Northern Ireland Assembly, 15 November 2021

341 contributions from 66 members. The official report.

Matter of the Day

Alex Maskey (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

Ms Nichola Mallon has been given leave to make a statement on the death of Austin Currie, which fulfils the criteria set out in Standing Order 24. If other Members wish to be called, they should rise in their place and continue to do so. All Members will have up to three minutes to speak on the subject. I remind Members that interventions are not permitted and that no points of order will be taken on this or any other matter until the item of business is finished.

Nichola Mallon (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast North)

Thank you, Mr Speaker. I begin today by offering my condolences, on behalf of the SDLP, to Austin Currie's family: his wife, Annita, and his children, Estelle, Caitríona, Dualta, Austin and Emer. For a man who achieved so much during his life and contributed so much to peace in this place, I know that nothing surpassed the pride and love that he had for his family.

Austin Currie was the definition of a radical. Growing up in Tyrone, he saw the impact of systemic discrimination in working-class communities, particularly against Catholics. People were forced to live cheek by jowl in overcrowded housing, getting a good education was an uphill struggle, the best-paid jobs were strictly off limits, and the corrosive impact of poverty was engrained in everyday life.

Like many of his generation, Austin refused to stand by and accept that this was as good as it got for the people whom he grew up with. He became a powerful symbol in the peaceful civil rights movement, standing against the corruption of housing allocation and standing for equality for everyone regardless of their political or religious background. The Caledon squat, which became a defining moment in our history, is an example of the courage that characterised Austin. He, Patsy Gildernew and Joe Campbell took a shovel to the window of that house, and it was a hammer blow to the oppressive scaffolding of discrimination that defined the state at that time.

In the tradition of civil rights activists like the late congressman John Lewis, Austin never stopped trying to find ways to get into "good trouble".

He also knew, in 1968, that protesting was not going to be enough. If we want change in our society, we must all work every day against injustice, intolerance, discrimination and unfairness,

Austin's life is testament to the political creed that the people of this island are better served when we set aside our differences and work together in our common interests. As a member of the power-sharing Executive at Sunningdale, Austin retains the distinction of being the only Minister to serve in Government, North and South. He understood the need to exercise power in the interests of the people whom we represent, and he recognised that that is the only way to achieve lasting change. That is his most enduring legacy.

Like many civil rights leaders, Austin and his family paid a high price for their bravery. His house was regularly attacked, and, in one incident, his wife, Annita, was subjected to a horrific assault. Despite this ordeal, his commitment to peace and to standing up for what was right never wavered. He was not deterred. His contribution to politics right across our island will never be forgotten. When things got difficult, he stuck it out, stayed the course and changed people's lives for the better.

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

On behalf of Sinn Féin, following the death of Austin Currie, I express my condolences to his family, friends and colleagues, and, of course, to SDLP Members of the Assembly.

Austin will be remembered for his lifelong contribution to the civil rights movement and to politics across the island of Ireland over many years. As has been stated, he was a leading figure in the early civil rights protests, including the famous house squat at Caledon, alongside the family of my colleague Colm Gildernew. That protest brought international attention to state-sponsored discrimination and was a turning point. It became a touchstone in the civil rights movement, marking the beginning of the end of the then Orange state.

Austin Currie was, of course, a Nationalist Party MP and, as has been stated, a founder member of the SDLP. Later, he joined Fine Gael and became the only person to hold ministerial office, North and South.

In later life, he continued to speak out against the disastrous impact of partition on our island and people. As is the nature of politics, I disagreed with Austin on many things. Today, however, I recognise his contribution to politics and public life. My thoughts and condolences, and those of my party, are with his family and colleagues at this sad and difficult time.

Edwin Poots (DUP, Lagan Valley)

Austin Currie was a remarkable politician. He was, first and foremost, a very able politician, as demonstrated by the fact that he was a Minister in both Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. You had only to listen to Austin Currie on the radio to know that he was an articulate politician. He spoke with great clarity and expressed his position remarkably well. He was also very affable. In spite of the fact that my father and Austin Currie were at opposite ends of the spectrum on many issues, they had a good relationship outside the Chamber. The debates that took place in the 1973 Assembly were hostile and hard-hitting. Beyond the Chamber, however, Austin Currie was an affable man.

Austin Currie and my father came from similar backgrounds. Many may wish to portray a system that advantaged one group of people over another. However, the group that my father came from was hugely disadvantaged. In representing the many who lived in two-up two-down houses, where cockroaches crawled up the walls of outside toilets, it made no difference to Austin Currie and my father where people came from. Their representation was irrespective of whether they lived on the Shankill Road, the Falls Road or anywhere else.

We appreciate that much has been done over the years to ensure that the value of representing ordinary working people has come to the fore and should be at the fore of everything that we do. If we can ensure that everybody, irrespective of background or class, faith, creed or whatever, gets a fair crack of the whip, that would be a great legacy for Austin Currie and for other politicians of that generation.

Robbie Butler (UUP, Lagan Valley)

On behalf of the Ulster Unionist Party, I pay my condolences on the passing of Mr Austin Currie. I did not know Austin Currie, but one has to have only a passing interest in Northern Irish politics to realise the impact that he had on local politics, not least as a committed civil rights activist and one of the founding members of the SDLP.

His influence was not confined to Northern Irish politics, though. Almost uniquely, he was elected on both sides of the border, to Stormont and the Dáil, and served as a Minister in both legislatures, which was quite the achievement. He will long be remembered for his role in the late 1960s in the civil rights movement and for his role in the SDLP and, indeed, Fine Gael.

As has been mentioned, Austin Currie was a man of courage, and he and his family often bore the brunt of that courage. We in the Ulster Unionist Party, and others, also remember his very powerful words and his strong and welcome condemnation of the IRA following the murder of former Ulster Unionist politician and Stormont Speaker Sir Norman Stronge and his son in 1981. Austin Currie was clearly a man of peace who rejected violence and murder, and he did not mince his words when he compared the character of the murdered Stronges with that of their cowardly killers. My thoughts and the thoughts of the Ulster Unionist Party are with Austin Currie, his family, his friends and his SDLP colleagues.

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

On behalf of the Alliance Party, I offer my sincere and profound condolences to Austin's family, friends and party colleagues. I did not know Austin Currie personally. From reading his autobiography, 'All Hell Will Break Loose', however, I know that he was a man of immense courage. He was a man who, along with others, led the Northern Ireland civil rights movement, beginning with his squatting in a house in Caledon, which Nichola Mallon described. Some people ask me why the Housing Executive and the points-based housing allocation system exist. Events such as that evoke memories of the case for change and of why we needed to transform Northern Ireland into a more equal place.

Austin was elected to this place, in the old Stormont, at, I understand, the age of 24. That makes me feel much older. He really was a trailblazer in his time, and he set up the SDLP, along with others, in 1970. As Members have said, he won a seat for Fine Gael, served in the Irish Parliament and Government and could claim to have served in both parts of Ireland as a Minister, as the Minister of Housing, Local Government and Planning in the power-sharing executive of 1974 and as a Minister in the South.

He will be remembered for his fearless and immense courage and for being a giant of the civil rights movement. Hearing the news of his passing and reading the newspaper reports over the weekend of his funeral reminded me of the fiftieth anniversary of the civil rights movement in the Guildhall in 2018. I was very honoured and privileged to be at that event, and it makes me recall that so many of those giants in our history are gone. Ivan Cooper, who was at that event, is no longer with us. John Hume is no longer with us. At the end of the event, a very powerful tune was sung, which still resonates with the challenges that we face as a society today. It was 'We Shall Overcome'.

Colm Gildernew (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

I acknowledge the long connection between my family and Austin through the Caledon squat. It is a little known historical fact that the eviction of Austin, my Uncle Patsy and Joe Campbell from the house happened on the day following the original eviction of my grandmother, my mother, who was expecting me at the time, and my godmother, Mary Teresa, who had been seeking the house, which had been allocated to a single Protestant girl.

The event at which Austin, Patsy and Joe Campbell were evicted attracted significant media interest and was in support of the family following their violent eviction. During the first eviction that took place, the family were dragged out by their heels. Three women and another man, Edmund Burke, were dragged from the house by their heels after the furniture had been smashed in front of them. They were dragged through the remains of the furniture.

I acknowledge Austin in that sense and extend my condolences to his family and his party on their sad loss.

Patsy McGlone (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Mid Ulster)

Gabhaim buíochas le leascheannaire ár bpáirtí as ucht an ráiteas a chur os ár gcomhair inniu. I thank the deputy leader of our party for bringing the matter before us today.

Austin was a courageous founder member of the civil rights movement. That movement was for civil rights for all and an end to injustice against everyone, and that is what he was deeply committed to. Later, he was a founder of the SDLP. Over the weekend, I watched some of the online clips. Some might argue that only he could have articulated, strongly and clearly, that dedication and commitment to non-violence. He spoke out against all violence, be it loyalist violence — inflicted on his family in a deeply sectarian way, against his wife on one occasion and in numerous attacks on their home — or the violence of the Provisional IRA and others. He also spoke out strongly against state violence. Those clips said to me, "That was a man who had a compass for the political direction in which we all should be going".

I send my sincerest commiserations to his wife, Annita, and to Estelle, Caitríona, Dualta, Austin Óg agus Emer. Mo chomhbhrón libh uilig. My sincerest sympathies to you all and to the extended Currie family, of whom many still live in the east Tyrone area. As you listen to the passion with which Austin delivered his thoughts, you hear that his dedication and commitment to a new Ireland, which would be one of respect, reconciliation and unity for all our people. The legacy that he has left is for us to fulfil.

Arís mo chomhbhrón leis an teaghlach. Again, my sincerest sympathies are with the family. His passing is truly a focal point for us, as it was when we lost other legends from our party over the past couple of years: John Hume, Seamus Mallon, Pat Hume — a legend in her own right — and my close friend John Dallat. They have passed the mantle to us; it is for us in the SDLP and for others to carry it forward as we build towards the new Ireland that was crucial, pivotal and, indeed, instrumental in being the directional point for Austin and others.

Jim Allister (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

I readily join in expressing condolences to the Currie family and, indeed, to Austin Currie's political family, the SDLP. He was clearly a cherished leader in that party from times past and one to whom its members continue to look up and from whom they draw inspiration. I never knew or met Austin Currie, but it is clear that he was a politician of conviction and action. One thing that stands out about him in my mind is that, no matter how strong his conviction or his sense of grievance, he did not sully them by endorsing or supporting violence. He recognised that political change properly comes through campaigning and democratic means. Unlike others, therefore, he did not resort to or support the hideous campaign of violence that was wreaked upon this Province so needlessly by the Provisional IRA and others. That will be part of his legacy. Today, I join in the tributes and the condolences to his family.

Daniel McCrossan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, West Tyrone)

On behalf of the SDLP, I, too, pay tribute to our dear friend and colleague Austin Currie and offer our deepest condolences to his wife, Annita, and to Estelle, Caitríona, Dualta, Austin and Emer. As Pat Hume was to John, Annita was Austin's rock. They were inseparable and journeyed through life together, side by side, taking on the challenges that faced them every day.

Austin Currie was ferociously decent, a powerhouse of conviction and a man who stood strongly for each and every person in his community — in our community. He was a giant amongst politicians of the time, and he was respected and admired right across the island of Ireland for his tremendous work on battling hard for equality, social justice and civil rights.

Austin was first elected for the Nationalist Party in East Tyrone, where he stood up against the great injustice facing Catholics and others in the allocation of social housing. That sparked a sit-in occupation in Caledon in 1968, which, ultimately, ignited the civil rights movement. Austin was vehemently and wholeheartedly opposed to violence and was a strict advocate of protesting fully and only by peaceful means. It was no surprise that, along with John Hume, Ivan Cooper, Paddy Devlin, Paddy O'Hanlon, Gerry Fitt and many others, he came to form the SDLP in 1970. Austin fiercely advocated equality and was a proud Tyrone man who wanted an end to discriminatory practices facing Catholics. He believed that everyone should be treated equally, and he was completely right in that view, but it was not always easy for Austin and his peers, who were all young leaders of the civil rights movement. He was a very young elected representative, and now, today, it is very easy for many to take power-sharing, democracy and equality for granted in certain aspects, but it was all hard-won, and that battle continues.

It was not easy for Austin's family either. Since his death at the weekend and during his funeral, it was a sore reminder to hear at first hand the accounts of the assaults, attacks, threats and abuse directed at Austin and his family by loyalists and republicans alike. Overcoming that for the greater good of peace needed significant levels of personal sacrifice and conviction, not least by his wife, Annita, who suffered incredibly difficult attacks during that time. His family suffered for over 30 years as a result, just because he stood up for what was right.

Austin went on to represent East Tyrone as MP until 1972, and he was heavily involved in the early iterations of power-sharing in the North through the 1970s and 1980s. He then moved South and was elected as TD for Dublin West in 1989. He was appointed Minister of State for Children and even stood for the Irish presidency in 1990. He has a long-lasting legacy from his beginnings in Tyrone to being a part of the Government in Dublin. Ultimately, he was a peacemaker who helped to forge a path from a divided society to a reconciled and shared future for us all. It is clear that Austin Currie had an instrumental impact on Irish politics on both sides of the border, which is evidenced from the many tributes paid to him over recent days.

I will finish on this. His daughter stood at the funeral, thanked everyone for their attendance and said:

"Daddy reached the great old age of 82 and he died peacefully in his own bed ... But he never stopped thinking about the people who didn’t".

She made strong reference to Columba McVeigh, who was killed by the IRA in 1975 and who is:

"still lying somewhere far away from home."

In her call, as she paid tribute to her father, she asked that that family receive those remains so that they can lay their loved one to peace. On behalf of the party, I offer my condolences to the family. May Austin rest in peace. We thank him for his contribution to this island.

Alex Maskey (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

Thank you. I extend my personal condolences to Annita and her family and to the colleagues of Austin in the SDLP and later in Fine Gael. All are rightly proud of his work and his contribution over a long period of time and struggle.

Members' Statements

Alex Maskey (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

If Members wish to be called to make a statement, they should indicate that by continually rising in their place. Members who are called will have up to three minutes in which to make their statement. Members are reminded that statements will not be subject to debate or questioning and that interventions will not permitted. I will take no points of order on this or any other matter until the item of business has finished.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

I would like to make a statement on the crisis in our health and social care system, primarily focusing on social care. Our social care system is well and truly broken, and it is estimated that over 1,600 people are waiting for a package of care after being assessed as needing it in order to help them to recover from illness and live safely in their homes.

What are care packages? They are packages of care that involve carers preparing meals, giving medication and helping with intimate personal care.

Even throughout the pandemic, many people have lost access not only to day care but to respite places. That puts additional burdens not only on unpaid carers but on the whole social care system.

The domiciliary care workers who deliver those packages, particularly those who live and work in rural communities, face additional hardship. Social care is community care. It is care at home. It is personal and it is vital. I have never seen the system under pressure such as it is under today. The Department must undertake and publish a report into the true cost of social care. The workforce, particularly in social care, has continued to be an afterthought. For an example of that, we only need to look at the COVID recognition payment of £500. Eight months after that was announced, we are still asking where it is. On Thursday, we received a briefing from officials who tried to assure us that that payment would be made before Christmas. I am not confident about that.

I want to see people who work in social care being paid a living wage. I want to see clearer career paths and a better, joined-up approach. The Minister said that he will bring forward his proposals to reform social care, and I urge him to do so. Lack of workforce planning is at the heart of every problem in health, and, as we can see today, that is most evident in social care. I heard speculation in the media this morning that this is a problem not just for the Minister but for the entire Executive. I respectfully disagree with that. The Executive have agreed to support Health with additional funds. The Executive cannot also deliver health and social care for the Minister; it is his problem. It is our problem, but he needs to fix it. One of the ways he needs to do that is by looking at the

[Inaudible]

that he has been causing, but he also needs to look at the crisis in care. People have remained in accident and emergency because they cannot get out and they cannot get a bed. Those who get a bed cannot get home because of the lack of care packages. This is a crisis point. The Minister needs to bring his plans for addressing that to the House as a matter of urgency.

Jonathan Buckley (DUP, Upper Bann)

Remembrance Sunday is a very poignant day for many people in our society. It is a chance to reflect on and remember the sacrifice of so many across not only this country but the world. It took on extra emphasis yesterday, when the Royal British Legion marked its centenary year. That is a remarkable achievement for an organisation that was founded by Field Marshal Haig, 1st Earl Haig, which has over 2,500 branches across the United Kingdom. That charity provides financial, social and emotional support to veterans and their families, and I know that many are indebted to the service that the Royal British Legion and its volunteers provide to our community.

The Royal British Legion has taken on the role of the guardian of remembrance. As, sadly, we see the World War II generation move on, there is now a time for active acts of remembrance for more-modern-day conflicts. To this day, there are veterans who suffer from the trauma and aftermath of war. They get that support through the help and support of the Royal British Legion.

Yesterday was also the 100th anniversary of the Poppy Appeal. The Poppy Appeal began in 1921, when the symbol of the poppy was taken on as the mark of remembrance. That is not only the case here; it is recognised across the world. It has had a great impact by raising millions for veterans and their families as they cope with the aftermath of war. Any Member across the House should be able to reflect on one of the 40,000 volunteers across the United Kingdom who have sold poppies on our street to support our veteran community. I can think of some very poignant ones in my own constituency, whether in Portadown, Lurgan, Banbridge or further afield. We owe so much to the volunteers who have helped by being guardians of remembrance and by supporting our veteran community through a very difficult time.

I thank the Royal British Legion for its steadfast support of the veterans and the volunteers in this country. It is through them that we remember those who have gone before us and will ensure that their memory is never forgotten.

Colin McGrath (Social Democratic and Labour Party, South Down)

I rise to talk about the unprecedented levels of housing stress in South Down. On a day on which we rightly remember the forefather of the civil rights struggle and the champion of non-violence, Austin Currie, it is important to remember that the need for adequate housing and fair housing allocation was part of the groundwork that led to the civil rights campaign in the North.

Having an adequate standard of living is a fundamental human right. However, in South Down, we have 2,117 people on a housing waiting list and 1,606 in housing stress. What does that stress look like? I think about one family in my constituency who were asked to leave their home due to intimidation. They were able to get emergency housing, but they ended up in the emergency accommodation for over a year. That totally affected the family's day-to-day life. It affected the children's school travel. It resulted in the family wondering whether they were actually better off in the home that they were intimidated out of; it was, after all, their home.

There is a highly significant cost to the process that goes beyond the human story. At the end of last year, the Housing Executive had spent over £26 million on temporary accommodation in the previous five years. That is not a situation that the Housing Executive should be in. Further to that, some people are forced to stay in hostels and hotels as a means of temporary accommodation. As of last year, the longest time that somebody from my constituency stayed in a hostel was 477 days. The average across the North was 244. However, in South Down, we have 1,480 vacant properties. With 1,606 in housing stress and 1,480 vacant properties, something is just not adding up. How can the Communities Minister stand over that?

We have a serious problem in our society, and we need a serious programme of activity to address it, rather than just tweaking around the edges. Just last week, there was a housing conference in South Down. What a message it would have sent had the Communities Minister turned up to be a part of the sharing of ideas about how we address the issue. The Communities Minister has said that she is carrying out the most radical shake-up of the sector in over 50 years, but the only outworking that I have seen is an exemption for the Housing Executive from corporation tax. Sinn Féin seems to be fond of criticising the housing need in one part of this island while presiding over housing distress in this part. The two faces are glaring. The Housing Executive, our housing associations and, most importantly, our citizens deserve better.

Steve Aiken (UUP, South Antrim)

I make a declaration as a member of the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association. I am the lead on our response to the climate emergency and COP26.

Saturday resulted in the latest COP declaration. Expectations had been raised, but, regrettably, at the last, the commitment regarding phasing out the most polluting of fuels — coal — shifted and was downgraded to an aspiration. That has been the headline, but we should not forget what has been achieved. The goal of achieving temperature rises of no more than 1·5°C is still — just — alive.

Those of us who attended COP26 were, I hope, struck by two things. The first is a global acceptance that we are in a climate emergency; even the visiting Chinese, American, Saudi and Russian delegations showed that. The second is that there is a willingness to try. Despite the backsliding by India and China, there is no doubt that there is now an impetus on the world to accelerate moves towards zero net carbon and to make substantial changes in the next decade. That raises a real question for us here: when will we get our act — or should I say "Acts"? — together? We can hardly criticise China, India, Russia and Saudi Arabia if we cannot agree a single Climate Change Bill in the Assembly. As iterated by my party leader, we urge the AERA Minister and the leader of the Green Party to use the good auspices and parties of Lord Deben to come up with a compromise Bill in the short time that the Assembly has left to legislate and to start tackling the real crisis of the climate emergency.

Paula Bradshaw (Alliance, Belfast South)

This week is Transgender Awareness Week, and I take the opportunity to shine a light on how our healthcare system lets down trans people in our society.

Gender-affirming healthcare here for adults is provided by the Brackenburn Clinic. I have had the privilege of visiting that clinic. There are some really remarkable professionals working there, and we are lucky to have them in Northern Ireland. However, for the two years between 2018 and 2020, the gender identity clinic did not take on any patients, and the waiting lists are now extensive, with almost 500 people needing access to healthcare. It is appalling that some have had to wait as long as four years for their first appointment.

As I have emphasised many times in the Chamber, we do not have a healthcare system that is free at the point of access when huge waiting lists act as a barrier to patients. TransgenderNI has highlighted that many trans people turn to the private sector, usually at great cost. Those who cannot afford private care often self-medicate with hormonal therapies acquired from unregulated sources and without any medical oversight. TransgenderNI promotes community and sexual health-based models of gender-affirming care as opposed to the outdated psychiatric and psychosocial standards of care used throughout the UK. By changing our approach to trans healthcare, we can begin to get on top of waiting lists, as psychiatric assessments are excessive and time-consuming. We need to reassess how we can best provide care to our trans community.

A review of the gender identity service was due to be completed this autumn. The Minister has said that a key test for the new model will be whether it is able to offer timely care and support for patients. To achieve that, I strongly encourage him to address the criticism that there has been a lack of co-design in the review and a lack of engagement by his Department. It is essential that those with lived experience are included, that their views are taken into account and that gender incongruence is treated as a sexual health condition, as per global best practice.

I thank TransgenderNI, Focus: The Identity Trust, the Rainbow Project and others for all their work advocating on behalf of the trans community. Far more work needs to be done to ensure that trans people have equal and adequate access to healthcare here, and I call on the Health Minister to take the urgent action that is required for the good health of our trans community.

Jim Allister (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

Over the weekend, we have seen an increase in the hysteria over the threat that the United Kingdom might dare to implement a portion of the protocol, namely article 16. Weak and inadequate as it is, article 16 is not some foreign instrument; it is an integral part of the protocol. Therefore, the apoplectic response from some people to the fact that the United Kingdom might dare to implement that part of the protocol is totally out of kilter with the same people's enthusiasm for the protocol's rigorous implementation.

I understand why nationalist and republican fanatics for the protocol are disconcerted by the fact that article 16 might be triggered. There most certainly has been a diversion of trade, and it is that, of course, that supporters of the protocol want, because they see it as weakening, dismantling and diminishing the links with Great Britain. The diversion of trade is a ground for triggering article 16.

In the past few days, we had the European Commission's vice president saying that he was going to work round the clock to find solutions. The problem is that he is interested in solutions only on EU terms. He is not interested in solutions that would restore the integrity and sovereignty of the United Kingdom. The four non-papers that the EU published make it clear that all that it is interested in is tinkering. I repeat the message clearly that mere tinkering will not do it. The test is whether the EU is willing and prepared to give up its ill-gotten sovereignty over this part of the United Kingdom. If it is not, there cannot be a settlement. The test from my perspective and, I believe, that of most unionists is that, at the end of this, will we still be in a foreign single market for goods, subject to a foreign customs code and a foreign VAT regime, overseen by foreign laws and a foreign court? If we are, there will have been no solution to the protocol issue. The protocol has to go in all its parts.

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

Last week, we heard the latest in a long line of announcements from gas and electricity providers of rising prices, with a further 38% increase in Firmus Energy's Ten Towns area, which follows a 35% increase only two months ago. Those rising prices, along with the rising cost of food, fuel and heating oil, are really starting to bite for many families. The rising prices are also hitting businesses, which see huge increases in their energy costs, along with other costs, that could put jobs at risk. Understandably, there are calls for the Executive to intervene and to support struggling families and businesses. With any resources available, any intervention that can be made should be made.

We need to be honest about the scale of the current increases. They are huge and global in nature. Unfortunately, in the recent British Budget, there was nothing that indicated that the British Government recognised the scale of the crisis. So far, only the household support fund has been put in place, from which the Executive get just £13·7 million. That compares with £44 million in COVID funding last year, which was directed towards the one-off fuel payment to households in receipt of certain benefits.

Gas prices are now five times higher than they were last year. Universal credit has since been slashed, furlough has ended and National Insurance contributions will rise from April. Many more households will struggle, not just those in receipt of benefits.

Other Governments have taken action in recognition of the energy cost crisis. In Spain and Italy, VAT has been cut. In Germany, an energy surcharge has been slashed, and, in Portugal, a windfall tax has been put in place on energy generators. There is nothing of that nature yet from the British Government. The Finance Minister, Conor Murphy, has written to the British Treasury urging it to cut VAT on energy bills, which would immediately see a reduction in household bills of 5%. That would be a start. However, we need to see the British Government get to grips with the scale of the crisis. As we have seen with the pandemic, financial intervention is about political will. We need to see action now to support struggling families and to help businesses to protect jobs.

Paul Frew (DUP, North Antrim)

I rise today in appreciation of the greatest Northern Ireland footballer of our generation, who would probably be in any all-time greatest team that Northern Ireland has produced. That is the super player Steven Davis from Cullybackey in my constituency. He has graced our football pitches for many a year, and I have enjoyed him as I have grown older, as have my children. It is a remarkable occasion when we can share in that joy as a family and watch him grace Windsor Park and anywhere else for that matter.

I was incentivised to rise to my feet today because there is a rumour going around in our media that Steven Davis is to retire. Mr Speaker, I assure you and the House that there are many games left in the legs of Steven Davis if he chooses to play on, and every one of the green and white army will support him in that decision. My family and I hope that we will see Steven Davis play football at Windsor Park and anywhere else that Northern Ireland plays for many years yet and many games yet. I encourage Steven to continue. He has the backing of us all. He is the greatest Northern Ireland player of our lifetime and is most certainly one of the greats. We will miss him when he retires — but not yet, Steven.

Dolores Kelly (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Upper Bann)

I have just had confirmation that my question for urgent oral answer to the Health Minister was not accepted. I want to talk about the situation in the Southern Health and Social Care Trust, particularly Craigavon Area Hospital, last night. Today, an interviewer asked me whether the service had collapsed in Craigavon last night. What does a collapse look like if what we saw last night was an image of the brink of collapse? We heard appeals for people not to come to the emergency department if they needed help, other than in absolutely dire emergencies, and not to call ambulances, and there was a call-out to any staff who could go back into work. I have spoken to staff over recent weeks and months, and they are all physically and emotionally exhausted.

I am shocked, as, I am sure, are many members of the public, that the Executive are not meeting today to discuss the crisis in the health service. What happened last night in Craigavon happened only weeks ago in one of our other hospitals. I have no doubt that, like a domino effect, it will happen again unless we get a grip of what is going on in the health service.

Of course, the crisis is not just because of COVID, its impact and the number of people who continue to be unvaccinated — as the Health Minister told us only a week or so ago, they are 15 times more likely to require a hospital bed — but the dire underfunding and lack of strategic workforce planning that we have had to endure over the past number of years. Some may well try to place all the blame for that on the Health Minister. That cannot be sustainable. The two big parties, Sinn Féin and the DUP, have controlled the Executive's purse strings for the past 15 years. Therefore, if we are to fix the crisis in the health service and, indeed, the social care system, we must be honest about what the health service needs. We must have a strategy in place that does not fall on the shoulders of the Health Minister alone but on the Executive and, in particular, the two joint First Ministers and, indeed, the Finance Minister.

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

I express my and my party's deep concern about the outcome of COP26. After two weeks of negotiations, the Glasgow climate pact, with all its restrained and diplomatic language, is weak and insufficient. COP26 has been yet another missed opportunity. We now face a fight for survival. Put simply, it is a cop-out.

While some progress was made at the climate conference, the commitments fall well short of what is required to limit temperature rise to 1·5°C by the end of the century. New projections from the Climate Action Tracker show that, even with all the COP26 pledges being met, the planet is on track to warm by between 2·1°C and 2·4°C if only the proposed 2030 targets are met. Beyond that point, catastrophic impacts, such as sea level rises and more intense and frequent natural disasters, will be unleashed, with those who are least responsible for the climate emergency being impacted on most by the consequences of the changing climate.

Put simply, we cannot afford any more missed opportunities. After so many squandered years of denial, distraction and delay, Northern Ireland must set a stronger example by putting in place a climate change Act, as well as a green new deal that integrates economic and social transformation with the measures required to address the climate emergency. Climate adaptation should not be seen as a threat. Rather, it should be seen as an opportunity to create thousands of new green jobs. The solutions are in front of us, and the answer is very clear: we now need, urgently, to step up and take the decisive action that was dodged at COP26.

Colm Gildernew (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

The ongoing and unprecedented pressures in Craigavon Area Hospital are yet another symptom of a healthcare system in crisis. Clearly, the situation in Craigavon is not limited to that area. The pressures in the hospital and emergency department are simply being pushed into other areas that are also under intense pressure, such as Daisy Hill Hospital, and the wider health and social care system. It is a recipe for disaster.

Week after week, we are confronted with crisis after crisis. While there are myriad problems, and significant financial resources have been made available, the underlying cause is the chronic staff shortage and the Department of Health's failure to come forward with a workforce plan with the urgency that it deserves.

We must think of the fear and worry that the headlines generate for staff and patients across the North, who, respectively, are faced with intolerable work stresses and sitting at home with a sense of hopelessness about their ability to access the healthcare that they need or that they are, indeed, discouraged from accessing. We must also consider the families who desperately need a care package for a loved one but have little hope of getting one in the current climate. What kind of worry and stress must that cause?

A chairde, we must do something about the health and social care crisis. It is our job. It is why we are in the Assembly. The solutions must be found, and we must possess the political will to find them. A health summit that includes the Department of Health, the Committee for Health, health and social care workers, patients, professional bodies and all others engaged in the sector must be convened immediately so that we can discuss and decide on measures that will mitigate the worst of the crisis in the tough months ahead.

Diane Dodds (DUP, Upper Bann)

Like colleagues across the Chamber, I voice my concern about what has happened, and continues to happen, at Craigavon Area Hospital, and, indeed, in the wider Southern Health and Social Care Trust. At the outset — I know that colleagues will agree — I thank the staff who turned up last night, having been called in at very short notice, and those who will continue to do so night after night.

There is no doubt that the situation in the Southern Trust is at breaking point. Many Members here today have identified some of the crucial issues. One such issue, which is a long-term issue that keeps coming up, is lack of investment in the Craigavon Area Hospital estate. It is hugely important that we see a long-term plan for the hospital estate.

Other Members have pointed to other areas in which we see a huge gap in services. That gap relates to the number of beds that are taken up by those who cannot get appropriate care packages to enable them to go home. In my constituency office, I have dealt with a number of those individuals in past weeks. The situation is critical. The chief executive of the trust, whom I will be meeting later today, has said that families should work to get their relatives into care or residential areas, as that would help relieve the pressure on beds. I have been in contact with the trust on a number of occasions in past weeks about the types of visiting arrangements that care homes allow. In June, one constituent's mum went into a care facility run by the Southern Trust. She was not allowed to go into the facility to see her mum. She was confined to what are lovingly called "window visits".

There are a lot of areas in which we need to address the problems that create the pressure points in the hospital. For the purpose of workforce planning, if we simply cannot get staff — staff are tired, weary and, at times, burnt out from what has happened to them — we should consider using our armed forces —

Alex Maskey (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

The Member's time is up.

Diane Dodds (DUP, Upper Bann)

— as a short-term intervention.

Alex Maskey (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

That concludes Members' Statements. I ask Members to take their ease for a moment or two.

Assembly Business

Alex Maskey (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

Ms Órlaithí Flynn has sought leave to present a public petition in accordance with Standing Order 22. The Member will have up to three minutes in which to speak.

Órlaithí Flynn (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

It gives me no joy to present this petition to the Speaker today, as it comes from a place of great sadness and tragedy.

I have worked with Jack Brennan's family and his mother, Lorraine, since his untimely death in January of this year. The petition that I bring to the House today has been organised by the Brennan family and signed by over 2,000 people. It calls for improved addiction, rehabilitation and crisis services in west Belfast for all those who are battling the awful disease that is addiction and also a mental health condition. Sadly, Jack's experience of seeking help was not an isolated one. Arguably, it is the most common experience that many families are facing in west Belfast and many other areas across the country.

I will conclude my remarks by reading one of Jack's poems. He wrote it just before he went into rehab in Liverpool, and it is called 'The Days of My Life':

"Surrounded by people yet all alone trapped within this darkening zone. A world where chaos and hate overtake any but of happiness that tries to escape. Laughter and positive thoughts never seem to last, because I am haunted by my memories of the past. Running the distance with nowhere to go, these are the days of my life, a Broadway show. I scream out for help yet they never really hear, the demons of death are coming so near! Echoes in my head tormenting me all day, breaking the man who was once whole and strong. What does serenity mean anyway? Is it the spring in my step or the words I say. Suicide seems the answer many times I’ve tried, happiness seems to be the tears that I have cried. Unable to distinguish what’s real from fiction. Hope is an illusion, an optimists prediction. I wonder what will it take to get me right, a visit from the devil on a lonely night? Angels prepare to battle and take a stand to remind me of their holy land. When I want to give up they push for me to be strong and in my head I hear their comforting song. Life is an illusion, a constant mind trick on me... who knows what my fate will be. Heaven and hell are both a fair game, will I find peace or leave them with shame. Surrounded by people, yet all alone, trapped within this darkening zone".

Those are Jack Brennan's words.

Alex Maskey (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

I thank the Member for that. I would normally invite the Member to bring her petition to the Table and present it. However, in light of social distancing, I ask the Member to remain in her place and to make arrangements to submit the petition to the Speaker's Office electronically. I thank the Member for bringing the petition to the attention of the Assembly. Once the petition is received, I will forward it to the Minister of Health and send a copy to the Committee. I thank the Member for the petition.

Members may take their ease for a moment.

Ministerial Statements

Alex Maskey (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

I have received notice from the Executive Office that the First Minister and deputy First Minister wish to make a statement. Before I call the Minister, I remind Members that, in light of the social distancing being observed by parties, the Speaker's ruling that Members must be in the Chamber to hear a statement if they wish to ask a question has been relaxed. Members who are participating remotely must make sure that their name is on the speaking list if they wish to be called. Members in the Chamber who wish to be called must rise in their place, as well as notifying the Business Office or the Speaker's Table directly. I remind Members to be concise in asking their question, as this is not an opportunity for debate per se, and long introductions should not be made. I also remind Members that, in accordance with long-established procedure, points of order are not normally taken during the statement or the question period that follows.

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

We wish to update Members on the Executive's decision following our consideration of the truth recovery design panel's report on mother-and-baby institutions, Magdalene laundries and workhouses. Let me say at the outset that, as is always the case when I speak about the issue, our thoughts are very much with the women and their children who were treated in the most barbaric, inhumane and disrespectful way in those institutions across the island. It can never be forgotten that what we are talking about in many cases is women who have had their babies taken from their arms and moved, without their consent, across and between jurisdictions. Those babies are now grown children who do not know their identity, their family or their medical history. The publication of the report represents a major step forward for victims and survivors. I am therefore pleased to inform Members that the Executive have agreed all the recommendations in the panel's report. I will outline the five recommendations and how the Executive propose to proceed.

As Members will be aware, in January this year, the former First Minister made a statement to the House in which she reflected the decision by the Executive to undertake an independent investigation of the institutions following the publication of research by Queen's University Belfast and the University of Ulster. That lifted the veil on the horrendous experiences of the women and girls and their children who were admitted to the institutions over many decades up to the late 1990s. The research uncovered some shocking and disturbing facts. Over 10,500 women entered mother-and-baby institutions over a 68-year period between 1922 and 1990. The youngest was 12 years of age, the oldest was 44 and around a third of the girls were under 19. They came from across Ireland, and a smaller number came from Britain and elsewhere. Appallingly, a number were the victims of sexual crime, including rape and incest, and, shamefully, the majority were made to feel that they and not the perpetrator were to blame. Shamefully, around a quarter of the babies born in the institutions were placed for adoption, a further third were sent to baby homes and others were boarded out or, in today's terms, fostered. The outcome was that countless women and girls were separated from their babies at birth or soon after, often without their consent or an understanding of what was happening. It fills me, as a mother, with unfathomable sadness that anybody would have to go through that.

A further 3,500 women and girls entered industrial homes or Magdalene laundries. Some were transferred after their baby's birth from the mother-and-baby home in order to atone for their so-called sins. Some were admitted because they had learning disabilities, and others were admitted because they had mental health issues. In the Magdalene laundries, women and girls were forced to work without pay and were stripped of their identity. Some spent their whole life there, and, when they died, they were buried from there.

The fact that their children would also suffer the consequences of those practices, with some facing horrific abuse in children's homes and many others spending years of their life trying to find out who they are and being misled, is not acceptable. The fact that adopted people still cannot access their records that contain information about who they are or their family medical history is also not acceptable or tenable.

The research, which is there for us all to see, shows the stark reality that, when the women should have been shown love, sympathy and kindness, they were isolated and excluded. Suffering was compounded by suffering. Let us call it out for what it was: abuse and violation. Women and girls had done no wrong, and they were punished for becoming pregnant outside marriage. They were punished because they were the victims of rape and incest. They were humiliated and subjected to forced labour. They were robbed of their babies and denied the truth. It was wrong on every level.

I am sure that Members share my deep outrage that any of that was allowed to happen. The shameful truth is that it did. It involved a cover-up by Church and state. Although the research was comprehensive, it left unanswered questions, particularly in relation to adoption and infant mortality. That prompted the Executive to undertake an independent investigation shaped by the views of victims and survivors of the institutions, including the now-adult children of women from mother-and-baby institutions. In April, the Minister of Health took that forward and established a truth recovery design panel, which included experts Dr Maeve O'Rourke, Professor Phil Scraton and Deirdre Mahon. Ms Mahon served as the chair. I put on record my personal thanks and the entire Executive's thanks for the panel's delivery of a comprehensive report within a challenging six-month time frame. I also acknowledge the importance of the co-design and participatory nature of how the work was undertaken. I particularly thank the 186 victims and survivors, some from as far away as California, Australia and Canada, who worked alongside the panel tirelessly and were devoted to the pursuit of justice. I also thank Judith Gillespie, the independent chair of the interdepartmental working group that was responsible for overseeing that work. It is also important that we recognise the contribution of a range of individuals and bodies, some of whom have maintained a long-term interest in the institutions and the fate of their residents.

The panel published and delivered its report on 5 October. Along with the First Minister, the Minister of Health, junior Minister Middleton and Judith Gillespie, I met the panel to discuss the report's findings and recommendations. The panel's report makes five core recommendations and explains the rationale, timing and interdependencies of each one. That means that, challenging as implementation will be, it is not a question of choosing one recommendation over another but, instead, delivering them as a package. In doing so, we cannot lose sight of the fact that we are trying to address past and present human rights violations. Cherry-picking the report's recommendations was not an option. Unequivocal acceptance and full implementation of the panel's recommendations is the very least that we can do for victims and survivors. The age profile of the victims and survivors means that we cannot afford to delay progress for one day longer. Many are likely to be in their 70s and their adult children in their 50s. Sadly, some are no longer with us. They have all waited far too long, and we are not going to stand by and allow them to wait any longer.

Before I take Members through the implementation proposals, it is worth reflecting on the individual recommendations. Recommendation 1 sets out the six integrated principles designed to guide all of our future work and to reflect the priorities identified by victims and survivors. They include sufficient funding to support the implementation; the centrality of human rights; full information access; trauma-informed policies and practices; accessibility of future investigations to victims and survivors, particularly for those with disabilities; and the inclusion of victims, survivors and their relatives affected by cross-border practices and the wider diaspora, as well as the relatives of the deceased.

Recommendation 2 focuses on the responsibility for implementation and makes specific reference to securing funding and cooperation with the Irish Government. That is relevant, as we know that a strong all-island dimension was at play. Some women and children moved of their own accord, and many babies were moved across the jurisdictions, often without the consent or knowledge of their mothers. As a result, for some women and their adult children, the full picture will be established and the absolute truth arrived at only when full access to information in both jurisdictions is secured. That places an onus on both the Irish Government and the Executive to work together on its delivery.

Recommendation 3 is unique. It proposes the establishment of an integrated truth investigation, made up of an expert independent panel and a public inquiry. They will both have an investigative role, gathering, assessing and analysing information from records and individuals to make evidence-based recommendations. They will differ, however, in that the expert panel is non-statutory, whereas the inquiry will be established in law by the passage of an appropriate Assembly Bill. That dual approach means that we can press ahead with the expert independent panel virtually immediately. There is also a real opportunity for it to shape the public inquiry and its final terms of reference. It is hoped that the institutions will cooperate with the expert panel voluntarily, but, if they do not, the public inquiry can compel them.

The needs and wishes of victims and survivors will be front and centre. How each individual chooses to engage with the integrated truth investigation is totally at their discretion. They can participate publicly or privately in the panel and the inquiry or in one only, and they can change their mind at any time. Finally, the records that will be generated will, potentially, be the nucleus of a permanent archive.

Recommendation 4, on access to records was, I understand, a matter of universal importance to victims and survivors, including the now-adult children who were taken from their mothers at birth. Full access to existing records is what is overwhelmingly wanted and needed to give a true picture of the past and to help victims and survivors to come to terms with the present and move forward with their lives. There are a number of elements to the recommendation. The first is the introduction of a statutory duty to compel the relevant institutions, adoption-related bodies and baby homes to preserve and not destroy relevant records. Therefore, material that is relevant to any future investigation is properly secured and readily available. The second element is the development of data protection guidance designed to advise data controllers of historical institutional and adoption records on the fulfilment of their obligations. The third element is the establishment of a dedicated, permanent, independent repository underpinned by legislation. It is likely that that will include all personal and administrative records relating to historical practices in a range of social care institutions and the adoption system.

Finally, recommendation 5 is concerned with the redress and reparation package, including the resourcing of services that have been identified by the Victims and Survivors Service (VSS) co-design exercise; financial assistance; a prominent memorial; citizenship for those who, due to their removal from the jurisdiction as a child, lost their entitlement; and a financial redress scheme for women and their adult children made up of an automatic standardised payment and the entitlement to a further, individually assessed payment. Victims and survivors should be consulted on the design of the package. It should not be means-tested, nor should it compromise existing social welfare benefit. There should be engagement with non-state institutions, organisations and agencies to establish a potential financial contribution.

As you can see, the recommendations are comprehensive and far-reaching. There is no doubt that their implementation will involve a significant work programme and a sizeable funding package. We are committed to engaging and to listening. As I have indicated, however, we do not have the luxury of time. It is crucial that we move rapidly on all the issues. Therefore, the Executive have agreed all the recommendations, and work will continue at pace to finalise details and take the next steps as quickly as possible; indeed, such is our determination to move forward at speed that we have agreed some actions that will be taken forward immediately. We will establish the consultative forum, in line with the accessibility principle in recommendation 1, and an expert panel within the next six months, as outlined in recommendation 3. Victims and survivors will be represented on the independent expert panel, and the consultative forum will be given a role in the appointments to the panel.

Although the legislation required to establish the public inquiry can be progressed only in the next mandate, we can and will initiate any required groundwork now. We will begin the work on financial redress right away, including discussions with HMRC and the Treasury. We will undertake the groundwork for the legislation that will be required to ensure that payments are not means-tested and that welfare benefits, for example, are not affected. The Department of Health is already considering including a duty to preserve and not destroy relevant records in the Adoption and Children Bill that is before the Assembly, and instructions to counsel have issued.

It is clear that it will be complex and cross-cutting work. For example, the creation of an archive may appear straightforward, but the practicalities of it, including the use of the Public Record Office, are unclear. Any memorial will require careful thought and attention and must be progressed in a process of consultation and co-design with the victims and survivors. Citizenship is a reserved matter that falls to the Home Office and is, therefore, outside the Assembly's ambit. Those issues and others that arise will be considered in detail by the programme, which will be led by the Executive Office. To ensure strong coordination across all Departments, we have agreed that the Executive Office will lead on the programme, including on the inquiry and on redress.

One of our senior officials in TEO will take on the senior responsible owner role as the key decision maker. TEO will, therefore, have the overall responsibility for delivering the objectives of the programme. Other Departments will, of course, have significant involvement in the work as it progresses.

Earlier, the First Minister and I met a group of victims and survivors virtually. We are making arrangements to meet them in person in the coming weeks. This morning, we discussed with them the decisions of the Executive and outlined our next steps. They welcomed those decisions. They felt a sense of relief, they felt that they were being acknowledged and they felt that this was a momentous day. They also left us in no doubt that what they need to see now is concrete action and full delivery of the recommendations. Today, on behalf of the Executive, we make that commitment to them.

This is a watershed moment for the women and adult children of mother-and-baby institutions, Magdalene laundries and workhouses. We must remember that this will be a difficult and emotional day for many. Our thoughts are very much with all the victims and survivors who were so grievously failed and have lived for many years with the unimaginable pain and trauma inflicted on them. Their needs are our absolute priority. It has been a long and arduous journey, but today they are one step closer to getting the truth that has been denied to them for decades.

Today, we stand united in support of all victims and survivors. We want to send a clear message that we will do everything in our power to ensure that you get the truth, justice and redress that you deserve. We will continue to keep Members updated as we make progress. All of us in the House will have a part to play in delivering on this crucial work. I commend to the House the report of the truth recovery design panel. I will finish by echoing the words of the report: let the truth be known and transparency achieved.

Sinéad McLaughlin (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

I thank the First Ministers for the statement and welcome some action on the matter, the lack of which to date has caused considerable frustration among the victims and survivors. On behalf of the Committee, I echo the sentiments that what the women and their children endured should never have happened, that we all must ensure that it never happens again and that we address the harm caused to those who had to go through the institutions.

The Committee has been working to address concerns raised by victims and survivors of historical institutional abuse, not least the impersonal, legalistic approach to the redress process and the long-standing need for a formal apology. What steps have the First Minister and deputy First Minister taken to ensure that the same mistakes are not made with victims and survivors of the mother-and-baby homes?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I thank the Member for her questions. I look forward to working with the Chair of the Committee as we progress the recommendations.

My message to everybody today is, "Let's do this together". We have a huge opportunity to support victims and survivors who have been failed at every turn. I want to work with every Member to make sure we do right and start to lift some of the burden that was inflicted on those women and girls for far too long. I will work with the Member.

It is really important that we learn lessons from what happened here and what happened in other jurisdictions and do not fall foul of the things that have been identified elsewhere. For example, when it comes to the issue of an apology, it is important that we reflect what is requested by the victims and survivors. The consultative forum will be the key mechanism by which to allow victims and survivors to input to that. Then, let us speedily return with a full apology from us to the victims and survivors. I want to do that as quickly as possible.

I have set out some of the things that we can do more quickly and some that will take a bit longer. However, let us keep building on the momentum that we have at this point. Let us continue to make progress and to make sure that we send a strong message to the victims and survivors, many of whom are watching today's debate, that we will work together and do this together and that we will support them together as we work our way through all the things that we have taken on board from the recommendations.

Linda Dillon (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I thank the Minister for her statement. She is correct when she says that many of the victims and survivors will be watching the statement and the questions that we ask. Our thoughts are with all those victims and survivors.

Minister, I regularly engage with the birth mothers and the adopted children, and I engaged with them again over the past weekend. While they may have started their journey from the same place, their journeys are and have been different, and, therefore, their needs are different. Could we get some assurance that the needs of both those groups of people and their families will be fully met? Can you also acknowledge that the women and girls who went into the institutions suffered abuse, shame and stigma that they have carried with them through their entire lives? That shame is not theirs, and they should not own it. Today, we need to ensure that we remove that shame.

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Thank you for the question. I am conscious that you work closely with a lot of victims and survivors, so I absolutely take on board your point. I am particularly conscious of the fact that there are different needs, particularly among birth mothers and adopted children. It is a terrible indictment of society that, for many decades, so many mothers were burdened with that immeasurable shame and stigma, and that burden was placed on them by society and by those who sought to cover up what happened in institutions. It was the worst kind of abuse and trauma that anybody could experience. I hope that, today, our taking forward the recommendations goes some way towards lifting that burden from the women. The message that we should send strongly together today is that the stigma and shame must end now.

Christopher Stalford (DUP, Belfast South)

When you take someone's child from them and, in some cases, sell that child to wealthy couples, you engage in human trafficking. When you force someone to work, sometimes to the point of their death, without paying them for that work, you engage in slavery. When you then attempt to apply a veneer of the love of Christ to it, you engage in lies. The institutions responsible for this gave it up not because they had some turnaround or change of heart; they gave it up because the profit went out of it. Given that some of those institutions sit on vast resources, will the deputy First Minister and her colleague the First Minister and all Executive Ministers pursue them to ensure that adequate and fair recompense is made to the victims of their actions?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Yes, and, again, I acknowledge the Member's work in the area. He has been consistent in raising the issue for many years. You are absolutely right, and it is necessary that the institutions that were involved in those heinous crimes against women and spent so many years trying to cover them up should pay for the redress. It is appropriate that we seek the right contribution from them, and I hope that they will comply willingly. If they do not, we will legislate to take that power. We want the victims and survivors to hear the strong message today that we will act and compel organisations that fail to do the right thing when it is asked of them.

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I thank the Minister for her statement. I give an unconditional welcome to the unequivocal nature of the statement and the commitment that, finally, the victims and survivors of mother-and-baby homes and Magdalene laundries will join the victims and survivors of historical institutional abuse in gaining redress. There is, however, a third group: the victims and survivors who were abused in non-institutional settings. Some of them may be watching this today in hope rather than expectation. What can the deputy First Minister say to that group of victims?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I want to say that nobody will be left behind and that we will do everything that we can to make sure that everybody is properly supported and has access to truth and justice. People had the same experience of trauma, whether that happened in an institution or in a home, and that needs to be acknowledged and rectified. We need to send a message to all victims and survivors that no stone will be left unturned by the Executive to support them. Whether it be clerical abuse, institutional abuse or abuse in the home — all those things — we have to make sure that we do the right thing for all those who, over many decades, have been hurt in such a horrible way.

Paula Bradshaw (Alliance, Belfast South)

I thank the First Minister and deputy First Minister for the statement. Before I ask my question, I put on record my immense admiration of the dignity shown by the birth mothers and adoptees throughout the process and in getting to this point. It has been inspiring.

As the deputy First Minister will know, during the research period, disclosures were made to the researchers on the nature of the sexual crimes. What support will be given to birth mothers and adoptees during the criminal investigations? The public inquiry will not stretch that far.

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Like the Member, I acknowledge that this day belongs to the victims and survivors who have campaigned for so long to get to this point. I reflected in my introductory comments some of the things that they told us in the meeting that we had before coming to the Chamber. They have described today as a momentous day, but what they expect from us in return is to hear what we will do and how we will drive this forward. We want them to hear that this is a priority and that we will deliver all the commitments that we have set out.

The Member asked how we would support victims and survivors, particularly through the public inquiry. We are doing something that nowhere else has done: a statutory public inquiry, which is more legalistic. Alongside that, however, we have the work of the independent panel. People can choose to be part of either or both. The other leg of that work is the consultative forum, which is where victims and survivors will tell us what they need. That is where people will get support to approach the panel and make their contribution, whether in writing or verbally — whatever suits the individual. A crucial part of supporting victims and survivors is that we get that right. We will let them tell us what they need as part of the consultative forum.

Emma Sheerin (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I thank the joint First Minister for her statement. I acknowledge that the Executive Office has undertaken responsibility for the public inquiry. Why does the process have to be a legislative one? How long is the legislative process for the public inquiry and the redress board likely to take?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Essentially, we are putting the public inquiry into legislation because it gives us the power, if we need it, to compel organisations to cooperate. As I said, we hope that that is not where we get to. We do not want to have to do that, but we will. I hope that organisations will cooperate with the panel and that that work starts now, ahead of the inquiry. We need to ensure that we have the legislation just in case we need it.

We will work to get this moving as quickly as we can. Furthermore, it is essential that there is appropriate consultation with victims and survivors. We have made a firm commitment to them that they will be at the heart of everything that we do. We want to talk to them about that.

We are coming towards the end of this mandate, and it will be the next mandate before the legislation can be introduced. However, that is not to say that we will wait until then. We will start work now and have the groundwork done so that we can hit the ground running in the new mandate.

Robin Newton (DUP, Belfast East)

I thank the Minister for her statement. In it, she emphasises that the shame lies not with the girl or the woman; indeed, they were the victims of males who created and brought about the abuse of those individuals. It was also males who created the institutions and propagated them throughout their long history. The male of the species is in a bad place in the report.

I thank the Minister for her agreement that the report has the unanimous support of the Executive and that she will not cherry-pick aspects of its recommendations.

Minister, you outlined in the statement the details of the financial redress scheme for women and their adult children. That is to be made up of entitlement and individually assessed payments that will not be means-tested or compromised. That is a big task, and not one that can be settled in Northern Ireland. When will the direct contact work begin, and when do you expect to have the package in place for victims?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I concur with the Member's commentary. There is a very shameful truth in our history out of what happened to far too many women and girls.

A number of things have yet to be decided on redress and, indeed, many other issues. We said that victims and survivors would be at the centre of it all. There are a number of matters that we need to develop further. Particularly on redress, we are looking at schemes in other jurisdictions and at how redress has been done elsewhere. We are talking on board successful examples and trying to avoid anything that has not worked elsewhere.

A lot of decisions need to be taken in the period ahead. Although there are a number of things to be decided over the coming months, it is important to say that we will not delay in trying to address them. Even as we move towards bringing forward legislation on the public inquiry, redress etc, there are things to be considered, such as avoiding there being a knock-on impact on people's benefits. We will therefore engage with the Treasury and Revenue and Customs on that.

We need to do all that work now. It starts today, and there is to be no delay with that work. While we work up legislation, we will work our way through all of that.

Pat Sheehan (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

Gabhaim buíochas leis an Aire as a ráiteas. I thank the Minister for her statement. I welcome her commitment that the work will start today. Can the joint First Minister outline what immediate steps will be taken to progress the recommendations?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Thanks for that. Again, as we know, victims and survivors have waited too long. One of the questions that was put to us this morning was on what the time frames look like and what we can expect. They have been failed at every turn and waited for so long, so one can understand the anxiety that there is.

We have agreed that there are some things that we can take forward immediately. The consultative forum that I have spoken about on a few occasions is a key recommendation in the report. There will be a meeting to discuss that later this afternoon, so we are actively progressing that. We have said that the independent panel will be in place within the next six months and that we will prepare the legislation to establish the public inquiry. We will also begin the work on financial redress straight away. That is about, as I said, engaging with the Treasury in London and working up the legislation.

The Department of Health is also looking at doing a piece of work. A crucial area is that of people having access to their information and records. Victims and survivors universally accepted that as being a key area that needs to be addressed immediately. There cannot be another day of delay. One of the things that the Department of Health is looking at is whether it can amend the Adoption and Children Bill that is currently before the Assembly. Doing that would allow us to bring in that legislative change very quickly.

Hopefully, all of that demonstrates that there is no long-fingering of things here and that we are actively working our way through them as we speak.

Sinéad Bradley (Social Democratic and Labour Party, South Down)

I welcome the statement and align myself with the sentiments expressed across the House in support of victims and survivors. The deputy First Minister touched on the issue that I wanted to raise. Although I welcome the commitment to embrace all the recommendations, I was particularly eager that instructions be issued to counsel about the duty to preserve records, and I am pleased to hear that that has happened. For clarity, does that need legislative underpinning or can it be actively embraced today? Can we reach out to those organisations and tell them that they must preserve all the documents and data that they may hold?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

As I said, the Department of Health has started that work and instructed legal counsel. There must be legislation to underpin it, so it is about whether we can amend the Adoption and Children Bill to allow us to do that.

(Mr Deputy Speaker [Mr McGlone] in the Chair)

Let me to very clear to all the organisations that have a role to play: everybody should be preserving records. Organisations should not need to wait for legislation. That should be done today. There should be no delay. I believe that the Department of Health has encouraged all organisations, particularly those within the Health estate, or the Health family, if you want to call it that, to do so. However, it is important that the message is heard: we will legislate to protect records, but records should be secured today. That is important.

Alan Chambers (UUP, North Down)

I thank the Executive Office, through the deputy First Minister, for the comprehensive statement. Minister, this whole heart-wrenching story, going back many years, has been a very dark period and is a stain on our history. It reflects badly on those who let it happen and allowed it to continue. The love and compassion of Jesus was certainly in short supply in those institutions.

My question is really the same as that asked by Ms Bradley a few moments ago. The Executive are bringing forward a statutory duty to compel the retention of relevant records, but is the Minister confident that some damning records have not already been destroyed in an attempt to obstruct full disclosure?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Obviously we are concerned about that, given the passage of time and particularly given that those organisations deliberately set out to deny people, including victims and survivors, access to information. They perpetrated this violence towards women and then spent decades trying to cover it up. That does not bode well for confidence in their ability to do the right thing. I send the message again, very clearly, that all information should be restored. Victims and survivors are entitled to have access to their information. It is theirs, they have been robbed of it, and it is time to give it back to them. If we are going to be able to get a fulsome public inquiry and get all the information out there, that will be a vital component.

Pádraig Delargy (Sinn Féin, Foyle)

I thank the joint First Minister for her statement. On the back of the commitment that it will be implemented, will she give an assurance that the process will commence urgently?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Yes. It is so important that people know, and I hope that I have demonstrated, that we will move at pace and that there will be no delay. We are talking about women having been treated in the most barbaric way. As one of the Members said earlier, it was child trafficking. It was a cover-up that involved both church and state. It is time to do the right thing by victims and survivors.

If you will indulge me, when we met victims and survivors earlier, one of the things that they said to us was, "Whilst our names might have changed in the past, we always mattered". They want to hear that from us, and I want to say to victims and survivors: you matter, and you always mattered. I send that message to them today, because it is important, as we get to this point, of acknowledging and accepting the things that we need to do, that they hear that also.

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

I thank the deputy First Minister for her statement. It is important to acknowledge the lifelong pain and trauma that many have endured. Is a timescale envisaged for the apology? The apology is an important thing, but it has to be done correctly, and an understanding of the timescale for that is important.

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I agree. The principal point — it has to be done correctly — is so important. This morning, we said to victims and survivors that we will work with them through the consultative panel. I do not have a time frame per se, but I assure you that we will do it as quickly as possible. I stand before you, and before the victims and survivors, and say that we will do it right and do it justice.

Nicola Brogan (Sinn Féin, West Tyrone)

I thank the joint First Minister for her statement. I welcome its emphasis on the importance of victims and survivors having access to records in this jurisdiction, but, as the Minister is aware, babies were moved across the island. Will she detail how access to records in the South will be facilitated, please?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

That is a very important point. The Member is right to highlight the need for an all-island approach to the matter and for that cooperation, particularly in cases where babies were moved across jurisdictions. We know that that is the real experience of so many. The panel has made a recommendation that we should cooperate with the Irish Government in order to get maximum possible access to information, and I can say that that process has started at official level and that it will intensify in the period ahead. I have also raised it with the children's Minister in the South, and we will continue to raise it. It will be really important for us to get that joined-up approach exactly right because it will have an implication for people getting full access to all their information.

Pat Catney (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Lagan Valley)

Thank you, joint First Minister, for giving the report here today. It represents a major step forward, as already stated. Out of the 10,500 women who went through those institutions, there are some who probably want to remain anonymous, and everything must be done that possibly can be done to keep their identity as private as they would like. Do you agree?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Yes, of course, and that is why the way in which we are responding to and taking on board the panel's recommendations, particularly on our having the statutory inquiry and then the panel work, will allow the individual to decide which part they wish to be part of, and it is very important that their identity is protected through all that. No one will be compelled; people will have a choice of which avenue to take or they can participate in both. That is essential if we are going to allow victims and survivors to participate in a way that is meaningful and important to them.

Roy Beggs (UUP, East Antrim)

I welcome the statement by the First Minister and deputy First Minister indicating that they will adopt the recommendations of the panel. Recommendation 5 is on redress and reparation. It speaks of engagement with non-state institutions, organisations and agencies in order to establish a potential financial contribution. Those non-state organisations and institutions abused women, they inflicted a form of modern slavery long after it was banned and they profited from that slavery. What process will be put in place so that there will be significantly appropriate reparation from those non-state institutions and organisations for what occurred?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

It is time for them to do the right thing. It is time for them to pay for and support the redress that victims and survivors are entitled to. We will engage with them on their contribution. However, we will legislate to compel, and that is important. It will not be a question of saying, "Will they or won't they?". They will be compelled to comply if they do not comply.

Rachel Woods (Green, North Down)

I thank the deputy First Minister for making the statement today. Let us call this for what it is: one of the greatest scandals of our time. Last week, a number of us met representatives of the truth recovery design panel in Northern Ireland, and I thanked them for their openness and honesty and for engaging with us during that meeting. I hope that all records and information will be retained and released when required, and I hope that interpretation of GDPR will not be an issue either, as that was a crucial point that was raised with us. I know that the process is now going to be led by the Executive Office rather than Health, so will the deputy First Minister say that she is committed to adequate funding and resources being allocated from the Executive Office for long-term support services for victims and survivors of the mother-and-baby institutions?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I concur that this is a shameful truth in our history. I think that we all recognise that, as we stand here today, the journey has been very long and very difficult for the victims and survivors. We all readily acknowledge the abhorrent failure and the trauma that was inflicted on women and girls. Now is the time for us to respond and to show them that we hear them and are listening to them; that we acknowledge what happened and acknowledge that it was wrong, and we are going to work with them on redress. We have taken on board all the recommendations, including funding a redress scheme, so the political priority is there, and we have to find the money to do the right thing by the victims and survivors.

Patsy McGlone (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Mid Ulster)

Thank you, Members. That concludes questions on the statement. Go raibh maith agat, a chomh-Chéad Aire. Thank you, joint First Minister.

Members, please take your ease as we move to the next item of business.

I will allow two minutes, Members, and then we will move on.

Patsy McGlone (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Mid Ulster)

I have received notice from the Minister for Infrastructure that she wishes to make a statement. Fuair muid fógra ón Aire Bonneagair gur mhaith léi ráiteas a dhéanamh.

Nichola Mallon (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast North)

With your permission, Mr Deputy Speaker, and in compliance with section 52 of the Northern Ireland Act 1998, I wish to make a statement to the Assembly on the British-Irish Council (BIC) ministerial meeting of the transport work sector that was held on 22 October. Before I do, I offer an apology to Members: due to an administrative error by my private office, this statement was delayed; it was due to take place last week. I apologise for the inconvenience that was caused to Members as a result of that error.

To ensure that there was appropriate community representation at the meeting, Members will note that junior Minister Middleton was also in attendance. He is aware that I am making this statement to the Assembly.

Members will be aware that the British-Irish Council, which was established in 1999, is a forum for its members to discuss, consult and use best endeavours to reach agreement on cooperation on matters of mutual interest within the competence of its member Administrations. The British-Irish Council transport work sector is chaired by the Northern Ireland Executive. The group has proved to be a constructive forum for facilitating thematic evidence exchange and practical collaboration as Administrations seek to decarbonise transport. The meeting of the transport work sector was particularly timely; it allowed Ministers to take stock, in advance of COP26 in Glasgow, of the ongoing efforts across these islands.

As I have highlighted, the Executive were represented at the ministerial meeting by me and junior Minister Middleton. The Government of Guernsey were represented by Deputy Lindsay de Sausmarez, President of the Committee for the Environment and Infrastructure. The Government of Ireland were represented by Mr Eamon Ryan TD, Minister for Transport and the Minister for the Environment, Climate and Communications. The Isle of Man Government were represented by Tim Crookall, Minister for Infrastructure. The Government of Jersey were represented by Deputy Kevin Lewis, Minister for Infrastructure. The Scottish Government were represented by Mr Graeme Dey MSP, Minister for Transport. The UK Government were represented by Trudy Harrison MP, Parliamentary Under Secretary of State at the Department for Transport. The Welsh Government were represented by Lee Waters, Deputy Minister for Climate Change.

During the meeting, Ministers considered a paper that had been prepared by the work sector on the electrification of vehicles and discussed how that transition will make a key contribution towards the decarbonisation of transport and to achieving the efficient and cleaner movement of people and goods across BIC member Administrations. Ministers shared experiences and perspectives on pathways towards the electrification of vehicles, including aspects such as charging infrastructure and supporting the transition to electric vehicles through financial and fiscal mechanisms.

Ministers noted and agreed the content of the forward work plan for the transport work sector, which will support all Administrations' efforts towards addressing climate change and decarbonisation, and which identifies the areas of focus for the work sector for the next three years as modal shift and the decarbonisation of public-sector transport and the freight fleet. With the declaration of a climate emergency across many Administrations and the commitment to achieving net zero, the need to increase the urgency of efforts to address climate change is a shared priority. Member Administrations are in accordance that an intensive programme of decarbonisation is required to meet those targets, including in the transport sector as it is one of the largest contributors to carbon emissions.

We, as an Assembly, have committed to taking action to tackle the climate crisis and reduce emissions across all sectors, including transport. In that context, the British-Irish Council continues to offer an essential framework for sharing challenges and best practice across the Administrations.

Finally, I place on record my appreciation to the ministerial colleagues across the BIC member Administrations who participated so productively in the ministerial meeting. I look forward to learning about the outcomes that arise from the transport forward work programme and the associated ministerial meeting, which should take place in 2023. I am happy to take questions from Members in respect of the ministerial meeting.

Patsy McGlone (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Mid Ulster)

As Question Time begins at 2.00 pm, I suggest that the House takes its ease until then. Questions on the statement will begin after Question Time, when the next Member to speak will be the Chair of the Committee for Infrastructure, Jonathan Buckley.

The business stood suspended.

(Mr Speaker in the Chair)

Oral Answers to Questions — The Executive Office

Alex Maskey (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

Question 9 has been withdrawn.

Nicola Brogan (Sinn Féin, West Tyrone)

1. Ms Brogan asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister for their assessment of how the institutional and constitutional arrangements, outlined in paragraph 5 of the Good Friday Agreement, are interdependent and interrelated. (AQO 2709/17-22)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

Strand one of the agreement established the Assembly as the primary source of authority in respect of all devolved matters, with an Executive Committee of the Assembly discharging executive authority on its behalf.

Nicola Brogan (Sinn Féin, West Tyrone)

I thank the First Minister for his answer. All the institutions of the Good Friday Agreement are interdependent, including, of course, the North/South Ministerial Council (NSMC), the DUP boycott of which has been branded unlawful by the High Court and is creating unnecessary tension and instability. The outworking of that can be seen in the recent criminal attacks on buses, bus drivers and passengers. Will the Minister give a commitment here and now that they will show some belated leadership, tone down the reckless rhetoric and end the boycott of the North/South Ministerial Council?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

There was an inevitability about North/South relationships when the east-west relationship was damaged as a result of the protocol, which is a point that I made when I met Members of the European Parliament this morning. That has upset the delicate balance that the Belfast Agreement created, which required unionist and nationalist support for all the institutions. There is not a single unionist Assembly Member, Member of Parliament or unionist in any local government authority who supports the protocol. I urge Lord Frost and the European Union to intensify that process this week because we need to see a resolution to those issues.

Sinéad McLaughlin (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

Does the First Minister accept that the failure of some Ministers to attend the North/South Ministerial Council is a breach of obligations under the Good Friday Agreement and is, at the very least, an act of bad faith?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The act of bad faith was the imposition of the protocol. The Member knows that her party and others in the Chamber tabled repeated motions calling for the rigorous implementation of the protocol. It is at least progress that the parties that called for that rigorous implementation no longer seem to call for it.

Let us all encourage those who are involved in the talks over the next week or two to make the progress that is needed because Members from all sides have said that they do not want North/South barriers or east-west barriers. Therefore, there needs to be a solution that delivers on that. That will respect the Belfast Agreement.

Jim Allister (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

Though he is now a functionary of the Belfast Agreement, does its First Minister accept that its core assurance of no constitutional change without consent has proved to be a fable and a deceit, in view of the finding in the High Court that the protocol has had the effect of repealing a cardinal principle of the Acts of Union: article 6. If that is so, why is the Minister's party, through his preferred leader, continuing to implement the Union-dismantling protocol?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The Minister of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs is not implementing the protocol; indeed, if he had been, we would face a much worse situation. It is as a result of the DUP Minister holding that Department that we have not had the protocol implemented. It was that Minister who introduced grace periods for pets, and he continues to ensure that the protocol is not implemented. Therefore, the Member, as a functionary of the Belfast Agreement who takes his seat in the Assembly created by the very Belfast Agreement to which he refers, should recognise that it is the Democratic Unionist Party that is pursuing a policy to try to eradicate the border that has been created down the Irish Sea. He should join us to encourage fellow unionists to take forward our strategy.

Diane Dodds (DUP, Upper Bann)

Like the First Minister, I met Members of the European Parliament this morning. Does he agree that the Northern Ireland protocol is not just destroying trade between Great Britain and Northern Ireland and is injurious to our United Kingdom's internal market but damages relations in Northern Ireland, in that the unionist community, in general, does not consent to the protocol and, indeed, no unionist in the House consents to the protocol? Surely that should give rise to concern, not just for the MEPs who are visiting but for those who are engaging in negotiation.

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The Member is absolutely right in the points that she makes. It is vital that those concerns, which have been articulated for some time by Members on these Benches, are listened to carefully. It was a commitment in 'New Decade, New Approach' (NDNA). That commitment was that Northern Ireland would have its place in the United Kingdom and internal market restored. We entered the institutions on the basis of that promise, which was made by the United Kingdom Government. They must deliver on that promise. They can do it by either of two ways: they can reach an agreement with the European Union that delivers on the seven tests that we have set, or they can trigger article 16. However, they need to move, and they need to do so quickly.

Alan Chambers (UUP, North Down)

2. Mr Chambers asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister for an update on what representations they have made through the EU-UK Joint Committee regarding the protocol on Ireland/Northern Ireland. (AQO 2710/17-22)

Deborah Erskine (DUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

3. Mrs Erskine asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister what opportunities they have taken to highlight the need to address the issues arising from the protocol on Ireland/Northern Ireland. (AQO 2711/17-22)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

With your permission, Mr Speaker, I will answer questions 2 and 3 together.

We continue to utilise every opportunity available to us to represent our respective positions on the protocol to the UK Government and the European Union to secure the best possible outcome for our citizens and businesses. We have attended all eight meetings of the Joint Committee and will continue to ensure that our position is taken into account by all sides in order to protect the interests of all our citizens and businesses. The deputy First Minister and I met Lord Frost and the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland on 22 October and again on 9 November to receive updates on the ongoing discussions between the UK and the EU, during which we raised the issues that needed to be addressed regarding the protocol and reiterated the need for certainty. Junior Ministers Middleton and Kearney also regularly attend ministerial Cabinet Office meetings to ensure that our views on the protocol are heard and understood by the UK Government.

Alan Chambers (UUP, North Down)

I thank the First Minister for his response. Far from what some parties are trying to claim, the EU non-paper on 13 October provided little detail or certainty. Does the First Minister agree that, no matter what political discussions or deals might take place elsewhere, equity of access to all new medicines and vaccines for patients in Northern Ireland should be non-negotiable? Will the Executive therefore endorse utilising whatever contingency measures are necessary to deliver that?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The Member is absolutely right to indicate that the proposals put forward by the European Union fall short of addressing a range of issues, not least the matter that he has raised in respect of medicines. There is an issue with the role of the Medicines and Healthcare products Regulatory Agency (MHRA) and the European Medicines Agency (EMA) in matters of patient safety. The EU proposals failed even to put forward anything in respect of veterinary medicine to provide the medicines needed to address animal welfare issues. There are also issues in respect of sanitary and phytosanitary (SPS) arrangements around certification, definition and scope. Beyond the headlines that accompanied the EU proposals, the proposals lack the substance required to address vital issues, not just constitutional matters when it comes to governance but issues with the provision of goods, including medicines, that affect all our communities.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Earlier this year, the pharmaceutical company Almac described its position under the protocol as giving it and its customers:

"unique seamless, uninterrupted and flexible access to both the UK and European marketplaces."

Last week, Almac announced the creation of 1,000 jobs here. First Minister, what is it about the potential for economic advantage and job creation that your party wants to throw away? In your discussions with businesses and business groups, has a single one supported your idea of triggering article 16?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

Yes. Many have, when it comes to the engagements that I have had with businesses

[Interruption]

—

Alex Maskey (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

Order.

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

— about a range of issues that affect them. You need only look at the UK Command Paper, which I commend, that was published before the summer. It gives great detail on the impacts that the protocol has had. The Member raises his eyebrows and dismisses that, because he is blind and deaf to the reality of what the protocol has done, such is his sycophantic nature when it comes to being pro-European. He should look at the devastating impact that the protocol has had in diverting trade away from coming from Great Britain into Northern Ireland. If the Member is so concerned about our pharmaceutical companies and medicines, he should listen carefully to the Health Minister. Over 90% of our medicines come from Great Britain, and, when it comes to his position on the protocol, the Member should reflect on that rather than lecture me on the issue.

Deborah Erskine (DUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

I thank the First Minister for his answer. It was reported last week that, from next year, the Irish Government intend to inspect fuel crossing from Northern Ireland in order to enforce new air quality rules. Does the First Minister believe that that announcement is consistent with the approach that the Irish Government have taken to resolving the problems created by the protocol?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The Member raises an interesting point that the media picked up on last week. It dismisses the myth of the Irish Government's position of not wanting to have a border on the island of Ireland, because, when it comes to this issue, they want a border on the island of Ireland and to carry out checks at that border. I do not believe that any Member of the House has said that the Irish Government are in violation of the Belfast Agreement as a result of their desire to put in place those checks; I certainly have not heard any Member say so. I hope that that translates to the talks process that is under way and that the Irish Government use their influence to persuade the European Union to take a much more pragmatic approach to finding solutions.

Stewart Dickson (Alliance, East Antrim)

First Minister, in all the meetings that you have had with the Joint Committee, what positive aspects of the Northern Ireland protocol have you promoted? The vast majority of representatives of businesses tell Members of the House that there are great benefits to being in the economies of both the United Kingdom and the European Union. Those are great benefits to Northern Ireland; indeed, an Executive Minister was promoting those benefits in the Netherlands just last week.

Minister, will you tell the House what you have been doing to promote Northern Ireland positively? The situation stands in sharp contrast to national newspaper reports of empty shelves in supermarkets and other businesses across the UK —

Alex Maskey (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

Will the Member come to the question?

Stewart Dickson (Alliance, East Antrim)

— but rarely in Northern Ireland

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I thank the Member for the question. The most recent meeting of the Joint Committee took place on 9 June, which was before the UK Command Paper was published. The deputy First Minister and I discussed with Lord Frost and the Secretary of State having another meeting of the Joint Committee. The indications were that that would be premature, given the issues that are now being discussed and negotiated. That process needs to come to a conclusion for there to be value in having any such Joint Committee meeting.

On the broader point that the Member makes, I say that it should not be beyond the realms of possibility to protect the European single market and for the integrity of that market to be upheld without having the checks that are in place and that, indeed, would be much worse had not the grace periods for the east-west dimension been extended.

Pat Sheehan (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

While most people agree that there are operational difficulties with the protocol that need to be ironed out, the EU has put reasonable proposals on the table to do just that.

Does the First Minister agree that, if the British Government reject those reasonable proposals, it will be because the Tories want to engage in perpetual war with Europe rather than deal with tangible solutions, and that we will end up as collateral damage in that agenda?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I will resist ratcheting up the rhetoric by using the word "war", given that Ms Brogan said in her supplementary question that we should dial down the rhetoric. I note that it was the European Union that said:

"We are ready for peace but prepared for war."

That did not come from anyone on this side of the House or, indeed, from the processes of the United Kingdom Government. Let us encourage them to continue to intensify the talks process this week. They really do need to make progress on those issues quickly.

Alex Maskey (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

I call Christopher Stalford.

Christopher Stalford (DUP, Belfast South)

I seek clarity, sir. Is it in relation to this, or is it the question that I am listed for next?

Alex Maskey (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

It is the listed question.

Christopher Stalford (DUP, Belfast South)

4. Mr Stalford asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister for an update on when the Commission on Flags, Identity, Culture and Tradition (FICT) report will be published. (AQO 2712/17-22)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I invite junior Minister Middleton to answer this question.

Gary Middleton (DUP, Foyle)

I thank the Member for his question. The FICT report was discussed at the most recent Executive meeting on 23 September, and there was agreement that the report should be published. Consideration is being given to how best to facilitate that.

Christopher Stalford (DUP, Belfast South)

In light of recent decisions in relation to the display of a memorial stone in the grounds of this Building to mark the centenary of this country, the lighting up of this Building and even the planting of flowers in the grounds of this estate, does the junior Minister agree with me that if we, as a society, are going to progress in these very sensitive areas, it needs to be on the basis of mutual respect and not one party seeking dominance over the rest of us?

Gary Middleton (DUP, Foyle)

I agree that we need mutual respect right across the board to move forward, and that works both ways. The report discusses culture, conflict and rights, cultural identity and society. It looks at the issue cultural public spaces as well. That being said, whilst these reports can be brought forward, it is about actions and how people behave and feel. People have been disappointed by how certain political parties in the Chamber have conducted themselves during the centenary of Northern Ireland. The report has 45 recommendations. There are a number of areas in the report where consensus was not reached. They are described as "where challenges remain". We need to see mutual respect. Unfortunately, over the course of the past 12 months, we have not seen that.

Emma Sheerin (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Junior Minister Kearney has already said that the delay in publishing the FICT report did not sit with the Sinn Féin side of the Executive Office. Can the First Minister or the junior Minister outline why they are blocking the publication of the implementation plan alongside the FICT report?

Gary Middleton (DUP, Foyle)

I thank the Member for her question. As I said in my answer, at the Executive meeting on 23 September, there was agreement that the report should be published. In July, at the most recent FICT working group meeting, that was our position. Unfortunately, we have not been able to get to the position where that report will be published. The blockage is not from our side. I urge Members across the House to allow that report to be released. It is important that the public see the report and have their say. The blockage is certainly not from our side.

Patsy McGlone (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Mid Ulster)

At a practical level, what more will be done to protect workers who are doing their job? They have to remove some of the more contentious flags from areas where they simply should not be.

Gary Middleton (DUP, Foyle)

I thank the Member for his question. Again, we urge that the FICT report be published. That being said, the report is not going to solve all the ills in society. That is not to stop particular Departments from taking forward work in their areas. Of course, people and workers should not feel threatened when they are dealing with contentious issues. We have to work together with our local communities and reps. Speaking in my personal MLA capacity, I know that we do that in my constituency. Waiting for the report to be published should not prevent Departments doing work that is within their remit. Again, the report can be published, it should be published and we are certainly not blocking that.

Rachel Woods (Green, North Down)

Will the junior Minister give an assurance that the FICT report and plan will be published in this Assembly mandate?

Gary Middleton (DUP, Foyle)

The FICT report can and should be published. That is the position that was taken at the September Executive meeting. We want to see that happen. It is a matter for others to say why it has been blocked. People will judge that for themselves. The FICT report could be published today if there were a willingness to do so.

Doug Beattie (UUP, Upper Bann)

5. Mr Beattie asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister whether they gave a letter of endorsement to Armagh City, Banbridge and Craigavon (ABC) Borough Council for its opening UK City of Culture bid. (AQO 2713/17-22)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

Unfortunately, we were unable to provide a formal letter of endorsement to the council on behalf of the Executive in advance of its opening bid. However, we are pleased that that did not impact on the council's bid and were delighted to learn that it has been successful in making the longlist in the 2025 UK City of Culture process. Success in that competition would create a once-in-a-generation platform to showcase to a wider audience the wealth of the culture, arts and heritage that the heartlands of Armagh and Down, their communities and their people have to offer. In light of that, we have written to the council offering our full support, and we wish it the utmost success with its submissions.

Doug Beattie (UUP, Upper Bann)

I thank the Minister for his answer. It is disappointing that the Executive did not give a letter of support before the initial bid went in, even though the council had asked for it in a timely manner. All the other city bids had those very important letters of support. You raise a really good point, First Minister, about giving the council the support that it needs now, and that is the important thing. I understand that the Communities Minister will be looking at the issue, but what support will the Executive Office give?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I will comment on the timing of the letter and say why we were not able to respond as soon as we would have liked. The letter came in on 9 July and requested that a response be made in less than a week. We sought input from the Department for Communities, as the Member rightly raises, but it was over a month before we got that back from that Department. Having said all that, we, as First Minister and deputy First Minister, are communicating and have communicated to the chief executive of the council our full support and the work that we can do with the Departments in seeking to support the bid. The Department for Communities will be and is the primary Department with responsibility for that, but where the Executive Office can assist, the council will get our support.

Dolores Kelly (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Upper Bann)

Will financial support be on offer? Will there be support in kind? If so, how much, and when might the council know?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I will let the Department for Communities engage with the council on financial resources, commitment in kind and whatever that will look like. The primary responsibility on how the Executive can support the bid will come through the Department for Communities. As I said to Mr Beattie, the Executive Office will be happy to assist where it can, but it will be led by the Department for Communities.

Diane Dodds (DUP, Upper Bann)

I am delighted that ABC council is proceeding with the bid. Last week, I was talking to the chief executive, who was in London talking to others about the bid. In the wider upper Bann and ABC council area, we have the city of Armagh, with all its culture, traditions and built heritage. We will also show some of the popular culture of today when the Game of Thrones exhibition opens in Banbridge in the not-too-distant future, hopefully. However, County Armagh is also the birthplace of Orangeism —

Alex Maskey (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

Will the Member come to a question, please?

Diane Dodds (DUP, Upper Bann)

Yes. Does the First Minister agree that it is important that we celebrate the widest range of culture, including the Orange tradition?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The Member is right to raise that. The Armagh, Banbridge and Craigavon council area has a very rich heritage. It has a very strong sporting heritage, but, in particular, it has a cultural heritage. When I think about the Orange institution, its birthplace in County Armagh, Dan Winter's cottage, and things like that, I, of course, expect Armagh City, Banbridge and Craigavon Borough Council to include the Orange Order, as it very much brings its rich diversity to that part of Northern Ireland.

Ciara Ferguson (Sinn Féin, Foyle)

As an MLA for Foyle, I wish the ABC council all the best in its City of Culture bid. Derry's year as the City of Culture in 2013 is still fondly remembered. Minister, what is your assessment of the legacy stemming from Derry's time as the City of Culture?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The Member speaks from experience about the impact. I remember well the profile of the north-west, the city of Londonderry and all the different cultures, businesses and so on that were put on show right across the United Kingdom and attracted media attention. We have a legacy from that. We can see that there is significant investment coming to the north-west. We have the expansion of the university at Magee. The Member rightly commends that, and we hope that ABC council will be successful in its bid and can benefit in a similar way to the Member's constituency.

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

6. Mr McNulty asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister what action they plan to take to ensure that Northern Ireland meets its commitments to mitigate the impact of the climate crisis. (AQO 2714/17-22)

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

8. Mr Carroll asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister what climate commitments they will make following their attendance at the 26th UN Climate Change Conference of the Parties (COP26). (AQO 2716/17-22)

Áine Murphy (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

10. Ms Á Murphy asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister to outline the details of their discussions at the 26th UN Climate Change Conference of the Parties. (AQO 2718/17-22)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

With your permission, Mr Speaker, I will answer questions 6, 8, and 10 together.

We attended the opening ceremony of COP26, along with leaders from participating countries, and held discussions with the UK Government and the other devolved Administrations. We also met the US delegation and discussed potential economic opportunities from using clean energy. The discussions provided the opportunity to share best practice on the challenges of climate change. We also met some of our local organisations and, hopefully, helped to highlight their expertise in addressing climate change issues. We discussed the Executive's plans and our recognition of the need for action.

The New Decade, New Approach commitments include a strategy to address the immediate and longer-term impacts of climate change. We need to achieve a balance in sustainable living, protect the environment and develop economic opportunities. That will be a theme throughout the next Programme for Government.

Our actions include introducing the Executive's Climate Change (No. 2) Bill, which is now with the Assembly, and the green growth strategy, which was developed in consultation with many stakeholder groups, particularly young people. The Executive have also endorsed our environment strategy, which will be one of the main strategies underpinning our overarching green growth agenda. An energy strategy, sustainable transport and other plans will not only provide the strategic basis to reduce carbon emissions but create new jobs in the green economy and drive innovation.

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

I thank the Minister for his answer. How will the Executive Office bring Ministers and Departments together to tackle the climate crisis in a collective, meaningful, impactful and consistent way, and do you recognise and appreciate the urgency of the word "now"?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I absolutely appreciate it. When I was in Glasgow, I made the point that the next generation of younger people absolutely get that. At times, they can be the strongest advocates, because they challenge us, just as my children challenge what I do or what their grandparents do in our home environment. Our schools have a fantastic eco scheme right across Northern Ireland, and that has a real and positive impact.

When it comes to all the issues, as I highlighted in my original response, we are signed up, as an Executive, to delivering on a wide range of different strategies that have meaningful objectives and will have tangible impact. Collectively, as an Executive, we take that seriously.

Áine Murphy (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

Minister, as a result of COP26, there is now an increased global focus on the need to combat the climate crisis. With that in mind, will you commit to supporting my private Member's Bill to ban fracking, so that we can all play our part in the greatest challenge facing humanity?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I have not had an opportunity to look at the Member's private Member's Bill. As someone who has introduced a private Member's Bill, I know that a lot of work goes into that. Without commenting on its substance, I commend the Member for developing a private Member's Bill. I will, obviously, look at what it contains.

On the broader principle, when it comes to tackling climate change, having clean energy and driving forward our environmental strategies, we need to ensure that Northern Ireland is energy sufficient and that we have our own security of energy supply. Therefore, we need to make sure that we make changes in a sustainable way.

Alex Maskey (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

I will allow Christopher Stalford to ask a very brief supplementary question.

Christopher Stalford (DUP, Belfast South)

We all recognise the scale of the challenge that we face and the role that the Executive Office has in coordinating the response across all of government. Will the First Minister confirm for my constituents in Belfast that this Government will not clobber them with a congestion charge?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

That has not been discussed at the Executive, nor, indeed, has the Minister for Infrastructure brought forward such a proposal. I am not anticipating one coming forward.

Alex Maskey (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

That ends the period for listed questions. We will move on to 15 minutes of topical questions. Topical questions 5 and 7 have been withdrawn.

Gerry Kelly (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

T1. Mr G Kelly asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister to comment on media reports that he is refusing to appoint the eminently qualified human rights expert Colm Harvey to a bill of rights panel and, if true, to state his reasons, given that he recently told the House that work on New Decade, New Approach (NDNA) commitments is progressing well, and he will be aware that the appointment of a panel to take forward a bill of rights is an NDNA commitment. (AQT 1771/17-22)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

First, it would be inappropriate for me to comment on any individuals who have applied in a process that is private and confidential. I have not been presented with a list of names for me to select from. As I understand it, the history of this is that there was a potential panel of five people. An agreement was reached in the Executive Office that it would have three members. No list of the number of people who applied or their identities has been presented to me.

Gerry Kelly (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

Gabhaim buíochas leis an Chéad Aire as a fhreagraí go dtí seo. I thank the First Minister for his answer. I note that he did not deny or, for that matter, confirm what was in the question. Let me say this: the days of unionist discrimination and exclusion are over. Does he accept that the DUP's anti-rights position belongs in the past and should stay there? The DUP can delay this, but it will not stop the progressive and necessary change for the better.

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

It was not a DUP Minister who was found guilty of discriminating against people from the Protestant community who were seeking positions. Our party does not discriminate against anybody; we have not done so in the past, nor, indeed, will we. The Assembly's Ad Hoc Committee on a Bill of Rights has been looking into this issue. I understand that it has consulted extensively with people who have been able to provide information to it and a course of work has already been carried out. The issues to do with the appointment of the panel have certainly not been to the detriment of the Assembly and the Ad Hoc Committee in carrying out their work.

Alex Maskey (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

I call Roy Beggs.

Roy Beggs (UUP, East Antrim)

Sorry, I was not aware that I was listed to speak.

Alex Maskey (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

You are listed for a topical question. OK, thank you. I call Christopher Stalford.

Christopher Stalford (DUP, Belfast South)

T3. Mr Stalford asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister, given that the European Union has itself indicated a preparedness to amend aspects of the protocol, albeit it goes nowhere near far enough for him, what that says about the foresight of those who demanded its rigorous implementation. (AQT 1773/17-22)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The Member is right to raise the matter. The Assembly debated four motions, I think, calling for the rigorous implementation of the protocol. Delegations from Sinn Féin, the SDLP, the Alliance Party and the Green Party went down to Dublin to demand the rigorous implementation of the protocol, yet, now, at last, there has been a recognition that there are very serious problems with how it has been implemented. Had the protocol been implemented in full, had a DUP Minister not been able to thwart efforts to implement it and had we not got the grace periods, there would have been much more serious impacts as a result of the protocol. Let us hope that, over the next number of weeks, we will get the progress that we need and that the UK Government and the European Union will find a permanent resolution.

Christopher Stalford (DUP, Belfast South)

The central issue, of course, is the writ of the European Court of Justice. The present position adopted by the European Union is, "We will water down some of our rules, but we reserve the right to make the rules for you forever in perpetuity". Does my colleague the First Minister agree that that is a position that no Prime Minister, but certainly no Conservative and so-called unionist Prime Minister, should ever sign up to?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

When I met Maroš Šefcovic, I made this point, and when I met MEPs this morning, I made this point: when it comes to the democratic deficit, the lack of democratic legitimacy of the new arrangements is not acceptable, nor should it be, for any democrat in the House who values the mandate that they have. The laws that impact upon the people of Northern Ireland should have their basis in Northern Ireland or as part of the wider UK framework from which we derive our authority. That is encapsulated through the European Court of Justice, which represents the apex of that governance arrangement. We need to see progress made in respect of the governance issues as well.

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

T4. Mr O'Dowd asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister on what other planet, other than on the DUP planet, would it be acceptable for a Minister to refuse to carry out his lawful duties under the ministerial code, and to state whether the joint First Minister agrees that he should now come forward and say that he, as joint First Minister, will act in accordance with his ministerial code, albeit, on listening to him carefully throughout Question Time, it is clear that he has studiously avoided using the word boycott in relation to the North/South Ministerial Council. (AQT 1774/17-22)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I politely remind Mr O'Dowd that, in 2008, Sinn Féin boycotted Executive meetings. It was not that long ago when Sinn Féin pulled down these institutions and deprived the Assembly from sitting, British-Irish Council meetings from taking place and, indeed, North/South bodies from being able to operate in any shape or form. When it comes to thwarting the activities of the institutions created by the Belfast Agreement, Sinn Féin has been the master of that.

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

I note that you avoid the question again, Minister. The reality is that you are acting unlawfully. You cannot blame your diary secretary for not arranging meetings. If I was acting on a point of principle, I would say, "I'm standing up for what I believe in, and I am boycotting a, b or c". Instead, you are blaming a diary secretary for not arranging meetings. When will you act lawfully and send a message out to those people on the streets who are acting unlawfully in the hijacking and burning of buses and other activities, and ensure that you are living up to your legal obligations under the ministerial code?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The Member knows full well that there is an active case in the courts in respect of these issues. It would be inappropriate for me to use the Chamber to make points that ought to be made in the courts. This is a case that is under active judicial proceedings, and information is being provided to the courts.

I wish that I was able to have legal representation to reflect what I and my colleague Gary Middleton have been doing, but that has been denied on not one but two occasions in terms of the legal representation that should be coming from the Executive Office, and that blockage has not come from my side of the office.

Rachel Woods (Green, North Down)

T6. Miss Woods asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister for an update on the long-awaited and much-needed violence against women and girls strategy. (AQT 1776/17-22)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

That is an important strategy and one that the Member and I talked about when we were on the Justice Committee together. Progress is being made in developing the strategy. Recently, an official was appointed to lead that for us. A lot of engagement work is being taken forward, and a specific lead official is now responsible for that.

Rachel Woods (Green, North Down)

I thank the First Minister for his answer. The First Minister will be aware of comments by the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland during a recent visit that the failure to roll out abortion services in Northern Ireland was abhorrent. Are the Executive on track to implement abortion services for Northern Ireland no later than March 2022?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

The Secretary of State lost court proceedings in respect of this issue. Judgement is awaited on another judicial review taken by the Society for the Protection of Unborn Children (SPUC). That has fed in to the Department of Health's consideration of a paper that is its responsibility to bring forward to the Executive.

The Secretary of State should respect the devolved settlement. He said in his interview that this is a devolved issue, and, therefore, he should not interfere, as he did when he issued the directions. He should resist the temptation to overstep his role and should allow the Executive to deal with what is a sensitive issue. I have proposed that there should be an Executive subcommittee, which my party would attend, at which these things could be considered by those who are elected, through the Assembly, into the Executive so that we can find a position that is more reflective of where the people of Northern Ireland are on these issues. The directions that were issued by the Secretary of State were abhorrent.

Jim Allister (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

T8. Mr Allister asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister why the First Minister’s protocol protest against the North/South bodies is so porous that, under the guise of health, he allowed to be approved multiple appointments of a non-health nature to five North/South bodies so as to keep them wholly operative. (AQT 1778/17-22)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

When it comes North/South issues, Jeffrey Donaldson made it clear that health is one area that we would not seek to thwart. Indeed, it would not be appropriate for us to thwart other Ministers who decide that they want to participate in North/South bodies, the Minister of Health being one of them. That is why the subsequent meeting took place — because they were not DUP Ministers who were attending. They were other Ministers of the Executive who wanted to attend that meeting.

Jim Allister (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

The First Minister has avoided the question. Business can be conducted at any North/South meeting only if the agenda and content is approved by the First Minister and deputy First Minister. At the health meeting, on non-health issues, the First Minister approved appointments to five of the six North/South bodies. Why did he do that if there is a real, persistent, determined campaign, based on opposition to the protocol, against the operation of North/South bodies, given that our east-west relations have been trashed?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I want to have good North/South relations, and I want to see institutions operating in good faith. As I indicated to the House earlier, because of the protocol and because of the disruption on an east-west basis, that inevitably has consequences for North/South matters. What is being talked about in respect of the meeting that was held in June, when it came to North/South Ministerial Council meetings, were indicative meetings that were to take place. They were not legally scheduled, and Ministers were not put under obligations at that meeting. Diary offices and private secretaries cannot put Ministers under legal obligations. There is a process set out under statute so that, when meetings become officially scheduled, Ministers are placed under legal obligations. That has not happened.

Robbie Butler (UUP, Lagan Valley)

T9. Mr Butler asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister for an update on discussions that their office has had about the removal of the exemption for teachers from the Fair Employment and Treatment (Northern Ireland) Order 1998 (FETO). (AQT 1779/17-22)

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

It is accepted in the Executive Office that that issue requires review. The Department of Education, obviously, has a significant role in that, and I know that that Department has engaged with a wide range of stakeholders about FETO and the current exemption when it comes to the recruitment of teachers. There is a historical context for this, as the Member will know. In the past, exemptions were sought because of the nature of the education system in Northern Ireland in reflecting a particular ethos. It is accepted that the issue needs to be reviewed, but that requires work to be carried out by the Department of Education.

Alex Maskey (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

We have time for a very brief supplementary.

Robbie Butler (UUP, Lagan Valley)

Thank you, Mr Speaker. Is it the First Minister's view that it might happen before the end of this mandate?

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

We have not had any indications from the Department of Education about the time frame by which it will have carried out the necessary engagement with stakeholders. It is unlikely that we will see change within this mandate, but the Department of Education is engaging with stakeholders on that.

Alex Maskey (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

Time is up. Members, please take your ease for a moment or two before we move to the next part of Question Time.

Oral Answers to Questions — Education

Alex Maskey (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

Question 6 has been withdrawn.

Rachel Woods (Green, North Down)

1. Miss Woods asked the Minister of Education what action she is taking to address staff shortages in special schools. (AQO 2724/17-22)

Michelle McIlveen (DUP, Strangford)

I am aware that many schools have experienced high levels of absence of teaching and non-teaching staff due to a number of COVID and non-COVID factors. In these circumstances, principals have taken the difficult decision to close some classes or class bubbles, move to remote or blended learning, or avail themselves of exceptional closure days. These actions have been necessary to maintain the safety of pupils and staff alike, and, importantly, they have been taken in light of the extant public health guidance.

The Education Authority (EA) has established an emergency resourcing team to support principals in addressing staffing pressures and to provide support where required. That team has also reviewed the Northern Ireland substitute teacher register (NISTR), asking teachers to identify an interest in and/or experience of working with children with SEN or complex needs. The team has also provided to priority schools updated lists of NISTR teachers who are available to work and have indicated a willingness to travel within a specific geographical area.

Officials continue to meet regularly with the special schools' strategic leadership group to ensure that issues and pressures faced by special schools are considered and addressed as they emerge.

My key priority is ensuring that all schools remain open to provide teaching and learning for children, young people and their families, and I have asked officials to keep me regularly updated on this issue.

Rachel Woods (Green, North Down)

I thank the Minister for her answer. Does she agree that the shortage of staff in special schools is an urgent matter and that it affects the ability of classes to run, which has a negative impact on our children, young people and their families? Will she outline how her Department is ensuring that enough professional, fully qualified, skilled and experienced staff are available to fill positions in special schools?

Michelle McIlveen (DUP, Strangford)

I thank the Member for her question, and I absolutely agree with what she said about special schools. It is a priority to ensure that those schools are resourced appropriately. My officials are working closely with the EA to address that. As I indicated in my original answer, through the emergency resourcing team and special school support officers, we have been working to give particular support to schools that are finding it much more difficult than others to manage.

A number of schools have had class closures and had to close on particular days to address that problem. That concerns me because I do not want any pupil to miss out on learning, and I am also aware of the pressures that this places on families. I give the Member my assurance that my officials are working to address the current difficulties.

Nicola Brogan (Sinn Féin, West Tyrone)

Is the Minister aware of the particular pressures facing Arvalee special school in my constituency of West Tyrone? Will she outline what she is doing to ensure that the school can remain open safely and provide the wide range of services needed for the children who attend it?

Michelle McIlveen (DUP, Strangford)

I thank the Member for her question. I am aware of a particular issue at Arvalee before the Halloween break, where the school closed for two days. That was to allow a 12-day window for teachers and young people to return to school.

As I have said in previous answers, I am aware of the challenges that are presenting in special schools in particular. The EA is working very closely with schools to address some of the issues. If there is anything else in particular with Arvalee, I am happy to speak to the Member. Having visited the school and seen the service that it provides in the area, I know that it is a resource that we do not want to see closed at any point.

Daniel McCrossan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, West Tyrone)

Minister, can you provide an update on the impact that COVID infections are having on teaching and non-teaching staff in special schools? Do you have an exact figure for the number of teachers who are off at present?

Michelle McIlveen (DUP, Strangford)

I thank the Member for his question. I have that information to hand. On the week beginning 1 November, four schools had class closures. In the week beginning 8 November, seven schools had class closures, and there was one full school site closure. The number of teachers absent in the week beginning 1 November was 91. In the week beginning 8 November, 111 teachers were absent. The number of classroom assistants absent in the week beginning 1 November was 239. In the week beginning 8 November, 298 classroom assistants were absent.

Stephen Dunne (DUP, North Down)

I appreciate the answer that the Minister gave me in correspondence about Clifton School in Bangor. We appreciate the very real challenges that the special schools sector is facing at this time. What other avenues are the Department and the EA exploring to address the staffing challenges throughout the system?

Michelle McIlveen (DUP, Strangford)

I thank the Member for his question. As I referenced, the EA emergency resourcing team has supported the establishment of a number of relief registers across a range of non-teaching roles. Officials continue to work closely with the chair of the special schools' strategic leadership group to provide support in response to the staffing challenges that are faced by special schools.

The childcare course placement coordinators in the five regional FE colleges have been contacted and advised that special schools may be in a position to host placement students with an interest in working with pupils with complex needs. They have been asked to contact their local schools directly to explore whether that is an option. Colleges have also been provided with information about the classroom assistants' emergency register and asked to bring it to the attention of students who may be qualified or available for casual work. The placement coordinators have circulated that information to their colleagues on all campuses.

I am aware that there have been issues with Access NI in the past. It recently confirmed that there are no delays in processing vetting checks and that the education sector is being prioritised for a quick turnaround.

Roy Beggs (UUP, East Antrim)

2. Mr Beggs asked the Minister of Education what lessons have been learnt from education pilot projects that relate to special educational needs provision, which provide support and resources more directly to schools. (AQO 2725/17-22)

Michelle McIlveen (DUP, Strangford)

The targeted additional teacher support project for post-primary children with complex interaction of needs, a pilot programme that the Education Authority implemented, is based on the reallocation of classroom assistant hours to provide newly qualified teacher (NQT) hours to support children with statements of SEN. The Education and Training Inspectorate (ETI) report on the initial pilot from March 2020 found that there was very positive collaborative work and practice, with skilled differentiation and good relationships among staff and pupils. It also found that pupils demonstrated a positive attitude towards engagement with learning.

A further pilot project has been rolled out and is being evaluated to track pupil progression against academic, social and emotional indicators, staff structure and management processes. Following the 2021 Public Accounts Committee recommendations, the Department has begun the procurement of an independent review of EA special educational needs services. The review includes:

"an assessment of the impact of adult assistance on children's outcomes".

The independent review report is due in the summer of 2022. The EA has decided to pause the expansion of the pilot project until it receives and considers the independent review report.

Roy Beggs (UUP, East Antrim)

I thank the Minister for her answer. In some post-primary schools, there can be three, four or even five classroom assistants standing at the back of a classroom waiting to intervene should the need arise. EA officials, EA board members and, indeed, the permanent secretary have all acknowledged that that is not a good use of public funds. When will all principals be given flexibility with their SEN funding so that they can employ additional SEN teachers and classroom assistants for one-to-one learning and small-group work and thus improve educational outcomes for pupils with special educational needs?

Michelle McIlveen (DUP, Strangford)

I thank the Member for his question. He raises an interesting point that needs to be addressed. As he is aware, there are a number of reviews. Recommendations have come through from a number of reports, which, hopefully, will start to address some of those issues and make sure that need is identified and help is targeted appropriately to those who need it.

Chris Lyttle (Alliance, Belfast East)

This is Anti-bullying Week, the theme for which is "One Kind Word", so I offer a kind word of compliment to the Education Minister on the odd socks that she is sporting today in support of Anti-bullying Week. I also ask the Minister how far over capacity and how under-resourced our SEN provision is. Who is accountable for responding to that matter?

Michelle McIlveen (DUP, Strangford)

I thank the Member for his question. I have seen his socks as well; he was displaying them in the canteen earlier.

There is a growing need in SEN, as we all very much appreciate, and there is an issue about how it is resourced. That, in itself, is a challenge for us. I am hopeful that the reviews that I indicated are being carried out and the seriousness with which my Department and the EA are taking SEN will lead to a much more focused outcome to address the need for special educational needs provision.

Pat Sheehan (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

The Finance Minister recently announced a significant funding boost for special educational needs in the October monitoring round. Will the Minister give us further detail on how that money will be allocated? When can we expect to see special supports reach our classrooms and schools?

Michelle McIlveen (DUP, Strangford)

I thank the Member for his question. Obviously, the October monitoring round was a challenge. My Department supported special educational needs bids totalling in excess of £23 million. Of that, £7·7 million was secured, which leaves a residual pressure of £15·9 million, which is not insignificant. The funding secured was £4·6 million for EA block grant pressures, combined with additional COVID funding totalling £3·1 million, which comprised £0·4 million for PPE for special schools, special schools substitute teaching staff and other staff cover of £0·5 million, additional SEN pupil support services of £1·2 million and asymptomatic testing in special schools of £1 million.

Meeting the needs of SEN pupils with a statement of need is a statutory requirement for us. Obviously, work will continue. Each child will have some support. However, there will be consequences for other aspects of what we deliver if we continue with that burden. The Finance Minister has given an assurance that he will give priority to SEN pressures in January monitoring, depending, of course, on whether funding is available. Given the significant level of pressures that I have indicated, however, it is imperative that the EA also takes action to manage pressures in order to avoid an overspend at the end of the year.

I will continue unashamedly to make the case for the funding of special educational needs at every opportunity. I hope that I will receive the necessary support from other parties in the Executive for that. As for when we will see the money being spent, that spend will be immediate.

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

Minister, you will be aware of the educational trauma experienced by children and young people awaiting a statement and support; the ripple effect of that, which cuts through not just their family but their community; and its impact on them in later life. Will you give us an update on the waiting lists for special educational needs assessments and support, and will you update us on the conversations that you are having with the Health Minister around tackling waiting lists?

Michelle McIlveen (DUP, Strangford)

I thank the Member for his question on the statements and the need to move them on quickly. The EA has reported that the proportion of statements being completed within 26 weeks each month has fallen from 96% — 161 out of 168 statements — in April 2021 to 73% — 382 out of 525 statements — in September. That has been as a direct result of a significant spike in the number of referrals received across May and June 2021, which is more than double the number received in the same period of 2020. Although that spike has since fallen away to a degree, referral numbers are still significantly higher across the subsequent months compared with the same months in 2020. In response to those pressures, the EA has already accelerated the expansion of staff resource that had been planned for early 2022 to prepare for implementation of the Special Educational Needs and Disability Act (Northern Ireland) 2016 — the SEND Act. That recruitment process is under way, and I hope that it will assist in restoring the 26-week time frame compliance. I absolutely agree with the Member about the pressures that the situation puts on families.

Doug Beattie (UUP, Upper Bann)

3. Mr Beattie asked the Minister of Education when she will make a decision on the future of the Lurgan campus of Craigavon Senior High School. (AQO 2726/17-22)

Michelle McIlveen (DUP, Strangford)

Development proposal (DP) 574, which proposes:

"Craigavon Senior High School will operate on a single site, 6-34 Lurgan Road, Portadown, with effect from 1 September 2022, or as soon as possible thereafter."

was published by the Education Authority on 22 April 2021. The statutory objection period ended on 22 June 2021. A submission containing all pertinent information on the proposal will be presented to me for my decision in due course. I assure you that, as soon as the proposal is presented to me for consideration, I will not unduly delay my decision.

Doug Beattie (UUP, Upper Bann)

Thank you, Minister. The process has been going on for over five years, given our slight interlude for a short period in between. It has a detrimental effect on the community and the pupils. Parents do not want their kids bussed out of Lurgan just because they were not selected for grammar education and nor do businesses, sporting clubs, the local council and educational experts. Will the Minister please listen to the people in Lurgan who say that it is not a good idea to bus those children out of Lurgan to Portadown and that it will not help their education?

Michelle McIlveen (DUP, Strangford)

I thank the Member for his question. As he will understand, I cannot comment on what he said; however, all information and arguments that have been given to officials on the matter will be collated and presented to me for a decision in the coming weeks. At this stage, it would be unfair for me to comment on what the Member said, but I reassure him that all comments will be taken into consideration.

Dolores Kelly (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Upper Bann)

We are one of the parties that supported the retention of a site in Lurgan. Minister, I heard you say in response to Mr Beattie that you are not able to comment, but a proposal was put forward that Lurgan Junior High School campus would allow the sharing of accommodation in the absence of any agreed way forward on academic selection. I urge you to consider that and to meet the principal and the board of governors of Lurgan Junior High School on their proposal about providing an alternative site.

Michelle McIlveen (DUP, Strangford)

I thank the Member for her question. Maybe the question is timely, as I am meeting representatives of Lurgan Junior High tomorrow.

Diane Dodds (DUP, Upper Bann)

I know the Minister is aware of the problems with the school estate on the Lurgan campus of the senior high school. Will the Minister confirm that the overwhelming majority of those who responded to the development proposal rejected the premise that it is now based on? Will she confirm what other proposals were considered?

Michelle McIlveen (DUP, Strangford)

I thank the Member for her question. Unfortunately, I am not in a position to confirm the number of responses or to say at this stage whether they were positive or negative about the DP because I have not received the information from my officials on it.

The latter part of the question was on the other options. The case for change for DP 574 sets out the four specific options that were considered, as well as an investigation of a number of suitable sites in the area. The first option was the proposed relocation of the Craigavon Senior High School campus to the Lurgan Junior High site, with a new build for 250 post-primary pupils. Option two, which was the preferred option, was Craigavon Senior High School operating on a single site on the Portadown campus. The third option was the extension of the Lurgan campus, following the relocation of the Southern Regional College in Lurgan. The fourth option was Lurgan Junior High operating as an 11-16 school, with the option to transfer to grammar provision at the age of 14.

Alex Maskey (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

I call Andrew Muir.

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

Thank you, Mr Speaker. My question has already been asked.

Patsy McGlone (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Mid Ulster)

4. Mr McGlone asked the Minister of Education for an update on all pay awards for the last three years. (AQO 2727/17-22)

Michelle McIlveen (DUP, Strangford)

Teachers in Northern Ireland received a 2% cost-of-living increase in 2018, 2019 and 2020. In addition, staff who were eligible for incremental progression will have progressed up the teachers’ pay scale at an estimated cost of 0·8% per year. The vast majority of non-teaching staff in Northern Ireland receive the National Joint Council (NJC) pay award each year. The headline NJC cost-of-living increase was 2% in both 2018 and 2019, although higher awards were made to staff on the lowest pay points. The NJC agreement for 2020 was 2·75%. Non-teaching staff eligible for incremental progression will also have progressed on their pay scale at an estimated cost of 0·5% per year. Both the teaching and non-teaching pay awards for 2021 have yet to be agreed.

Patsy McGlone (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Mid Ulster)

I thank the Minister for the detail, specifically regarding the role that teachers and ancillary support staff have played throughout. I have visited about eight schools over the last three to four weeks, and I see complete dedication shining through from classroom assistants to principals and other teaching staff.

Is it not within the realm of the Department to give those people what they require: a decent pay rise? I know that some have had a pay rise here and a pay rise there, but it should be something that is at least compatible with the cost of living and that recognises their worth and the dedication that they have put in while the schools were open and while they were not open. That dedication shone through when I visited those schools over the last three to four weeks.

Michelle McIlveen (DUP, Strangford)

I thank the Member for his question and his commentary on the dedication of teachers and support staff. I absolutely agree with every word that he said about that. As you know, I maybe visit that number of schools every week. I have made it a priority to get out to speak to teachers and classroom assistants. I see their dedication, and I appreciate it.

As you are aware, however, there are a number of factors that impact on and influence the pay awards of staff. The pay award for Northern Ireland teaching staff needs to follow the Northern Ireland pay policy guidance set out by the Executive. That takes into consideration the constrained Budget position in Northern Ireland and the pressures on public services. It also advises that pay awards need to be affordable in the context of a Department's budget allocation. The latest pay policy guidance notes that pay awards of up to 1% are allowable, subject to there being a commitment to reform and efficiency initiatives.

The vast majority of non-teaching staff are contractually entitled to the NJC pay award, which is agreed by the National Employers for local government services. Northern Ireland officials do not have any input to the negotiation process or the final settlement from that. That does not take away from the fact that those people have worked incredibly hard through very challenging times.

Pádraig Delargy (Sinn Féin, Foyle)

I have met with classroom assistants from across my constituency over the last number of weeks, Minister. There was consensus among them that there is real concern about their pay and working conditions. I know, from a lot of the classroom assistants whom I have worked with, that it is difficult to retain those brilliant, skilled people. Will you detail the provision that you are putting in place to retain classroom assistants in our schools?

Michelle McIlveen (DUP, Strangford)

I agree with the Member's sentiments about the work that they do. The assistance that they give is exceptional. They also have a longer-term impact on the children with whom they work very closely each day. That is to be commended. As I indicated, non-teaching staff are contractually entitled to the NJC pay award. My officials are not involved in those negotiations. There are ongoing negotiations about the final offer, which was made in July 2021. I would support a review of grading, if there were to be one, but that would be very much dependent on need and justification. The Northern Ireland Executive pay policy guidance would also need to be taken into consideration.