and parents or carers to access in their capacity as a relevant party to a child and to request or refer a child for a statutory assessment of special educational needs. That process remains live online for all the relevant parties to access, with specific support available via the Education Authority's special educational needs helpline or from the Education Authority's psychology service for those parents or carers who wish to progress a direct request for assessment for their child.

Philip McGuigan (Sinn Féin, North Antrim)

I thank the Minister for his fulsome answer. I asked the question because I have noticed in my constituency office an increased number of appeals to decisions made by the EA on statutory assessments. Will the Minister ensure that those important assessments have not been limited or reduced and that the educational needs of the child will always take precedence over budgetary issues?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

There are, obviously, statutory obligations for processing statements of education. That has been borne out with the additional spend that the Department has had to make over the past number of years given the exponential growth in this area. The Member can be assured that assessments being carried out is a priority for the Department. The greater accessibility of an online portal and greater awareness of it is a good thing because it allows people to register those issues. Processing statements then needs to be carried out effectively, but it is a priority for the Department.

Nick Mathison (Alliance, Strangford)

Minister, is there any plan in the Department to tackle the shortage of educational psychologists and speech and language therapists, who are required to progress those statement applications in a timely fashion?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The Member raises an important point around having a workforce that is available to carry out these processes, and making sure that there is such a workforce is a challenge. We are aware of that, and, obviously, it is important that we can recruit people into those roles so that they can carry out the functions that they need to.

David Brooks (DUP, Belfast East)

Minister, in which circumstances is the EA likely to refuse a statutory assessment request by a parent?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

Obviously, there are issues around making sure that the information that is provided is there, and, often, it is that inability to garner the appropriate evidence that becomes the challenge. Where there is evidence, the assessment can take place. There are some circumstances where that assessment has maybe not been carried out because of a lack of evidence.

Daniel McCrossan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, West Tyrone)

Minister, do you think that the Education Authority is fit for purpose, and, if not, when do you plan to do something about it? In this issue, it is certainly not fit for purpose.

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I am happy to come back to that question in due course.

Eóin Tennyson (Alliance, Upper Bann)

2. Mr Tennyson asked the Minister of Education whether the UK Government's financial settlement, published on 13 February 2024, will have any impact on previous funding commitments arising from the Fresh Start Agreement for shared and integrated education. (AQO 62/22-27)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

Funding of £150 million that was previously earmarked for Fresh Start projects has been placed in the UK Government's financial settlement for the Executive. In addition, construction costs for the Fresh Start projects have risen considerably in recent years. The remaining Fresh Start funding is, therefore, sufficient to cover only those projects that are currently in construction contract.

In order to give clarity to the remaining Fresh Start projects that are not yet in contract, I will say that they will now be delivered in my Department's conventional major works programme and will continue to advance in design and planning. I hope that that will provide reassurance to the schools on the immediate way forward. I have written to the Secretary of State to set out the strategic importance of the programme for Northern Ireland, and to seek additional capital funding for those projects.

Eóin Tennyson (Alliance, Upper Bann)

This is devastating news for the schools affected. I have to say that the news was delivered in a rather abysmal way by the Department, and the Minister's response will be cold comfort. Will the Minister agree with me that investing in integrated education is public service transformation and, therefore, now commit to reallocate the money back to its original purpose, so that schools like Millennium Integrated Primary School, which have commenced on-site, can still proceed?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I am not sure where the Member has been. I highlighted on day 1 in office that the budget allocations for my Department were a real cause for concern. Long in advance of devolution even being restored, it was flagged that the way in which the UK Government were treating the Fresh Start money would create difficulties for us. This is not new.

I say to the Member that, when it came to the restoration of the institutions and the financial package for getting back to Stormont, his leader stated:

"I think we're looking a gift horse in the mouth here by refusing to actually grasp that money and bank that money at this stage".

Clearly, the leader of the Member's party was wrong when it came to the financial package. We outlined that the financial package was nowhere near sufficient, yet the Alliance Party and others said, "Get back in. Let's not look a gift horse in the mouth". I am clear, and my actions are clear: I have moved those schools into the conventional programme — rather than pausing and cancelling them — not because I have let them down, but because the Secretary of State and the UK Government have let them down. Those schools have moved into the conventional programme, they will continue to be advanced, and I am making the case to the Secretary of State for the funding to be provided. I hope that the Member's party and leader will join me in my efforts to try to support those projects rather than play cheap party politics over them.

Some Members

Hear, hear.

Linda Dillon (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Minister, I understand the extreme pressure that your budget is under, but can you give a commitment that the business case for the non-teaching staff pay and grading review will be with the Finance Department as soon as possible?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The Member raises the important issue of support staff. It is vital that that business case is finalised. The Department of Finance continues to look at aspects of it. Issues with the business case have been raised by the Education Authority, the Department of Education and the Department of Finance. I have made it clear that I want it to be prioritised so that we can complete the business case. That will allow the Finance Minister to take an informed view, which could feed into the next financial year. I am seeking to progress that, because it is important that the pay and grading review comes to successful conclusion and that we can resolve the issues.

Paul Frew (DUP, North Antrim)

Minister, the MP for North Antrim, Ian Paisley, and I have spoken to you of late about how important the Ballycastle shared education campus is to the local area. Can you provide an update on that vital project, which was part of the Fresh Start Agreement?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I can. The announcement was made at the tail end of last week, and I know that, over the weekend, the Member of Parliament for North Antrim expressed his concern about the proposals for Ballycastle. I can assure the Member and, indeed, the Member of Parliament for North Antrim that Ballycastle shared education campus is proceeding.

Let me provide an update for Members. There are nine projects that are contractually committed and that the Treasury has said that it will support: Ulidia Integrated College; New-Bridge Integrated College; Shimna Integrated College; Phoenix Integrated Primary School; Mill Strand Integrated School; Parkhall Integrated College; Rowandale Integrated Primary School; Strangford Integrated College; and the Ballycastle shared education campus. Those school projects amount to around £266 million, which is contractually committed to by the Treasury. Those will proceed. My action is to make sure that the other schools that are not able to proceed are advanced by their being moved into my Department's conventional major capital programme.

Robbie Butler (UUP, Lagan Valley)

Can the Minister give an update on the impact that the funding cuts will have on the new-build project for Fort Hill Integrated College in his constituency of Lagan Valley?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

That is one of the schools that will continue to advance in the planning phase because, rather than being cancelled as a result of the UK Government and the Secretary of State's position, I have moved it into the conventional major capital programme. However, it is not one of the schools that was contractually committed to. A number of those schools are at different stages, but, because of the action that I have taken, they will continue to advance. That, however, will be subject to the necessary capital becoming available. When they are ready for construction, it will be for the Department of Education and the wider Executive to ensure that the necessary capital is available for those schools and all the others to be taken forward.

Cara Hunter (Social Democratic and Labour Party, East Londonderry)

I am mindful that, nearly a decade ago, that funding was promised for shared and integrated education. However, the money has been removed with little thought for schools, teachers and pupils. Exactly when did you, as Minister, and other Ministers become aware that that money was being reallocated?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

It was part of the £3·3 billion financial package that the UK Government presented. The capital funding that was still outstanding from Fresh Start for shared and integrated education and shared housing schemes was included in the totality of that package. The ring-fencing that was there for Fresh Start is no longer there. Just to give the House some more figures, it was in 2018 that the totality of all those projects was announced, and it came to £483 million. As of today, that figure sits at £925 million because of the rising costs of inflation in the construction industry. That shows the necessary increase in the quantum of funding. So far, £266 million for those schools has been committed, and some have been completed. If it is beneficial to Members, I am happy to place in the Library the correspondence that I have entered into with the Secretary of State, in which I make it very clear that, if the UK Government are serious, as I am, about shared and integrated education, the announcement that they made in 2018 is no longer fit for purpose and that they need to provide to the Executive the funding that was originally envisaged under Fresh Start. I will continue to make that case, and I hope that others will join me in making it.

Danny Donnelly (Alliance, East Antrim)

3. Mr Donnelly asked the Minister of Education whether he plans to introduce legislation, before the beginning of the 2024-2025 academic year, following the review of the criteria for free school meals and uniform grants. (AQO 63/22-27)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

My Department's review of the eligibility criteria for free school meals and uniform grants continues to examine a range of options for increasing the number of children and young people who are able to access free school meals and uniform grants. The options that are being considered include raising the income thresholds that apply to some of the means-tested criteria; the introduction of universal free school meals provision to pupils in some school years; and options that are a combination of the two. The arrangements for the provision of milk, meals and related facilities that were made under the provisions of articles 58 and 59 of the Education and Libraries (Northern Ireland) Order 1986 set out the eligibility criteria that apply to the provision of free school meals. Although it will be dependent on the detail of any change to the eligibility criteria, any changes are likely to be able to be made through the revision of those arrangements, and, as a result, no additional legislation is anticipated.

The eligibility criteria for uniform grants are very similar to the criteria for free school meals. They are detailed in the EA's clothing allowance scheme under article 60 of the 1986 Order, and, as with free school meals, it is anticipated that any change in the eligibility criteria will be able to be taken forward as a revision to that scheme and therefore will not require legislative change. I will be considering the next steps of that review in the time ahead and, in doing so, I will take account of the potential budgetary implications of any change in the eligibility criteria.

Danny Donnelly (Alliance, East Antrim)

I thank the Minister for his answer. He mentioned a couple of options that he is looking at. Is he considering implementing a cap on school uniform cost?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The cost of uniforms is one of the issues that I will be engaging further on with the Department. Guidance was provided to schools on that issue. It is one that comes up every year, and I again appeal to schools. If they were following the guidance, legislation would not be necessary in this area. It is a prohibitive factor for some families when they choose the school that children go to.

It does not just apply to school uniforms. Children may be in a multiplicity of sports clubs in a school that have different kits, and, if those kits are branded, they can come to a significant amount of money. Cost should not be a prohibiter in deciding what school a child goes to. We need to be cognisant of that reality for a lot of families across Northern Ireland.

Trevor Clarke (DUP, South Antrim)

Thanks very much for your answer, Minister. In your response, you talked about the uniform grant and the guidance. It is clear that some schools are not following the guidance. Given that, what are your plans, going forward, for the removal of some of the costs that you referred to?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The Member is right about the fact that some schools are not following the guidance. I should say, however, that a considerable majority are doing so. Obviously, I want all schools to follow it.

My officials have carried out significant work to identify possible solutions. A pre-consultation exercise, which engaged with a wide range of stakeholders, has taken place. A public consultation, launching in late spring, will gather stakeholder views on areas such as the need for statutory guidance on school uniforms, the cost and affordability of school uniforms, the use of branded items and sole-supplier arrangements.

Danny Baker (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

Does the Minister have plans to reinstate the school holiday food grant scheme and put it on a statutory footing?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I have asked for an assessment to be provided to me on what is commonly known as the "holiday hunger payment". Members will know that that came to an end on 31 March last year because of budgetary pressures in the Department of Education. I have asked for an assessment of the issue to be provided to me.

The issue cuts across other Departments. The Department for Communities, for example, has a role when it comes to the anti-poverty strategy. It is important that we look at this in its totality. I have asked officials to provide me with a report that I will then consider.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

4. Mr O'Toole asked the Minister of Education whether he will allocate a budget to implement the recommendations of the independent review of education. (AQO 64/22-27)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The Department is currently considering the report produced by the independent review panel and is carrying out an internal consultation to inform a way forward. That process includes discussion with key education stakeholders, including other relevant Departments and arm's-length bodies. Following the consultation, officials will produce a paper for my consideration setting out advice on the various recommendations in the report. It is anticipated that the paper will be available by the end of April. I hope to be in a position to respond to the paper before the summer, at which point I should have a clearer understanding of the budget available to my Department.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Thank you, Minister. Recommendation 21 in the review is to "Promote learners learning together", including shared and integrated education. I declare an interest as a parent of a child at one of the schools affected, which will have its funding cut as a result of what was announced last week. Have the Minister and the other Executive parties agreed a package of funding that devastates capital funding and investment for shared and integrated education?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

On day 1 in the Assembly, I made a ministerial statement to the House that set out my ambitious capital plans for the Department. I said that I would be bidding for £528 million. That is more than double the capital spend that has ever been carried out by the Department of Education.

I have an Executive paper for consideration, I trust, this Thursday on the Strule shared campus, which I want to see advanced. We need to get a positive outcome for it at Thursday's meeting. Along with the First Minister and deputy First Minister, I was at the shared campus in Limavady. I am taking forward the Ballycastle shared campus project. A range of integrated schools are progressing as part of the £266 million contractual obligation that I have just outlined.

I want to make sure that we have the capital available for major capital works. As I indicated in that statement to the House, we need to see curriculum-led capital investment and smaller-scale capital projects. We have a huge problem with getting the investment needed in special educational needs provision and in providing the support classes and infrastructure in order to mainstream children who want to go into mainstream education.

My ambition is to represent every sector of our education system, and I am putting forward bids to the Executive for that. The challenge will be for my Executive colleagues. Do they share the ambition that I have for every sector of our education system? If they do, I will be able to make significant progress across every aspect of it.

Pat Sheehan (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

At the launch of the independent review of education's report, the chair of the panel, Keir Bloomer, conceded to me that the education system here lags way behind the education system in the South in educational attainment. What will the Minister do to address the high levels of educational underachievement in this jurisdiction?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The Member is right to raise those concerns, particularly in areas where there is multiple deprivation for those who come from a more disadvantaged background. There needs to be the support in those areas to give children the opportunities to flourish and reach their full potential that children have in other parts of our society.

I share with him that agenda of trying to make sure that resource goes into the areas most in need. If best practice in doing that is in the Republic of Ireland or in another part of the United Kingdom, I will happily look at that and, where I can learn from it, take it forward. I want to make sure that we can get best practice and then get the necessary resources to be able to invest.

Cheryl Brownlee (DUP, East Antrim)

Is there a timescale for the implementation of the report's recommendations?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

It is planned that an options paper will be available for my consideration by the end of April. Following consideration of that, I will decide on the scope and priority of an implementation plan in the light of the wider financial pressures and constraints under which the Department is operating.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Belfast South)

Question 5 has been withdrawn. Mr Carroll is not in his place to ask question 6.

Stewart Dickson (Alliance, East Antrim)

7. Mr Dickson asked the Minister of Education to outline his engagement with preschool education settings on their readiness to facilitate the extension of the preschool education expansion programme. (AQO 67/22-27)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

There has been significant engagement with stakeholder groups and preschool settings on the standardisation of preschool sessions as part of the wider early learning and childcare strategy engagement. A stakeholder engagement forum was established in autumn 2022 to ensure maximum engagement and to assist with the development of costed options for an early learning and childcare strategy.

My Department also commissioned an independent in-depth scoping study to assess the state of readiness of the preschool sector to transition to a standardised 22·5 hours a week. That involved detailed surveys for every funded preschool education setting. The scoping study is nearing completion. In addition, my officials carried out extensive engagement in regard to the amalgamation for standardisation pilot. The information gathered will be used to inform further decisions and plans for the phased implementation of standardisation for all preschools and to inform the development of costed options for standardisation for the Executive. It is essential that we have input from a wide range of stakeholders as we take forward that work, and I am committed to ongoing and meaningful engagement.

Stewart Dickson (Alliance, East Antrim)

Thank you, Minister, for your answer. Given the advancement of the plans that you have outlined to the House, what are the capital investment needs for those preschool settings in order to facilitate the meeting of those requirements?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The full, detailed costs of standardisation will depend on a range of factors, on some of which decisions have yet to be taken. It will also be informed by the scoping study that is due to report at the end of March. I will engage with Executive colleagues on that in due course. In order to give a figure to the Member, however, we have estimated that standardisation is likely to cost approximately an extra £35 million a year when fully operational, with additional up-front and one-off capital costs of approximately £10 million plus human resource costs. That is on top of the £65 million that the current programme costs annually.

Cathy Mason (Sinn Féin, South Down)

Knowing the issues with the workforce in early years settings, has the Minister considered a workforce strategy as part of that engagement with childcare settings?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The Member raises a point that has already been highlighted to me by childcare providers, which is that the ability to attract and retain people in the workforce is a challenge. That needs to be taken into account in what we are trying to achieve. There is a childcare strategy stakeholder engagement forum, and I will seek to engage with that, as well as with other organisations that make provision in this area. In providing appropriate childcare, we need to make sure that we have the workforce available to make that provision.

Stephen Dunne (DUP, North Down)

How long will it take for all sessions to move to 22·5 hours?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

That will be dependent on Executive approval and the availability of funding. Options will be set out in the scoping study. Decisions taken on those options will impact on the speed of transition to a standardised session length. Some preschool settings will be in a position to transition to the standardised session length quickly, while others will take much longer. It is likely to be a number of years before standardisation is fully implemented and all funded preschool sessions are moved to 22·5 hours per week.

Connie Egan (Alliance, North Down)

8. Ms Egan asked the Minister of Education to provide an update on the end-to-end review of special educational needs (SEN). (AQO 68/22-27)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The Department of Education and the Education Authority embarked on an end-to-end review of special educational needs in early 2023 to examine the entire special educational needs system from a policy perspective and ensure that delivery and outcomes are in line with objectives and policy intent. Phase 1 of the review, which involved scoping the review and establishing appropriate governance structures, is complete. Phase 2 has commenced and primarily focuses on stakeholder engagement to ensure that all decisions and solutions are underpinned by meaningful engagement. In addition to targeted engagement with individuals and organisations, a programme of engagement events is being developed for schools, parents and carers, children and young people and wider stakeholders so that they can share their knowledge and experience and be part of co-designing a more agile and improved special educational needs system.

Following that engagement phase, an action plan will be developed for implementation. I expect the implementation plan to be ready for September 2024. The overall vision of the end-to-end review is to ensure that all children with special educational needs get the right support delivered by the right people at the right time and in the right place through a high-quality education that is cost-effective and improves outcomes.

Connie Egan (Alliance, North Down)

Will the Minister give assurances to pupils and parents that, at the start of the academic year in September, children with special educational needs will not still be sitting unaware of what school they are going to, as has happened in previous years?