Northern Ireland Assembly, 1 June 2021

301 contributions from 63 members. The official report.

Assembly Business

Alex Maskey (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

Ms Claire Sugden has sought leave to present a public petition in accordance with Standing Order 22. The Member will have up to three minutes in which to speak

Claire Sugden (Independent, East Londonderry)

Eimear Gooderham was just 22 when she was diagnosed with Hodgkin's lymphoma, and, sadly, she passed away three years later after complications from a donor stem cell transplant. Despite battling blood cancer, it was Eimear's wish to raise awareness of stem cell donation. After Eimear's passing, in her memory, her family promised to continue raising awareness of stem cell donation and blood cancers and to campaign for better services for those suffering from life-threatening illnesses and particularly for age-appropriate care for teenagers and young adults.

When you are diagnosed with cancer as a young person, your needs are very different to those of younger children or older adults because your body may still be developing. That can affect the type of treatment you need and how your body responds to it. Cancer may also affect you emotionally and in your everyday life in education, starting work and relationships. Becoming independent from your family can be complicated for any young person, and it is even harder when you are facing cancer.

All ill teenagers and young people should receive high-quality care in appropriate settings. In order to ensure a high standard of treatment and care for young people with cancer in Northern Ireland, it is important that we recognise the unique needs of teenagers and young adults. Those needs should be met by delivering age-appropriate services for all 13- to 24-year-olds in line with current recommendations, by commissioning that encompasses a range of services from fertility preservation to the self-management of issues such as anxiety and fatigue and by the provision of specialist staff who can communicate effectively with young people. Elsewhere in the UK, specialist care delivered in age-appropriate settings, in line with National Institute for Health and Care Excellence (NICE) guidelines, has been transformational for young people with cancer.

On behalf of Eimear, her dad, Seán Smyth, her family and friends, and all patients and families living with a cancer diagnosis, I formally present the petition of 3,630 signatures.

It was Eimear's wish that we do better for children and young people who are being treated for life-threatening illnesses, and I sincerely hope that we can.

Alex Maskey (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

Thank you. Normally, I would invite the Member to bring her petition to the Table and present it. However, in light of social distancing, I ask the Member to remain in her place and make arrangements to submit the petition to my office electronically. I thank the Member for bringing the petition to the attention of the Assembly. Once the petition is received, I will forward it to the Minister of Health and send a copy to the Committee.

Alex Maskey (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

As with other similar motions, the motion on Committee membership will be treated as a business motion. Therefore, there will be no debate.

Resolved:

That Mr Andy Allen replace Mr John Stewart as a member of the Business Committee; and that Mr Mike Nesbitt replace Mr John Stewart as a member of the Committee for the Economy. — [Mr Butler.]

Ministerial Statement

Alex Maskey (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

I have received notice from the Minister of Education —.

Chris Lyttle (Alliance, Belfast East)

On a point of order, Mr Speaker. I respectfully ask whether it is in order that the Education Minister issued the report that we are about to discuss to select members of the media in advance of issuing it to any MLAs, particularly the Education Committee. Given that it is such a detailed report, our desire to engage with the upcoming ministerial statement in an informed way has been taken from us.

Alex Maskey (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

I thank the Member for raising the matter. I have raised that issue before with all Ministers over the last year plus. Thankfully, it has not been necessary to raise it too often, but it is very regrettable that we are in the position that this issue has been trailed in the media, particularly given that it is a sitting day, and the item is in the Order Paper. It is long-standing practice in the House that matters of that nature are dealt with in the Chamber before appearing in the media. I place on record with the Minister that it is unfortunate that, last night and today, this matter has appeared quite significantly in the media, particularly on an occasion when the item is in the Order Paper. It is right and fitting that Members have the first opportunity to address the matter.

That said, it is entirely at the discretion of a Minister how he or she publishes his or her statements, policies, initiatives and so on. It is long-standing practice, however, that that matter is dealt with in the Chamber, particularly when the item is in the Order Paper for that day.

I have received notice from the Minister of Education that he wishes to make a statement. Before I call the Minister, I remind Members that, in light of social distancing being observed by the parties, the Speaker's ruling that Members must be in the Chamber to hear a statement if they wish to ask a question has been relaxed. Members participating remotely must make sure that their name is on the speaking list if they wish to be called. Members present in the Chamber must do that by rising in their place, as well as by notifying the Business Office or the Speaker's Table directly. I remind Members to be concise in asking their questions. I also remind Members that, in accordance with long-established procedure, points of order are not normally taken during the statement or the question period afterwards.

Peter Weir (DUP, Strangford)

I wish to make a statement to the Assembly on today's publication of 'A Fair Start', which is the final report and action plan of the independent expert panel that I appointed less than a year ago to examine the links between persistent educational underachievement and socio-economic background. This is an important day, and this important report, which delivers on a New Decade, New Approach (NDNA) commitment, is one that I am personally proud to endorse. In the 'New Decade, New Approach' agreement text, there is a requirement that:

“The Executive will establish an expert group to examine and propose an action plan to address links between persistent educational underachievement and socio-economic background, including the long-standing issues facing working-class, Protestant boys.”

For a number of years, I have been personally committed to addressing educational underachievement, and Assembly Members will be aware of that. I am thrilled today to have this report in my hands, and I want to commit to the Assembly that this will not be another report simply to sit on the shelf, but, rather, action on its implementation will start today.

After nine months' work, the panel launched its report today from Dundonald High School, and I can think of no better location from which to have done that this morning. Serving the people of east Belfast and further afield for many years, the school has almost 600 pupils, 50% of whom are entitled to free school meals, with a similar proportion of children with special educational needs. Dundonald High School has made considerable progress over the last number of years under the leadership of Ken Perry and has benefited from the support provided by the Department of Education and the Education Authority as it continues to serve its community.

Today's report will be of interest and value to schools like Dundonald High School whose pupils and families continue to face many challenges educationally and economically. The expert panel's report is about investing in our children's future and providing them with the confidence, knowledge and skills that they need to progress in life. Alongside those important attributes are aspiration and opportunity. The two go hand in hand. Theodore Roosevelt once said:

"Believe you can and you're halfway there."

We must endeavour to instil that confidence in our children. As a society, we must encourage our children and young people and show them that there are opportunities for every child, from every family and from every background. We must all set a positive example for our young people to follow. Parents, families and communities all have a part to play in ensuring that our children seize every opportunity offered to them, because early investment in a child's life can reap significant rewards later in life.

The expert panel on educational underachievement conducted its work from September 2020 to May 2021 and, during that time, heard from a wide range of stakeholders, including educationalists, parents and families, children and young people, policymakers, political and business representatives, and the voluntary and community sector. A broad range of views was expressed on the significant and long-standing issues affecting many learners. The panel highlights the commitment, dedication and enthusiasm, inside and outside the education system, to enable all learners to give of their best and to reach their full potential.

During the oral evidence sessions, the panel met an astonishing total of 344 individuals across 24 days from September 2020 to February 2021. The engagement sessions included six regional sessions in Ballymena, Belfast, Cookstown, Londonderry, Enniskillen and Newry. Those sessions were conducted virtually due to the COVID-19 pandemic. There was almost universal agreement that addressing educational underachievement brought about as a consequence of socio-economic disadvantage is wider than education alone, and if, as a society, we are serious about wanting to see fundamental change for the benefit of our most disadvantaged, everyone in Northern Ireland must prioritise education and learning as a route out of poverty. That means placing equality of opportunity at the centre of everything that we do. In doing so, all learners will benefit and society as a whole will benefit.

'A Fair Start' has identified eight key areas and 47 actions for change. The key areas are redirecting the focus to early years; championing emotional health and well-being; ensuring the relevance and appropriateness of curriculum and assessment; promoting a whole-community approach to education; maximising boys' potential; driving forward teachers' professional learning; supporting the professional learning and well-being of school leadership; and, finally, ensuring interdepartmental collaboration and delivery.

The action plan proposes a wide range of actions to support children from birth and throughout their early years up to and including the time when they start school. It intentionally spans the next five years and beyond, because those are strategic issues that require long-term political commitment and financial support. I have already signalled my clear support and willingness to do all that I can at the Executive table to see this action plan fully realised. The action plan prioritises early years, and I believe that the 13 actions outlined are essential in enabling children to be ready to start school. There is significant research to support the need to refocus on early years, because, if we do not address children's needs early, many young children will start formal schooling at a major disadvantage, educationally and socially, to their peers.

The actions outlined will mean that parents and families will be more knowledgeable about their child's development and how to support it, and there will be a clear and seamless pathway available to all children from birth to four years of age. That will provide the vital basis for the foundation stage of the curriculum. The investment is significant, ranging from £6 million initially to almost £50 million per annum within five years.

The report also gives prominence to emotional health and well-being, an issue that has affected so many people over the past year and that has been exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic. It is to be welcomed that the panel has referenced the significant investment of £6.5 million pounds per annum that the Minister of Health and I have made in emotional health and well-being support, as is the proposal to build on my investment in nurture units, as a result of their continued success.

The panel refers to the Northern Ireland curriculum that has been in place since 2007. It acknowledges that the curriculum's design is broadly sound, but it suggests that teachers need ongoing support and training in order to understand its important principles and the assessment that underpins it. That is in keeping with previous Education and Training Inspectorate (ETI) reports. The panel has proposed a number of important actions to address that, including rationalising assessment from Key Stage 1 to Key Stage 3 and looking afresh at how English, maths and digital skills are assessed at Key Stage 4.

The panel calls for my Department to take forward its planned system evaluation framework, and I am happy to commit to that. As the panel acknowledges, the framework will illustrate, at system level, the range of ways in which schools support learners as they progress through their education, providing additional information such as the context of the school, the challenges that learners attending face and the value-added provided. That will tell a much broader story of success than attainment alone, which, too often, has focused solely on narrow measures of success.

I concur also with the panel's view of the central role played by parents and families in supporting their children's learning before, during and after the 14 years of formal education. Members may remember that, in my statement in July last year, I said that children up to the age of 18 spend approximately 13% of their waking hours at school, which means that 87% of their time is spent out of school, at home. Parents and families need help to provide that support, particularly parents whose confidence has been affected by their own education experience and whose ability to support their children's learning is hindered by their adverse circumstances. The panel has therefore recommended that my Department build on the highly effective extended schools programme in order to incentivise schools to work more collaboratively with the communities that they serve. In what is being termed a new reducing educational disadvantage (RED) programme, the emphasis will be on a new place-based approach to learning, where communities and schools work together as partners in education to enable our children and young people to excel on their educational journey. I am content to direct my officials to take that important work forward at pace.

As is required by its terms of reference, the panel has proposed specific interventions to support boys in their learning. As the report outlines:

"It is clear from the statistics both in school, Further Education and Higher Education that boys, especially those entitled to Free School Meals (FSME) from both sides of the community divide, are underachieving."

If we consider the recent unrest over the Northern Ireland protocol, together with the impact that 12 months of lockdown might have had on our young people, we can see how important positive role models are. That, together with the provision of appropriate support and opportunities, is so important, for young men in particular if they feel that their voice is not being heard, and the actions in the action plan reflect that. The panel has therefore proposed specific interventions to help support boys in their learning and to maximise their potential.

Teachers and other education professionals also need significant and ongoing support throughout their career, with clear pathways for them to follow, allowing them to excel at teaching and learning and to develop appropriate leadership skills if they aspire to become middle and senior managers capable of heading multifaceted teams. If the COVID-19 pandemic has taught us one thing, it is how challenging the skill of teaching can be, how valuable our teachers are and how much we need to cherish them for all that they do. That is why greater investment in the professional development of our school leaders and school teachers also forms part of the panel's report.

The panel highlights the importance of effective collaboration across the public sector, breaking down departmental silos and co-designing policies with a child-centred focus and from the perspective of the family as a whole. COVID-19 has presented the public sector and particularly the education sector with many significant challenges, but it has also shown what can be done when decisions have to be made quickly because there is a justified need. The public sector has risen to that challenge in a way in which many of us could not have expected, and it is important to build on that momentum. That rapid approach to problem-solving and the delivery of services through flexible working for staff to meet unprecedented challenges forms a template for how things should be done in the future.

I concur with the panel that the actions set out in the action plan are capable of making a significant, long-standing impact on children's learning now and for the foreseeable future. While the scale of the challenges is very significant, both in policy and financial terms, investment in education from early years onwards is vital to Northern Ireland's economic recovery in the long run.

I formally thank the panel chair, Noel Purdy, and members, Joyce Logue, Mary Montgomery, Kathleen O’Hare and Jackie Redpath, for the significant and detailed report, which reflects the many hours of interviews, oral evidence sessions and submissions that they received as part of their engagement process. That work was all carried out during a global pandemic. The combination of their teaching and research experience, their community and family partnerships and their skills and knowledge makes the report unique by ensuring that the actions are challenging, cross-cutting and pragmatic. It is my belief that every child in Northern Ireland, regardless of their community background, will benefit from the delivery of the action plan. It will provide a chance for them to realise their hopes and dreams for the future, which will be encouraged, nurtured and developed.

As I said last year, this is not an area that divides us; rather, it is one that should unite us, regardless of our political affiliation or constitutional preference. Educational underachievement is an area of policy that many have endeavoured to change over recent years, but, despite numerous policy interventions and significant financial investment, it has remained stubbornly entrenched. That is due, in part, to its link with disadvantage, which, in turn, is linked to poverty. For that reason, there is a clear significance to Minister Hargey's publication of the expert panel's anti-poverty report in March and the outworking of that report. No child should suffer the burden of circumstance in determining his or her outcomes.

The Northern Ireland Executive have considered and endorsed 'A Fair Start. Final Report and Action Plan', with the expectation that budget will be considered at the appropriate time. That will not be an easy task, as there will be many competing priorities, but, as Winston Churchill once said:

"I never worry about action, but only about inaction."

I hope that Members will join me in endorsing the report and in giving every child and young person in Northern Ireland a fresh start.

Chris Lyttle (Alliance, Belfast East)

I thank the panel for its work and the detailed action plan that it has composed. However, many of the key actions have been well known for over a decade, such as redirecting focus and investment in early education, including full-time preschool for all and having an early education and childcare strategy. Yet, the Minister has stopped the funding formula review. It took special school parents to prevent a reduction of special school nursery hours from full time, and, indeed, we are still waiting for the childcare strategy. The Minister mentioned a whole-school community approach to education, yet EastSide Learning has been campaigning for mainstream funding since 2014. As the panel says, there is a need to address the "systemic inequality" that is academic selection, yet the Minister continues to have his head in the sand on that issue as well. What responsibility does the Education Minister take for failing disadvantaged children by failing to take any of the key, well-known actions that have been set out in the report yet again during his time in office?

Peter Weir (DUP, Strangford)

It is good to see the spirit in which the Member approaches this. He seems to see light at the end of the tunnel and wants to build more tunnel.

I have taken a range of actions in the report. For example, the importance of nurture has been mentioned. We have seen that 15 new nurture units have been established, in what are still tight economic times. If I had had the budget to do more, I would have done more.

As regards dealing with special educational needs, this year will mark the implementation of the SEN regulations with the commitment of an additional £22 million to be put in place for that. Similarly, with regard to childcare, I have indicated and, indeed, the report projects that there will be a move towards a full-time four and a half hours for every pupil. I have indicated that we are working on the initial trials of that and will then require additional support from the Executive, because, as the report indicates, that will run at, at least, an additional £25 million per year. I will support that so that every child has the same level of opportunity.

This should not be about me. Frankly, it should not be about the Member either or any of us. This is about delivering for young people. The report provides a road map. I commissioned that report. I am delighted to see that not only come to fruition but to do so in such a manner that the whole Executive can endorse it unanimously, without disagreement. Therefore, it is, perhaps, a bit of a pity that others have sought to pick holes in it.

Robin Newton (DUP, Belfast East)

I thank the Minister for the report and thank the panel members for their speedy response to that in difficult circumstances. As the Minister said, it has been a long-standing issue. In fact, it has been a blight on society. I also thank the Minister for launching the report in Dundonald High School. He outlined the status of the school in his remarks.

Specifically, delivery of the report was an NDNA commitment and will, indeed, require a financial package. Can the Minister confirm that the Executive will support the initiative by providing that financial package, particularly to take forward the action plan?

Peter Weir (DUP, Strangford)

The Executive have certainly supported it in principle, as indicated, subject to available resources. Given the timescales of this as we move ahead, it is not even simply about the Executive's providing that between now and the next election: it is about a longer-term commitment from future Executives. We will have others from different parties in different positions in years to come.

It is important to realise that, while there is a heavy financial tag that comes with it, there is also a major cost to not having that level of investment. We see in the report that, by five years' time, the commitment would be around £70 million each year, which is quite a substantial sum. However, if you take a look, for example, at the Early Intervention Foundation (EIF) report in 2018, you see that it identified that, each year, over £500 million is spent on late interventions in people's lives. Therefore, we need to look at some of the aspects of early interventions, which, from a financial point of view, are probably, by far and away, the heaviest commitments, and to decide whether we, as a society and Executive as a whole, can fail to put those in.

I should also caution Members that there are 47 recommendations. Many of them come at little direct financial cost. It is not simply a question of ranking those from the most expensive down to the least expensive as being the most important to the least important. There are highly important things in this that the Department of Education can get on with and others that require cross-departmental and Executive buy-in. It is critical as we move ahead, even in the next mandate, that the Executive provide that level of commitment to the full implementation of the report.

Pat Sheehan (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

Gabhaim buíochas leis an Aire as a ráiteas ar maidin. I thank the Minister for his statement. It is right that any policy development should be guided by the evidence. The document clearly lays out the importance of getting the early years right. However, the common funding formula directs a much greater level of resource to post-primary students than it does to those of a younger age, when the evidence suggests that directing resources to primary and early years would have much greater impact.

Is it not time now for you or whoever the Minister will be to ensure that the common funding formula is looked at seriously with a view to redirecting resources to our primary sector and early years?

Peter Weir (DUP, Strangford)

I take on board what the Member has said. There has been serious examination of the common funding formula. The conclusion that was reached was that large-scale change to the common funding formula will work only if there is a considerable level of additional resources. If we simply say to post-primary schools, "We are going to cut your budgets to make sure that there is additional money available to other sectors", there will be a situation where we simply rob one school to pay another school.

It is also the case that the bulk of the costs connected with early years interventions are not common funding formula issues; they are essentially funding issues before the child goes through the front doors of a school at all. It will require significant investment. We will always need to ensure that the common funding formula is kept under review to try to make sure that it is as fair as possible and is directed correctly, so the Member makes a valid point in relation to that. However, I am loath to see a situation where this is carving out of one school simply to give to another. We need to actually have that additional investment in education.

Alex Maskey (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

Can we bring Daniel McCrossan on screen, please?

Daniel McCrossan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, West Tyrone)

Thank you, Mr Speaker. I cannot get my camera to work for whatever reason, but I will proceed.

I thank the Minister for the statement today. It is much welcome, and I put on record my firm appreciation to the members of the panel for this excellent and focused report. I am delighted that the Minister is endorsing the report in its totality, not least because it is a ringing endorsement of the SDLP programme for tackling underachievement that we published in October 2020 — so you will not go wrong, Minister.

The SDLP submission concluded by pointing out that putting more resources into education was not a cost; rather, it was an investment. The implementation of the report requires an average of £36 million per year for five years, which totals £180 million. Have you obtained the Finance Minister's commitment to such additional expenditure, in particular, in keeping with the understanding that early intervention is the most effective, including cost-effective? Will you deliver in full all 13 of the actions that form the focus of the early years recommendations?

Peter Weir (DUP, Strangford)

It is of assurance to me that the SDLP and I are at one on these issues, and I thank the Member for his unflinching support over the last period of time.

[Laughter.]

To be fair to the Member, when his screen came up as "DM", I thought that he was about to put the boot in, but, for once, that was not the case.

[Laughter.]

It is undoubtedly the case that a heavy financial commitment is required. The Member mentioned £180 million. As he is aware, the £180 million is cumulative, so, in about five years' time, roughly speaking, we would need to spend £70 million more. The Executive are committed to that in principle, and, where appropriate and where we are in a position to give resources, we will give resources. Ultimately, that will depend on the level of resources that are available. Certainly I and, I suspect, whatever happens, my successors in title will bid for that money, because it is vital that we have that level of investment in our future.

Robbie Butler (UUP, Lagan Valley)

I thank the Minister for giving us the report today, albeit that it was a bit late. We would have appreciated getting sight of it. I also thank the expert panel for the report and the timely manner in which the panel produced it, but, as the Minister said, there are reports that predate the SDLP's report. One was by Peter Martin in 2016. That brings me to what I believe to be the biggest pressure on us today. It is not the financial pressures; it is the stability of government. At the moment, we are not enjoying the most stable of times, and there may be moves afoot with the Minister's party. Minister, how important do you believe stable government is to the full implementation of the report and its success?

Peter Weir (DUP, Strangford)

I assure the Member that I will not be walking out of government — at least, not willingly. We shall wait to see what happens. There is an opportunity for us collectively to help shape the destiny of our young people. If we have political instability and a situation in which, across the board, the Assembly is not able to function, that creates a level of detriment.

I would join the Member in seeing that that level of focus is maintained. Understandably, the focus and the headlines will be on cost. Probably two of the recommendations account for half the cost. It is important to say that a lot of the 47 recommendations are not particularly cash-driven, so it is about the willingness to take action.

While it is important that the report has emerged today, in this mandate, while I have been Minister, I do not doubt the efforts of previous officials in the Department of Education and previous Ministers to deliver on tackling educational underachievement. Even if we take different views across the Chamber on how that can be achieved, I would like to think that there is universality in a desire among Members to tackle educational underachievement. Therefore, I hope that that same spirit will focus our attentions as we move ahead over the next five years.

Maurice Bradley (DUP, East Londonderry)

I thank the Minister for his statement on the important issue that is educational underachievement. There have been several reports on educational disadvantage. Will you confirm your commitment that this will be actioned by you personally? How can you evidence that commitment?

Peter Weir (DUP, Strangford)

I will do all in my power. I do not know what the future holds for any of us on the personal side.

I have a strong personal commitment to this. It is maybe worthwhile to put it on record — I mentioned this at the earlier event — that, while a lot of people have been praised, I want to mention one person who is no longer with us. Around 10 years ago, I and my now spad were first introduced to and first really got involved in the issue of educational underachievement by our old primary school headmaster Derek Cummings. Derek had a passion for dealing with educational underachievement, particularly where it hit those who were socially disadvantaged. Through his efforts, he got me, Peter Martin and a range of others involved with that. Sadly, Derek passed away last month, and I pay tribute to him. The spirit of what he sought is echoed in the spirit of the report.

Undoubtedly, a lot of really good reports have been done. Cognisant of that, the approach that the panel took was not to produce simply a list of recommendations or a vague wish list of things that we think should happen. Instead, there are 47 action points, detailed by evidence, with it being clear in each case who has the responsibility for delivering them. That is a step change. Ultimately, that will be met if those who have responsibility for those actions help to implement them. However, I think that it has given us the best possible road map towards ensuring that we can make a significant difference to educational underachievement in this country.

Nicola Brogan (Sinn Féin, West Tyrone)

I thank the Minister for his statement. This is an ambitious plan, and we need to see that ambition if we are to address the long tail of educational underachievement in the North. In order to make sure that the plan is implemented properly, we need a robust monitoring and accountability mechanism. That is even more important, given the collaborative approach outlined in the plan. I know that we have the Children's Services Co-operation Act, but it has not reached its potential. Will the Minister outline how cooperation will be maximised, how the plan will be monitored and how key players will be held to account?

Peter Weir (DUP, Strangford)

You are right in that a number of aspects of the report are not simply Department of Education-related but relate to other Departments. You are right in trying make sure that the Children's Services Co-operation Act, in particular, is not simply at the very top but starts to permeate down through the system. We have, to be fair, had some improvement, albeit we are moving from a very poor position. If we look, for instance, at statementing, we can see that pretty much every child is now getting statemented within the 26 weeks. Previously, that had been a very long tail.

It is important that the report is not something that the Department of Education simply tries to put in place, seeks the money for and occasionally talks to others about. It is critical that we have that cross-cutting cooperation. Specifically, I am happy to endorse the panel's key action point 8 in the report, which deals with that. The panel says that the First Minister and the deputy First Minister should have, effectively, a monitoring role. It is important to note that, if we draw on an obvious education analogy, while the work will largely be done by DE, it will not be left to mark its own homework. That provides a certain level of oversight and independent analysis that means that, irrespective of which party is running the Department, the work can be monitored. That is important. It also buys in a much greater sense of collective ownership by the Executive. It is obvious that every Department will always seek more resources for the very worthy things that it intends to do, but that helps to bind in the Executive as a whole to delivering the actions because they are very cross-cutting.

William Humphrey (DUP, Belfast North)

I thank the Minister for his statement. He has, indeed, been committed to the issue for some time, and he and I have had many conversations about it. I join colleagues in commending the panel led by Dr Purdy. I also pay tribute to the folk from my part of the world who were involved — Mary Montgomery, the principal of Belfast Boy's Model School; Jackie Redpath; and Kathleen O'Hare, the former principal of Hazelwood Integrated College — all of whom understand the issues that face our young people across society.

Free school meals indicate that there are huge problems for Protestant working-class boys. Will the Minister assure us that the report will deal with that? Will he further assure us that the report will be endorsed through resources and support across the Cabinet table from other Departments in the Northern Ireland Executive? Early intervention is cheaper and more effective.

Peter Weir (DUP, Strangford)

I completely agree with the Member. I thank all the panel members. As the Member will be aware, there is, if I may use the phrase, a considerable north Belfast influence in the report, given the membership of the panel, and that is right. The Executive have endorsed the report in principle, and we will look to see what resources are there. A small amount of money was set aside in this year's Budget, which was difficult to do because we did not know what the ask would be when the Budget was being set. It will require additional support from the Executive.

A lot of this is focused on early intervention, and, as the Member indicated, we are in a situation in which there is late intervention, which costs an awful lot more. There is an economic rationale but also a rationale based on the impact on individuals. Specifically as regards boys in deprived areas, a whole section of the report is about maximising boys' potential. Within that, one of the action points is about using the children zone model, which has been quite successful in the Shankill area, in order to focus on a pilot programme in the most disadvantaged Protestant working-class areas. A range of recommendations are gender-specific because we all know that there is a large gap between boys and girls.

One of the other key strands that have come out of the learning and that, I suspect, draws on the children zone model has been the recommendations on the development of the partnership between schools, families and communities. As the Member will know, years of interventions came from on high, particularly in the Shankill area, to try to tackle those issues. While they were all very well-meaning, a lot of them did not particularly work. It has only been when there has been a partnership from the grassroots up, supported by government, that we have started to see change.

It is also the case that, even with full implementation, all of us will need to have a level of patience. When we look at something like early intervention, that might mean that the fruit may be borne 10, 15 or 20 years down the line because it is about the impact on individuals. However, that is no reason for us not to do it; indeed, there is every reason for us to incentivise doing it as quickly as possible.

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

I have not had an opportunity to study the report in detail, but, contrary to what Mr Humphrey says, the report identifies that there are problems for working-class boys who are in receipt of free school meals regardless of their religious background. That needs to be the Department's focus. It is working-class young people who are being disadvantaged by the system we have in place.

Minister, there is very little in your speech that I could disagree with. In fact, I said much of it in my time as Minister of Education. I did not often quote Winston Churchill, but I emphasised that a village is required to raise a child and that it requires a community to educate a child. Minister, how will you work with your Executive colleagues to ensure that the Executive, as mentioned in some of your previous answers, take on the mantle of ensuring that our education system works for all its young people?

Peter Weir (DUP, Strangford)

I thank the Member. Across the Chamber, whether I am quoting Winston Churchill or you are quoting Hillary Clinton, I believe, we all should share the same objectives. In working with colleagues, I brought the paper directly to the Executive. It is an NDNA commitment, which takes it beyond what happens in DE. We will work to start developing each of the 47 points. Some will be much longer term — things that, even if every piece of work were getting done now, they could not be realised for a few years — and other things can move a lot more quickly. As I indicated, we will keep everybody informed. One element of the report is that oversight goes outside DE to the Executive as a whole, particularly to TEO. From that point of view, we will be held to account on delivery by public opinion and directly by the Executive. A number of aspects of the report are cross-cutting, and is important that we get that level of cooperation, not only financially but in delivery. I am not in any particular disagreement with the Member opposite.

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

I thank the Minister for his statement, and I warmly welcome the thrust of that statement. I thank the members of the panel for their efforts in preparing the report. I share the Minister's desire that his report must not become another report that sits on a shelf. On the basis of my colleague's earlier questions, I want to probe further, Minister, the discussions that you have had with the Finance Minister on funding the proposals. Given the well-documented pressures on school budgets, this cannot be funded by year-end or monitoring round moneys.

Secondly, the Minister will be familiar with the pressure on preschool nursery places. Does he see preschool being mandatory as an outcome of these proposals? Given the huge pressures on nursery places, does he see this report meaning that there will be more places? How many more places will be provided as an outcome of the proposals in this report?

Peter Weir (DUP, Strangford)

I take on board what the Member has said. Re finance, the Executive endorsed the report in principle and indicated that they would support it as resources become available. In a wider context, there is talk of moving towards multi-annual budgets in the autumn. I am sure that the Finance Minister will be keen to say that one of the restrictions is that we know the budget for only this financial year, and, of course, the report comes part of the way through the year. With that in mind, some money has been set aside this year in the DE budget. The Member is right to say that, if this is to be supported, it cannot be carved out of existing budgets. There may be the odd tweak here and there, but, generally speaking, this requires additional money, so there will have to be ongoing discussions that go beyond what is happening now and well into the next mandate.

The statistics suggest that there may not be an absolute match between where preschool places are and where the demand is, but, broadly speaking, the overall allocation of places meets the demand. It is not a question of there needing to be additional places per se. The problem with preschool places is that we have a concoction of, roughly speaking, 37% or 38% of those places being what might be described as full time, four and a half hours, and the remainder being two and a half hours. As part of the broader childcare strategy offer, the aim is to try to move that up to a scenario in which everybody gets a package of four and a half hours. Therefore, it is not about creating massive numbers of additional spaces but about creating those on the basis of the amount of time that can be provided. However, that in itself will create pressures on not only resources but capital. For instance, in a number of preschool settings, there is a morning sitting for one group and an afternoon sitting for another. If we say that that needs to change so that everybody can be full-time, it will create additional pressures. Some of those will be capital pressures, and some will require additional staffing in the overall preschool setting. If you are moving to a bigger offer, you clearly must have more staff to deal with it.

Those factors are part of the challenge. The report identifies that we should move to that position. That entitlement will probably require legislation. In other jurisdictions with full-time provision, that has been underpinned by legislation. That is a considerable journey to undertake. Moving towards that childcare setting is probably the biggest financial aspect of the report. The panel looked at the issue, principally from the point of view of children, but, for families and society as a whole, it would be advantageous.

Rosemary Barton (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

I thank the Minister for his statement and the panel for preparing the report.

Minister, your statement refers to the "central role of parents" in supporting their families and children in education. Some parents may have had a bad experience at school. How do you go about bringing such parents along with you and encouraging them to support their young children?

Peter Weir (DUP, Strangford)

The Member makes a good point, which is twofold. A range of early targeted interventions is being considered. Look at what Sure Start and other organisations do, for example, with health visitors in trying to ensure that that is embedded in the family.

One aspect of the report deals with promoting a "whole-community approach to education". The Member is right: children are disadvantaged in their verbal skills when their parents do not read to them before they reach school age. As the Member said, that is often because parents are embarrassed that they do not have those skills and that they had a bad experience at school.

There are good models that involve parents through soft interventions that draw them into that role. I recently met the north Belfast primary principals' group at Mercy Primary School, where a number of parents were present. That school has produced prominent past pupils. I will try to describe that in a cross-party way. On the walls, there were pictures of Mary McAleese, Nuala McAllister, a former Lord Mayor of Belfast, and Nichola Mallon of the SDLP. Despite all that, I was keen to visit to the school. Mercy Primary School has a strong and successful record of engaging parents. The report highlights the fact that a lot of good things are happening in the school system, and it is in part about ensuring that best practice be put in place.

With parents, as with other aspects, if a single action could provide a solution to all these problems, it would have been taken years ago. It is about the overall cocktail. The Member, however, is absolutely right: parents have a central role and they cannot simply be bit players. We cannot talk about schools and children and forget about parents and the wider community. Unless all those aspects are brought together, this will not work.

Harry Harvey (DUP, Strangford)

I thank the Minister for his statement. If the report and action plan are to be implemented successfully, what areas of cooperation with other Departments will be needed?

Peter Weir (DUP, Strangford)

I thank the Member for his question. There are a number of aspects to that. It has been mentioned that there must be a commitment from the whole Executive for the finance. That is critical. The overall ownership of the report by the Executive will be enhanced by the monitoring arrangements that have been mentioned.

The other 46 actions have cross-cutting elements. For example, if you look at the 13 early years proposals in key area 1, you will see that a number of them fall either to the Department of Health or to the Department of Health in cooperation with the Department of Education, such as health visitors and making sure that, while respecting data protection, there is a flow of knowledge, information and cooperation. That is particularly critical for early intervention and for support for emotional health and well-being.

My colleague Diane Dodds and I, and others in the Department, have also been working on other aspects of the report. It is important that there be a much more joined-up approach as we look to the other end of the spectrum of schooling, which is the 14-19 strategy. It is important that we have clear career paths. Too often perhaps, those sectors, be they schools or FE colleagues, have had a bit of a silo mentality. We therefore need to take a much more holistic approach.

If work on the report ends up simply with DE going out to bat for a range of action points, yes, some of them can be achieved on their own, but it will be most successful only where there is full cooperation, not just around the ministerial table but in delivery on the ground between Departments.

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

I thank the Minister for his statement. This is yet another report that criticises academic selection and transfer tests. Although it refrains from making a determination on academic selection, in order to allow the independent review panel to deal with it, it makes important points about the mental health impact of transfer tests and the fact that they skew teaching at Key Stage 2. We need to be evidence-led when it comes to policy. If the independent review recommends ending transfer tests and academic selection, will the Minister act in accordance with that recommendation?

Peter Weir (DUP, Strangford)

I have made it clear that I fully accept the report. There are widespread differences of opinion on academic selection. I will not be moving to remove academic selection, because doing so would enhance differences rather than make them smaller. I can be accused of this as much as Members opposite, but there is a bit of a danger that the issue of the transfer test and academic selection is a little bit of a hobby horse that we all ride, and I am sure that I have done as much jockeying as some Members opposite.

It is important for the report's action points to be followed through on. A particular concern that I have always had is that some of the discussion about transfer at 11, which will form part of the wider independent review when it establishes itself, will become the focus of everybody's attention. That is the danger. The strongest interventions that we can make on inequality, however, are before the child walks through the door of the school. We should not lose focus on that.

Paula Bradshaw (Alliance, Belfast South)

I thank the Minister for his statement and the panel for its report. Before I entered politics full-time, I worked on the Donegall Road. We had a project called TREE, which was effectively an alternative education provider. When we received applications, I would say to Graham, the manager, "What is their backstory?". The applicants were all male, and every one of them who came before us had a father who was in prison, a mother who was alcoholic etc. I am not apportioning blame to the parents as such, but the children had so many hurdles to get over before they could get to their classroom desk and fully concentrate on their studies. We have some amazing schools in south Belfast, but some are very much under pressure. I pick out Breda Academy, which has had falling roll numbers, as an example. It is the only non-selective, non-denominational school in south Belfast, and the head teacher, Mr Perry, is doing an amazing job, but it is not properly funded to equip the young people who are coming forward.

What is there in the report about more systemic changes in the education system to better support those schools for children who do not go through the transfer tests?

Peter Weir (DUP, Strangford)

First, schools in south Belfast do a tremendous job. In schools across Northern Ireland, there is a high level of dedication.

The report does not pretend that it can cure everything. The Member rightly mentioned the hurdles in young people's lives. This is about trying to find a pathway on which we can at least reduce the number of hurdles or the height of them. It would be strongly aspirational to say that we can get an entirely level playing field for everybody in society.

On additional levels of support, the report looks at, for example, tailored support through a new proposal to reduce educational disadvantage, which builds on extended schools. That will look at the links between the school, parents and the community and try to provide holistic solutions. I am sure that the Member will agree — I know that, in her previous work, she made a strong difference in this area — that it is not simply about support in schools, as schools do the best that they can, and that support in the home and the community as a whole will be critical as well. That points towards systemic change. As I have said before, if a single silver bullet could cure the problem, somebody would have been fired it before. It is actually about a cocktail of measures, which is why there are 47 action points in the plan. No single action point will be the solution; it is the combination of those points that will be important.

Colin McGrath (Social Democratic and Labour Party, South Down)

Minister, in your statement, you said:

"addressing educational underachievement brought about as a consequence of socio-economic disadvantage is wider than education alone",

and that children

"spend approximately 13% of their waking hours at school".

What role can the Youth Service play in closing the attainment gap? Did the group consider the role that the Youth Service can play and, possibly, an enhanced future role for that service?

Peter Weir (DUP, Strangford)

The Youth Service has an important role to play. I know from having visited the Youth Service — and I can understand this — that it feels that, when people talk about education, they immediately think of schools and not about the Youth Service. I know the tremendous work that the Youth Service is doing on the ground throughout Northern Ireland. The youth services provided directly by the EA and also those provided by voluntary youth organisations are important. Uniformed organisations, for example, make a critical contribution in providing good pathways for our young people.

I indicated that I am happy to endorse everything in the report. It is an independent report. I did not try to interfere with any of the recommendations or steer the panel in any direction. The Member will forgive me: as I was not present at the internal discussions about the weight given to the Youth Service, for instance, I cannot answer that question directly. However, there is awareness across the system. The Youth Service has a critical role this summer and beyond as we try to aid the recovery of our young people as they come out of the COVID pandemic.

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

I, too, welcome the report and congratulate Dr Purdy, Jackie Redpath and the rest of the team. Some reports are revelatory, others are confirmatory. I believe that this one falls into the latter category. I am interested in:

"Key Area 3 — Ensuring the relevance and appropriateness of Curriculum and Assessment".

The panel says:

"There is a lack of parity of esteem (and understanding) between academic and vocational pathways ... A cultural change is needed in NI which recognises the benefits of both academic and vocational pathways."

If the Minister agrees with those statements, as I do, why has that not happened yet?

Peter Weir (DUP, Strangford)

I do agree with those proposals. Considerable work, looking at how qualifications and career paths operate for 14 to 19, is at an advanced stage. Minister Hamilton and I commenced that work towards the end of a previous Administration. A considerable amount of work on that has been ongoing between the Departments. That work became a victim of the COVID situation for a while. We are now fairly close to a final report. There have been presentations to Minister Dodds and me. There is still a little bit of fine-tuning to be done, but that report will emerge very soon.

The Member is right: it is important that we reach a point where a vocational route is not seen as a second-class path compared to an academic route. From the point of view of life opportunities, some of those going down a vocational path will have a much more worthwhile job experience than some who go down a strong academic path. I agree with the Member. That will be for both Departments. The Department for the Economy is leading on the 14-19 education and training strategy, and I anticipate a report on that emerging very soon.

Alex Maskey (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

Before I call the next Member to speak, I say that a further six Members wish to comment or to ask a question. I ask the next Members who are called to speak to go more directly to their questions. I also ask the Minister to try to moderate some of his responses.

Rachel Woods (Green, North Down)

Thank you, Mr Speaker. I, too, welcome the report and thank those who put so much work into producing it. The onus is now on the Executive to ensure that it is fully funded and implemented.

The Minister will be aware of the recent NI Audit Office report, which stated that the Department of Education is:

"unable to demonstrate the effectiveness of its two main funding interventions, accounting for almost £102 million ... that is provided to address the educational attainment of pupils from socially disadvantaged backgrounds."

Will the Minister explain why his Department has failed to introduce adequate arrangements to assess the effectiveness of those interventions and whether they are contributing to the achievement of outcomes?

Peter Weir (DUP, Strangford)

The report indicates that there needs to be a greater level of monitoring of that, and we accept that. Monitoring is important, but a level of flexibility also has to be given to schools to allow them to decide how they can best make interventions on the ground. It is about trying to strike that balance.

I appreciate that there has been limited time to read the report, but there are specific action points in it on TSN funding. Those deal with better monitoring arrangements. That will have to be done at a more generic level so that it can be done through the ETI, for instance.

While there is perhaps a need for interventions to be better targeted, there is no doubt that they have made a difference. They have been made through policies of successive Administrations and have delivered for many of our young people.

Jim Allister (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

I want to return to the theme of the questions asked by Mrs Barton and Ms Bradshaw. It seems pretty clear that a fundamental issue is the disconnect between parents and the education of their children. There is a lack of encouragement at many times in that regard. The Minister referred to the existing extended-schools programme and then told us that we will move to something that is short-handedly called "the RED programme". What is new about the RED programme that will address that fundamental issue?

Like others, I express the concern that there is no settled funding programme. Are we in danger of start-stop funding that depends on monitoring rounds and all the instability that comes with those? Is that really the way to go?

Finally, if this should prove to be the last statement by the Minister, as Minister of Education, in the House, I wish him well.

Peter Weir (DUP, Strangford)

I am sure that the Member's wishes will be greatly on the mind of those who will make the decisions about my position in the next few days.

I certainly acknowledge that parents are at the heart of it. The extended-schools programme gives schools a level of flexibility to spend money and a lot of very good programmes have been put in place. As indicated in the report, the proposed RED programme is about trying to provide holistic solutions that will be monitored to see the direct linkages between schools, parents and communities. Earlier, I gave the example of the Shankill and the children's zone model there that is starting to produce dividends. It puts the community and parents very much at the heart of what is delivered. That is referenced in the report as a good working example that should be built on.

On the broader matter of funding, I indicated that a small amount has been set aside in this year's budget. We have a particular problem in that the Department's budget was set before the report was delivered, even at an interim level, which made it difficult to allocate money directly. Over the forthcoming years, we will need to see a mainstreaming of budget. In the short term, there may well be a situation in which we will need to rely on monitoring rounds in 2021-22, but we need to see the funding for this mainstreamed by the Executive across the board. To be fair, given the fact that the Executive, because of the current settlement with Westminster —. Because of COVID, the intention had been that Westminster would have comprehensive spending reviews across the board to give certainty over a period of years. Nobody has a clue what the Budget for 2022-23 is for any Department or for Stormont as a whole, so it becomes very difficult to give a firm commitment on what will happen in 2022-23, because that is at least a level of constraint.

I agree with the Member that, in the long term, we cannot be in a situation where we are trying to pluck down whatever funding becomes available; it has to be something that is mainstream.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

I thank the Minister and the panel for their work. The Minister mentioned socio-economic disadvantage and poverty almost in passing. There is no doubt that it is the main determinant in education, as it is in life, and the main cause of underachievement. Does the Minister agree that, unless the Executive set out and implement a policy to eradicate poverty, we will be coming back to the issue of educational underachievement year after year?

Peter Weir (DUP, Strangford)

As I have indicated, and as the report makes very clear, there is a very clear linkage between socio-economic deprivation and educational underachievement. That is undoubtedly the case. That is why, as I indicated in my statement, there is key work to be done on the action points in the report, which will require key commitments from the Executive, but if there are wider issues on poverty to be tackled, they have to be tackled by the Executive as a whole. I am loath to entirely tick the box for the Member, but I am as close as I have been at any stage over the last year to agreeing with him.

[Laughter.]

That may mean that —.

Gerry Carroll (People Before Profit Alliance, Belfast West)

You are on your way out.

Peter Weir (DUP, Strangford)

Well, yes. The Member's graciousness, as always, is greatly reciprocated.

The fact that the Member and I are taking the same position may well have people, particularly those of strong religious views, flicking through Revelations to see if it is a portent of the end of the world. Just occasionally, there is overlap between the Member's position and mine, but I suspect that neither of us should put that on our election literature as it would not do either of us any favours.

Claire Sugden (Independent, East Londonderry)

I thank the Minister for the report. It is a good report, but it needs to sit in a wider context. I am looking forward to the next mandate rather than to your successor to see what a Programme for Government will look like and how the report will sit within it. The Minister is entirely right: this is not just up to his Department and will require cross-departmental work, not least at the other end in further and higher education, but also with the Department of Health on mental health and resilience. The Minister talked about health and well-being, but I would like to see more specifics on mental health and resilience, because schools and the education system have a real opportunity to address that.

The £50 million per year for early years is quite significant. Early years provision is typically provided by community and voluntary groups. How does the Minister envisage early years being delivered given that investment?

Peter Weir (DUP, Strangford)

Do not forget that we are talking about reaching a point by the end of year 5 or year 6 where there will be £50 million of additional funding. At least half of that will be on the basis of the increased hours of preschool education. It is about a cocktail of measures and a range of other investments.

The Member is right: it is not simply about what happens between now and the end of the mandate. The Department will work to implement anything that can be swiftly implemented and will get the ball rolling on a range of things, but what will be critical is the level of commitment by the next Executive, where it sits in the Programme for Government and the level of priority it is given in funding.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

I welcome much of what is in the report and commend the Minister for commissioning it and bringing it to us today. In his statement, he said that he endorsed the contents of the report, but I am going to bring him back to the subject of selection. On page 20, the panel recognises that academic selection and the transfer test were not part of their terms of reference and talks about transfer testing as being "socially divisive" and warn of the social imbalance it creates, referring to the OECD report from 2012. It also says:

"As a panel, we feel that addressing this systemic inequality should be a priority going forward and we welcome the explicit inclusion of a review of transfer arrangements in the Terms of Reference of the ... Independent Review of Education."

Minister, do you endorse that statement?

Peter Weir (DUP, Strangford)

I do not agree with the position on academic selection: it would be a surprise if I did.

There are 47 action points arising from the report, and I am happy to endorse all 47 and work towards their implementation. The one thing that we can say with absolute certainty is that there will be a range of opinions on academic selection. That predates not simply any of us but the living existence of virtually everyone in the Chamber, and it is likely to do so for some time. The removal of academic selection would entrench divisions, increase the difficulties of people from a socially deprived background to have the same choices and opportunities and, as such, be a retrograde step. However, I appreciate that there are plenty in the Chamber and beyond who take a contrary view.

Roy Beggs (UUP, East Antrim)

I declare an interest as a committee member of Horizon Sure Start and a governor of Roddensvale School. As others have done, I welcome the report and its recognition of the importance of early years education and aspirations. However, many disadvantaged areas coincide with weak community infrastructure and high levels of absenteeism from school. What role does the Minister see for other Departments in increasing the educational aspirations of young people, their parents and the wider community so that more of our young people reach their potential?

Peter Weir (DUP, Strangford)

The Member has made a valid point. I have talked about some of the cross-departmental work that will be needed in communities. A lot of that work, particularly in early years, falls to the Department of Health. There are also critical roles for Economy and Health in vocational education. It is also about working with the community. That is why the proposals in key area four of the report look at whole-community solutions. It will not be enough to simply try to find what will work in schools. Even in areas of weak community infrastructure, there has been a hunger to see something better for the next generation. Where that has worked out in practice is where there has been community buy-in and buy-in from families and, indeed, all those on the ground. It will not work if it is left as something that has to be applied from the top down from the Department of Education.

Pat Catney (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Lagan Valley)

I thank the Minister and welcome his report. When the Minister took up his ministerial post, he visited St John the Baptist Primary School in the Speaker's constituency and saw the dedication of its teachers. He has seen a lot more schools than I have, but, every time I go out, I marvel at the dedication and commitment of the teachers and at the fact they find themselves putting their hands in their own pockets to help stimulate those bright little minds. I welcome what the Minister said about the anti-poverty strategy that has been brought forward by the Communities Minister, Minister Hargey. Does the Minister agree that teachers go beyond the call of duty to see that facilities are given to the school when the moneys are not available for them?

Peter Weir (DUP, Strangford)

I am happy to endorse the good work that happens. I acknowledge the professionalism of those people in doing their jobs, but there are also many people in the system who go well beyond their hours of work. My staff do not get many compliments, but, perhaps, it is also appropriate to say that some of them work well beyond the times that they are supposed to work. Those involved in education, particularly in schools and the Youth Service, do not see it simply as a job; they see it as a vocation and a calling. Many of them deliver what is there.

Sometimes, there is a tendency in the system — be it in education or other areas — to keep to ourselves the good ideas that we see being delivered and that are successful and make a difference. It is crucial that we do not do that. As we move ahead in education, one of the key aspects is to look at where there is best practice, try to share that best practice and show what models work in different circumstances, albeit with the truth that one size will not fit all. What works in the middle of Belfast may not work the same in rural Tyrone, for instance. It is about that shared learning. The joy of professionals sharing their experience can be very valuable.

Alex Maskey (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

That concludes questions on the statement. I ask Member to please take their ease for a moment or two while we move to the next item.

Executive Committee Business

Conor Murphy (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

I beg to introduce the Financial Reporting (Departments and Public Bodies) Bill [NIA 21/17-22], which is a Bill to amend the law relating to the preparation of estimates and accounts of Departments and certain non-departmental public bodies; and for connected purposes.

Bill passed First Stage and ordered to be printed.

Alex Maskey (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

Members can take their ease again for one moment.

Diane Dodds (DUP, Upper Bann)

I beg to introduce the Parental Bereavement (Leave and Pay) Bill [NIA 22/17-22], which is a Bill to make provision about leave and pay for employees whose children have died.

Bill passed First Stage and ordered to be printed.

Alex Maskey (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

Members can take their ease for a moment or two.

Declan Kearney (Sinn Féin, South Antrim)

I beg to move

That the Departments (Transfer of Functions) Order (Northern Ireland) 2021 be affirmed.

Alex Maskey (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

The Business Committee has agreed that there should be no time limit on the debate.

Declan Kearney (Sinn Féin, South Antrim)

I welcome the opportunity to bring the order before the Assembly for its approval. It is intended to remedy a number of anomalies that have arisen whereby certain statutory functions have been retained by one Department while the appropriate policy context has, in fact, transferred to another. Aistreofar dualgais reachtúla de réir a chéile idir na Ranna ábhartha seo leanas. The order will therefore transfer statutory responsibility between the relevant Departments for the following functions. First, functions under section 19 of the Employment Act (NI) 2016 relating to gender pay disparity information will transfer from the Executive Office to the Department for Communities. Secondly, those under the Reservoirs Act (NI) 2015 relating to the regulation of certain reservoirs will transfer from the Department of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs to the Department for Infrastructure. Thirdly, those under article 23 of the Special Educational Needs and Disability Order 2005 relating to the proceedings of the special educational needs and disability tribunal on a claim of unlawful discrimination under chapter I of Part III of the order and to the making of a claim will transfer from the Department of Education to the Department of Justice.

Each Minister who is ceding or receiving the functions has signalled their agreement and agreed that the First Minister and deputy First Minister should bring the order forward. The order will be made in exercise of the powers conferred by article 8 of the Departments (NI) Order 1999, which enables the First Minister and deputy First Minister to assign and transfer functions to and between Departments. I can also confirm that all the relevant Assembly Committees were consulted about the proposed transfers. I acknowledge their cooperation in consideration of the matter and thank them for their support and practical approach in doing so.

A Cheann Comhairle, with your permission, I will take a few moments to outline the background and rationale for the proposed transfers. The first function relates to the transfer of responsibility for section 19 of the Employment Act (NI) 2016 from my Department, TEO, to the Department for Communities. Section 19, as enacted, provides that employers must, in accordance with regulations made by the then Office of the First Minister and deputy First Minister (OFMDFM), publish information showing whether gender pay disparities exist between employees. Where gender pay disparities are identified, an employer must publish an action plan to eliminate them and provide a copy of that plan to employees and any recognised trade union. The section required the first set of those regulations to be made by 30 June 2017.

The section also required the Office of the First Minister and deputy First Minister to publish a strategy, including an action plan, on eliminating gender pay differences within 18 months of Royal Assent.

Members will be aware that, in 2016, there was a major restructuring of Departments and that, as part of that, policy and statutory responsibility for gender equality matters transferred from OFMDFM to the new Department for Communities. As part of that reorganisation, OFMDFM also became the Executive Office. The timing of the respective legislative processes for the Employment Bill, which became the Employment Act, and the 2016 legislation that provided for the restructuring of Departments prevented the statutory responsibility for section 19 of the Employment Act (NI) 2016 from transferring to the Department for Communities at that time with OFMDFM's lead policy responsibility for sex discrimination legislation, through the Sex Discrimination (NI) Order 1976 and the Equal Pay Act (NI) 1970, which had already been transferred by order to the Department for Communities. That was recognised by the previous Executive, which agreed to the making of a Departments (Transfer of Functions) Order in December 2016. The order was to be signed by the First Minister and deputy First Minister and laid before the Assembly for an affirmative resolution debate, but the dissolution of the Assembly in January 2017 prevented that from happening, and the draft legislation therefore fell.

Given the absence of the Assembly and the acknowledgement that the lead for this policy matter properly lies with the Department for Communities, section 19 has not yet been commenced. The regulations and strategy required by the section have also not been taken forward. The order will therefore allow for the transfer of responsibility for section 19 to the Department for Communities, the Department with the lead policy role for gender equality, and will enable that Department to take forward the actions required by that legislation.

I turn now to the Reservoirs Act (NI) 2015. The restructuring of Departments in 2016 included the transfer of all functions carried out by the Rivers Agency on behalf of the former Department of Agriculture and Rural Development to the Department for Infrastructure. The statutory functions under the Reservoirs Act (NI) 2015 were inadvertently not included in the Departments (Transfer of Functions) Order (NI) 2016, however; consequently, responsibility for the legislation remained with the Department of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs. Transfer of those functions is, therefore, required, as that position does not align with the agreement reached on the respective responsibilities of each of the new Departments. The Reservoirs Act (NI) 2015, when fully commenced, will introduce a framework for the regulation of reservoir safety in the North. Once transferred, the framework will allow for the consideration of commencement of the relevant sections of the Act and the introduction of subordinate legislation to implement the required maintenance and management regime.

The third and final function in this order concerns article 23 of the Special Educational Needs and Disability (NI) Order 2005. The function relates to a legislative power to make regulations about the procedure of the special educational needs and disability tribunal (SENDIST), responsibility for which passed from the Department of Education to the Department of Justice in 2011 by means of the Departments (Transfer of Functions) Order (NI) 2011. Unfortunately, however, this legislative power to make regulations about the procedure of the special educational needs and disability tribunal, which is contained in article 23 of the Special Educational Needs and Disability (NI) Order 2005, was omitted from the 2011 order and, therefore, remained with the Department of Education. This order provides an opportunity to rectify that mistake and to allow the Department of Justice to have all the legislative powers that it needs to make procedural regulations for the special educational needs and disability tribunal.

In conclusion, the order will bring about a necessary realignment of functions with their proper policy context and enable the appropriate Departments to commence work on implementing the relevant duties and requirements. I therefore commend the order to the House. Molaim an rún.

Colin McGrath (Social Democratic and Labour Party, South Down)

I thank the Minister for his update to the House. I am speaking on behalf of the Committee for the Executive Office. I am grateful for the comprehensive manner in which the Minister described and justified the statutory rule. It leaves comparatively little for me to say on behalf of the Committee, other than that the Committee has supported the rule from the outset and, in fact, consistently urged that it be progressed as a matter of urgency. The Committee considered the proposal in October last year, and, in consultation with the other relevant Committees, approved the making of the rule. The rule was considered on 19 May this year, and the Committee recommended that it be brought before the Assembly.

The Committee had two key questions. First, how on earth did the situation arise in which legal responsibility for matters lay with one Department while policy responsibility for those same matters was the remit of another? Secondly, why did it take so long to rectify that anomaly? I acknowledge the Minister's explanations, so I will not labour the point. I will leave it for others to speak on the transfer of the other functions and instead comment only on those associated with the Executive Office.

The Committee naturally has a great interest in the rights of women and in gender equality. Indeed, we look forward to engaging with the Department on the violence against women and girls strategy. It is right and proper, however, that policy relating to gender pay disparities sit with the Department for Communities, along with the other gender equality matters that were transferred in 2016. The Committee for the Executive Office supports the motion.

I will say a few words of my own as a private Member on behalf of the SDLP. I welcome the transfer of powers to the various and relevant Departments. I place great emphasis on "relevant". For example, I welcome the role of the Department for Infrastructure on reservoirs. In my constituency, I have encountered a number of issues, with several planning applications having been held up for many years because of maintenance issues with reservoirs. The Department has been powerless to intervene and deliver a resolution to a problem with a reservoir, which, in some instances, was up to 8 or 9 miles away from where the planning applications were for. Some people were relying very heavily on the outcome of a planning application to be able to sell land and generate some income for their retirement, but that was held up as a result of what was happening 8 or 9 miles away, and the Department could not bring any influence to bear. Real-life problems were being created by some of the decisions that are being rectified in some form today. I therefore welcome the motion and am happy to support it on behalf of the SDLP.

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

Junior Minister Kearney has laid out the aspects of the statutory rule in great detail. I will address only the one that relates to the justice element that the Committee considered.

The Department of Justice wrote to the Committee last June to seek its agreement for the transfer of a statutory function relating to the procedures for the special educational needs and disabilities tribunal from the Department of Education to the Department of Justice. The Department advised that, in 2010, the Executive had agreed to transfer responsibility for a number of departmental tribunals to the Department of Justice. The transfer of responsibility for that tribunal to the Department of Justice subsequently took place in 2011. The transfer was incomplete, however, owing to an oversight by the Department of Justice, and a power to make changes to the procedural regulations that govern the practice of the SENDIST remained with the Department of Education. As a result, both DE and DOJ are required to make regulations to change the procedures, which the Department advised is complex and also inconvenient. The Department indicated that a resolution was required, as changes to the regulations will need to be made as a result of the implementation of the Special Educational Needs and Disability Act 2016 and the special educational needs framework. It was therefore proposed that the transfer of the necessary functions from DE to DOJ should be included in a forthcoming transfer of functions order that would be taken forward by the First Minister and the deputy First Minister.

The Committee agreed that it was content. We wrote to the Department of Justice, the Committee for Education and the Committee for the Executive Office to give support for the proposal.

Recently, the Committee received correspondence from the Committee for the Executive Office advising that the Departments (Transfer of Functions) Order giving effect to the transfer of those functions was, indeed, laid by the Executive Office on 30 April, and asking whether our Committee was content, given its impact on the work of DOJ. At our meeting on 13 May, the Committee agreed to inform the Committee for the Executive Office that we were indeed content with the transfer of the power to make those changes to the procedural regulations that govern the practice of the special educational needs and disability tribunal from the Department of Education to the Department of Justice. Therefore, on behalf of the Committee for Justice, I support the motion.

Martina Anderson (Sinn Féin, Foyle)

As the Minister said, the Departments (Transfer of Functions) Order covers three areas, some of which have already been touched on: the gender pay gap's being transferred from the Executive Office to the Department for Communities; the transfer of regulations for certain reservoirs from DAERA to the Department for Infrastructure — it is that to which I will speak; and the transfer of the special educational needs and disability tribunal from the Department of Education to the Department of Justice.

Over seven years ago, if the Assembly wants to remind itself, in the Chamber, the current Minister of Education, Peter Weir, was informed by the then Minister for Agriculture and Rural Development, Michelle O'Neill, that her Department had begun discussions with the Department of the Environment on developing a reservoirs Bill. As discussions progressed, one of a number of milestones in developing and legislating for reservoirs was to be the transfer of responsibilities for reservoirs from DAERA to the Department for Infrastructure through the Departments (Transfer of Functions) Order. Until now, it did not happen. Like other Members in the Chamber, I want to express my deep frustration that it has taken so long to get to this point. It absolutely beggars belief that such a relatively straightforward piece of work has taken so long because of oversight or, maybe, incompetency.

I have raised the issue countless times in the Committee for Infrastructure, of which I am a member, and the Committee for the Executive Office, of which I am also a member. I have tabled questions for written answer and written letters to the Minister for Infrastructure. I have still not received an adequate explanation as to why and how the staff and officials who are responsible for reservoirs ended up, rightly so, in the Department for Infrastructure, yet the legislative competency with regard to reservoirs stayed in DAERA, although I do acknowledge the Minister's comments today. That blunder, however it happened, has stopped the development of a reservoirs Bill for the North, and has had significant implications for my constituency of Foyle and, I know, other constituencies as well.

The current legislation has meant that the Department for Infrastructure's Rivers must recommend a blanket planning blight in some parts of Derry due to the conditions of, for instance, the Creggan reservoir. That has effectively stymied a number of key economic and community developments until what some might call minor, but necessary, safety work is financed and undertaken. For instance, it has blocked Catalyst Inc implementing its expansion plans at Fort George in Derry, a former army military barracks, essentially hitting the pause button on job creation there. It has delayed the Glen Development Initiative in building a new community centre in the area, and mothballed plans for additional social housing, which we desperately need in Derry. It has implications for the future A2 Buncrana Road dualling project and expansion of the Magee university campus.

In the absence of reservoirs legislation, which is referred to in the transfer of functions being progressed — thankfully, we are here today — I have proactively engaged in discussions with Derry City and Strabane District Council, the Rivers Agency and the Department for Communities to urgently identify a cocktail of funding to undertake the safety work at the Creggan reservoir.

I am delighted that, in response to those engagements, Sinn Féin Minister Deirdre Hargey has offered a substantial funding package to help to address the funding shortfall for the safety works of the reservoir in Creggan, even though the Department for Communities has no responsibility whatsoever for the Creggan reservoir. As we know from the discussion today, and from what has been brought forward, it is the Department for Infrastructure that has responsibility for it, but Sinn Féin Ministers are serious about fixing problems.

I am aware that discussions continue with the council and the Department for Infrastructure's Rivers Agency to address the rest of the funding shortfall in the context of the transfer of functions order. Now that we are finally coming to the point where the transfer of functions order is to be enacted, I urge the Minister for Infrastructure to work with her officials to ensure that the reservoirs legislation that is referred to in the transfer of functions order comes to the Chamber as soon as possible for scrutiny. The Minister must take the action that is needed now, because, once this transfer of functions passes, reservoirs will be firmly under the Department for Infrastructure's responsibility, where it always should have been. When we restructured the Departments, that is where it should have ended up in the first place.

This will help not just in Derry but with other reservoirs that need attention in other constituencies. I hope that Minister Mallon's officials are listening today and that, with her, they will work with the Rivers Agency and Derry City and Strabane District Council to urgently finance the remainder of the Creggan reservoir works, so that that planning blight on a wide range of strategic projects in Derry, which have been delayed and derailed for far too long, can finally be removed. I welcome the fact that we have finally got to this point here today.

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

I speak as the Alliance Party's infrastructure spokesperson and as a member of the Infrastructure Committee. The approval of the motion today is required to correct an omission in the transfer of all the functions of the Rivers Agency from DAERA to the Department for Infrastructure in 2016. The motion also deals with other issues, as other Members have outlined, but I will speak primarily on the reservoirs and infrastructure.

In the absence of formal powers, the Minister for Infrastructure has been unable to commence the Reservoirs Act, which is required so that the Minister can introduce orders and regulations to implement the reservoir safety regime provided for by the legislation, which is based on industry best practice for the management and maintenance of reservoirs. In summary, therefore, the delay in the transfer of functions has had a material impact on the Minister's ability to implement a regime that is vital for ensuring reservoir safety in Northern Ireland.

Colin McGrath (Social Democratic and Labour Party, South Down)

I thank the Member for giving way. Will he agree with me that the delay was not helped by a three-year absence of this place, which was brought about by some of the parties that have to rectify some of the problems that we are addressing today?

Andrew Muir (Alliance, North Down)

I thank the Member for his intervention. The reason for the delay and why we are standing here today is threefold. The first part is the transfer in 2016. Secondly, these institutions did not sit for three years. We can never allow that to happen again. We failed the people of Northern Ireland by not having these institutions, and that is a serious issue. Thirdly, there was a delay in seeing this motion today. Devolution was restored in January 2020. It is now June 2021, and this motion is before us only now. Let us be clear on the reasons for the delay and also be clear that, by passing this today — hopefully, we will — this is not the finish; this is the commencement of orders. We could be a long way away from the reservoir safety regime being implemented, so this is not good enough.

As the Department for Infrastructure has estimated, 83,000 people live within the inundation zones of our 179 reservoirs. Furthermore, there are nine reservoirs, which cannot be named for security reasons, where urgent interventions are required to deal with flood risk. I know of one of those, which I will not name today, that requires immediate work. However, without the full commencement of the Reservoirs Act, the Department has not had the power to compel that work to take place. We are still reliant upon goodwill and the attempts to invoke powers years and years after the Act was passed. Officials have confirmed that properties are located near those nine reservoirs, and there would be a risk to life and property if any of those reservoirs were to catastrophically collapse or fail. Even more concerning is the fact that, for security reasons, none of those living within the inundation zones of those nine reservoirs has been informed of the need for urgent interventions.

In summary, today's transfer of functions is not some mere administrative quirk but an essential step — and it is just that: a step — in addressing an extremely serious issue that has potentially life-or-death consequences in Northern Ireland. The question that needs to be answered, therefore, is why on earth it has taken so long to bring this before the House. This has had a massive impact, particularly upon planning applications, as other Members outlined. I know of a number of planning applications that are now held up because the Assembly did not deliver. That is having an impact upon economic well-being and growth and on the ability to deliver housing.

We are nearly 18 months into the restoration of power-sharing in Northern Ireland, and it is only now that this matter is being dealt with. Why was this not proceeded with as a matter of urgency, and how can the Executive Office be so relaxed about it? The last time this was discussed, I understood that it was in the Executive Office. There are far too many things stuck in the Executive Office. We have a situation where you cannot even get issues onto the agenda, never mind discussed or agreed.

People in Northern Ireland have become accustomed to certain aspects of government here moving at a glacial pace. As we have seen with COVID-19, however, when there is an emergency situation, the people of Northern Ireland demand action, and they demand action fast. It seems that, in the matter that we are debating today, the Executive Office and the two main parties that control it have totally failed in that regard. It is by sheer good fortune that no damage has been done as a result of the severe delay in bringing this before the Assembly.

In conclusion, I will be supporting this today, and I hope that everyone else will, but I expect a full and clear explanation from the Executive Office as to why it has taken 18 months to bring this before us today, given the seriousness of the issue for people living in Northern Ireland.

Roy Beggs (UUP, East Antrim)

I, too, wish to speak regarding the transfer of the powers associated with the Reservoirs Act (Northern Ireland) 2015. This has been a very serious admission that, when we had the reorganisation of Departments in Northern Ireland, an error was made and the full powers were not passed to enable the Reservoirs Act to be fully enacted.

As others have said, that has had significant implications for those who have sought planning applications below those reservoirs. In addition, it is not just about planning applications. It is about the protection of property, and possibly even lives. If anyone has any doubt about what we are talking about, we are talking about areas of water with more than 10,000 cubic metres of water. That is 10,000 tons that could be unleashed if there is an unsafe structure. That could have a devastating effect below it.

Others have spoken of the delay in correcting the omission. It is actually more than 16 months.

The reorganisation happened in 2016. So, first, there was the period when the Assembly sat until January 2017, when the correction could have occurred. Then, we had three years with no Assembly, and another 15 months has passed since it was re-established. The Infrastructure Committee was briefed on the issue, and we had to write to the Executive Office, such were our concerns when we were briefed on it. We have to give credit to the officials in the Department for Infrastructure, who are working with responsible owners in order to make progress and bring about improvements to those structures or, if necessary, to reduce the water levels so as to provide reassurance and safety.

Each body of water has to be independently inspected by a suitably qualified civil engineer, but, in some instances, there are disputes about who owns the structure. The Department needs the powers to progress things in order to protect the public. Why, oh, why has it taken so long? I, too, wish that the junior Minister would explain that, because it amounts to a dereliction of duty in the Executive Office that that transfer did not happen years ago. I support the transfer. It is vital that the omission is corrected so that the public can be reassured, the Department can have the powers to bring about the necessary improvements where defects are uncovered, public safety and the safety of property are ensured, and options are available to those who wish to extend their planning applications.

Kellie Armstrong (Alliance, Strangford)

The Departments (Transfer of Functions) Order (Northern Ireland) 2021 moves section 19 of the Employment Act (NI) 2016 to the Department for Communities. Section 19 requires the Department to publish information on the gender pay gap in Northern Ireland. I welcome that move, as it brings into the Department all the employer action plans that identify how that employer will eliminate gaps that exist between the pay that is provided to men and women. I am also delighted to note that that transfer of functions will bring together workforce statistics that relate to ethnicity and disability, as the Department for Communities is responsible for the gender and disability strategies. It makes sense for data to be collected by that Department.

The racial equality strategy is retained in the Executive Office, and I look forward to some concentrated work being completed to ensure that data that relates to ethnicity is collected. The Equality Commission has been looking for that data to be collated through the fair employment and equality monitoring. As anyone who knows me knows, I want the fair employment monitoring to be changed to better reflect and measure all section 75 categories and not just whether someone is Catholic or Protestant. That is a debate for another day, however.

As Deputy Chairperson of the all-party group on disability, I will now speak about the transfer of functions from Education to the Department of Justice and specifically, article 23 of the Special Educational Needs and Disability (Northern Ireland) Order 2005, which relates to the procedure of the tribunal. The original transfer between Departments was incomplete in the 2011 order, and that is being put right today. It now gives the Department of Justice all the legislative powers that it needs to make procedural regulations for the special educational needs and disability tribunal.

As my colleague, Andrew Muir, said, this has been some time in coming. Today, however, this legislation, which I will support, puts right a number of mistakes and errors and incomplete pieces of legislation that it has been necessary to correct. I am sorry that it has taken this long. It should be a quick transfer of functions, but it should have been done months ago.

Declan Kearney (Sinn Féin, South Antrim)

I welcome the, mainly, affirmative contributions from most of the Members who have spoken in the debate. The order, the motion and the discussion are an absolute reminder that government in this place or, indeed, anywhere, needs to be established on robust and firm legislative foundations.

It follows that departmental functions must be tightly aligned with the correct policy context within which Departments and the collective of government must operate.

It also underlines the imperative of the role of our scrutiny Committees and the democratic role that they perform, and a number of the contributions reflected the role that members of those Committees have played. It also demonstrates that legislative powers and the legislative basis of government do, in fact, have a material effect on the lives of our citizens and on the discharge and implementation of public policy across all the relevant areas.

Gabhaim buíochas leis na hAirí éagsúla, le hoifigigh na Ranna agus le Coistí an Tionóil as ucht a gcuid iarrachtaí. I record my thanks to all the Members who contributed to the debate and to the relevant Ministers — they are the Minister of Justice, the Minister for Infrastructure, the Minister of Education, the Minister for Communities and the Minister of Agriculture — who all contributed to the process in a very collegiate and positive manner. I also thank the officials who assisted in getting us to this point in the process, enabling us to introduce corrections to the anomalies that have existed and allowing for the order to be brought to the Chamber and passed today. It will ensure that the statutory responsibility is corrected and transferred to the appropriate Departments in order to allow the functions to be fully implemented.

Question put and agreed to. Resolved:

That the Departments (Transfer of Functions) Order (Northern Ireland) 2021 be affirmed.

Alex Maskey (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

Members, please take your ease for a moment or two.

(Mr Principal Deputy Speaker [Mr Stalford] in the Chair)

Deirdre Hargey (Sinn Féin, Belfast South)

I beg to move

That the Pension Schemes Bill [NIA 7/17-22] do now pass.

Christopher Stalford (DUP, Belfast South)

The Business Committee has agreed that there should be no time limit on the debate.

Deirdre Hargey (Sinn Féin, Belfast South)

I am pleased to have the opportunity to move the Final Stage of this important Bill. Pensions are of pivotal importance in helping to secure a comfortable life for people in their later years. It is vital that we do what we can to make sure that those pensions are secure and that members' interests are protected. That is why the provisions of the Bill, in particular those on the better regulation of master trusts, are so important.

Members will be aware that the pensions landscape has changed significantly over recent years, and, as a result, the way in which people can save and access their pension savings has been transformed. Automatic enrolment has resulted in a significant increase in the number of people being enrolled into a workplace pension. Master trusts have become a popular vehicle for employers, particularly small and micro-employers, seeking to enrol employees in an occupational pension scheme.

A master trust is a form of multi-employer occupational pension scheme for unconnected employers. Instead of the employer setting up their own pension scheme, the scheme is provided by an external organisation that runs the pension scheme for numerous employers.

Such schemes offer benefits to employers and members. They can spur competition in the market and allow for economies of scale, thereby providing value for money. They are also an efficient solution for smaller employers, for whom setting up an individual pension scheme would be difficult and prohibitively expensive.

Currently, master trusts here are regulated in accordance with the occupational pensions legislation. However, that legislation was developed with a single employer pension scheme in mind, and, consequently, it does not take into consideration the different structures and dynamics of master trusts, which give rise to different risks.

The Bill is a response not to a fundamental problem with master trusts but to the exceptional growth in membership. In 2010, across Britain and here, there were 0·2 million members of master trusts; by November 2019, 16 million members in 37 trust schemes held more than £36 billion in assets.

The introduction of a new authorisation regime is designed to address the legislative gap and to try to prevent problems arising in the future. The aim is to ensure that essential protections are put in place in a way that is proportionate to the risks experienced by master trusts. Under the new regime, master trusts will be prohibited from operating unless authorised by the Pensions Regulator.

The Bill sets out specific requirements that must be met in order for a scheme to be authorised. The requirements relate to, for example, financial sustainability, governance and the fitness of people involved in the scheme. In addition, the regulator will be given new powers to supervise master trusts, enabling it to intervene where schemes are at risk and falling below the required standards.

The regulator must be notified in writing if significant events occur in relation to an unauthorised master trust scheme. The intention is that a list of significant events will capture events that could affect the ability of master trusts to continue meeting the authorisation criteria. For example, the scheme may have a change of trustee, and, as the fitness and propriety of the trustee are linked to the authorisation criteria, the regulator must be informed of such a change so that the new trustee may be assessed against the relevant standards.

The regulator will also seek to support and assist those involved in running a pension scheme. However, there is a need for clear consequences for schemes that fail to comply with their duties. Information gathering is an important part of the regulator's toolkit, and the Pensions (NI) Order 2005 already makes it a criminal offence for individuals to fail to provide information requested by the regulator. The Bill extends those powers to include those involved in running master trusts. Ultimately, the regulator also has the power to withdraw a scheme's authorisation, forcing it, essentially, to leave the market. Those powers are designed to help to ensure that those managing master trust schemes continue to protect the interests of members.

I turn to the remaining provisions of the Bill. Since the introduction of the new pension freedoms in April 2015, which enable many aged 55 and over to access their pension savings more flexibly, individuals have faced a range of potential barriers, including incurring early exit charges when seeking to access their savings. Schedule 18 of the Pensions Act (NI) 2015 allows the Department to make regulations that restrict charges or impose requirements on certain pension schemes. The Bill allows the Department to make regulations to provide that any term in the contract that is inconsistent with something in the regulations made under schedule 18 is overridden. For example, if a contract placed between the trustees or managers of the scheme and a person who provides services to the scheme permits an early exit charge that is higher than the early exit charge cap, that will allow the term to be overridden. The policy supports the policy intention of capping early exit charges in occupational pension schemes and banning member-borne commission arising under the existing contracts.

In conclusion, the pensions market continually evolves and modernises, and there is a clear need to ensure the adequate regulation of master trusts, given how they have developed since the introduction of automatic enrolment. I trust that Members are content with the broad thrust of the Bill.

I know that pensions legislation can be somewhat complex and, therefore, I thank the Chair of the Communities Committee and, indeed, the Committee and the Assembly for the positive manner in which they have conducted discussion of it.

Kellie Armstrong (Alliance, Strangford)

I am deputising for the Chair of the Committee. I thank the Minister for her kind comments.

The Committee for Communities welcomes the Final Stage of the Bill, which, overall, is designed to safeguard workers' pensions and introduce a welcome new regulatory framework for master trusts in Northern Ireland. Over the past few years, master trusts have become very popular, and I, for one, have learned a lot about those trusts and about pensions regulation throughout the proceedings on the Bill. A master trust is a multi-employer occupational scheme for unconnected employers run on behalf of the employers by an external organisation. The schemes are popular with small employers, and anyone who, like me before I came to the House, has had a number of employments will be delighted that somebody is keeping them all together.

Membership of this type of scheme across the UK has grown from 0·2 million in 2010 to 16 million by 2019. There are around 100,000 members of such schemes in Northern Ireland alone. While the growth in this type of scheme is to be welcomed, there is, obviously, a need for appropriate measures to ensure that the risks are managed. Fundamentally, that is what the Bill does.

The Committee was first briefed on the Bill on 17 June 2020 by departmental officials, who confirmed that it would ensure that no master trust scheme can operate without authorisation from the Pensions Regulator and that specific requirements must be met.

The Bill also deals with administration charges. Some people have been faced with early exit charges when trying to access their pension savings. The Committee is content that the Bill will cap early exit charges in occupational pension schemes. That, again, has to be welcomed, as it will enable people to get more from their hard-earned savings.

The Committee reported on the Pension Schemes Bill on 19 November 2020, having considered the provisions of the Bill at eight meetings and having taken oral evidence from the Northern Ireland Assembly Research and Information Service (RaISe), the Workers Pension Trust and the Pensions Regulator. The Committee agreed the clauses as drafted, once members were reassured by responses from the Department and from witnesses to a number of queries.

Members wanted to be sure that master trusts were properly regulated and that the Pensions Regulator was allowed to make full use of its powers in Northern Ireland. The protections that the Bill will put in place for people's pensions was another key issue for members, as they felt that it was not outside the realms of possibility for a master trust to collapse.

While members of master trusts would not have access to the Pension Protection Fund, there is a safety net in the Bill in the event of a scheme being underfunded due to fraud. Members were also reassured to hear that the Pensions Regulator could, if necessary, operate across the border to address schemes that operate in Northern Ireland and the Republic.

During Committee Stage, officials advised that amendments would be necessary at Consideration Stage as a consequence of the Westminster Pension Schemes Bill, which at that time was before Parliament. The Committee was briefed on the text of the amendments by officials at the meeting on 22 April 2021 and was content that they did not represent new policy or changes to the original policy intent.

I thank the officials, Gerry McCann and Doreen Roy, for their assistance during Committee Stage and for their patience in providing technical explanations and briefings on the amendments.

The Chair, Paula Bradley, confirmed at Consideration Stage that the Committee was content that the amendments were technical, drafting and consequential amendments required to the Pension Schemes Bill as a result of the Westminster Pension Schemes Act 2021.

The Committee also noted that legislative consent motions (LCMs) in relation to the Westminster Pension Schemes Act 2021 were agreed by the Assembly on 1 June and 2 November 2020.

Overall, the Bill is designed to safeguard workers' pensions and ensure good pensions governance. Therefore, on behalf of the Committee, I support the Bill.

Finally, as the Alliance communities spokesperson dealing with the Bill, I pay tribute to our Minister. It is a technical Bill and one that can cause a lot of confusion; thank goodness we have great officials. The Bill aligns Northern Ireland pension provision and pension holders with the rest of the United Kingdom, and it confirms that pension holders will be better protected.

Karen Mullan (Sinn Féin, Foyle)

It is clear that master trusts have emerged as a popular choice following the introduction of auto-enrolment and that the manner in which people manage and access their pensions has changed over the years. It is therefore crucial that the regulations evolve and keep pace with those changes and that additional safeguards be put in place for pension scheme members. The Bill is a result of that process.

I thank the Minister and the Deputy Chair of the Committee for summarising the detail of the Bill today and highlighting the main aspects, which include additional powers for the Pensions Regulator and the capping of early exit charges in occupational pension schemes. I also acknowledge and thank the research team and departmental officials, who provided briefings and information when required to support scrutiny of the Bill as it made its way through the various stages. I am content that the improved regulation and oversight will provide better protection for pension scheme members and their savings. I therefore support the Bill's passing its Final Stage.

Mark Durkan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

I support the Bill. I have previously iterated concerns about the use of accelerated passage and have a justifiable wariness of LCMs. We recognised and do recognise, however, the degree of urgency required, given that pension scheme members here had been placed at a disadvantage to their counterparts in Britain. The Bill will bolster protections for pension savers and provide people with a safety net of assurances for their pension scheme. It is therefore vital that the safeguards be implemented without delay. The legislation also addresses barriers faced by scheme holders such as the early exit charges referred to by the Deputy Chair and affords members more flexibility and freedom. I echo the thanks of other Members to officials and the Minister for their work on this important legislation.

Christopher Stalford (DUP, Belfast South)

No other Members have indicated that they wish to speak, so I call the Minister to make a winding-up speech.

Deirdre Hargey (Sinn Féin, Belfast South)

I thank the Deputy Chair and the other Members who spoke. Quickly, the Bill is about protections and safeguards. It is about looking at master trusts and making sure that they are adequately regulated. I again thank everyone for their engagement. I thank Gerry and the team for their work with the Committee behind the scenes to move the Bill at pace to make sure that we can extend protections.

Question put and agreed to. Resolved:

That the Pension Schemes Bill [NIA 7/17-22] do now pass.

Christopher Stalford (DUP, Belfast South)

I ask Members to take their ease for a few seconds before we move on to the next item of business.

Committee Business

Michelle McIlveen (DUP, Strangford)

I beg to move

That this Assembly recognises the systemic failures in the current process for adopting roads and services in new developments; notes with concern the Department for Infrastructure's inability to quantify the precise number of those households and developments affected; further recognises the resourcing constraints within the Department that exacerbate the problem, and is concerned by the lack of progress made in addressing these failures since they were highlighted in a Regional Development Committee report in 2012; acknowledges the impact these failings are having on communities living in affected developments; calls on the Minister for Infrastructure to take steps to reduce the backlog of unadopted roads and services as a matter of urgency and to work with Executive colleagues to identify areas where cross-departmental working can be used to alleviate the impact of resource constraints; and further calls on the Minister, in line with the 2012 report recommendations, to formulate and implement a more robust and time-constrained package of guidance and enforcement that includes ensuring appropriate bond levels to complete works and a review of the main statutory instruments.

Christopher Stalford (DUP, Belfast South)

The Business Committee has agreed to allow up to one hour and 30 minutes for the debate. The proposer of the motion will have 10 minutes in which to propose and a further 10 minutes in which to make a winding-up speech. All other Members who are called to speak will have five minutes.

Members, it is now just past 12.50 pm. Is Miss McIlveen intending to use her full 10 minutes?

Michelle McIlveen (DUP, Strangford)

Yes.

Christopher Stalford (DUP, Belfast South)

That being the case, we will have to wait until after Question Time. Sorry. The Business Committee is scheduled to meet at 1.00 pm. I propose, by leave of the Assembly, to suspend the sitting until 2.00 pm.

The debate stood suspended. The sitting was suspended at 12.50 pm.

On resuming (Mr Speaker in the Chair) —

Oral Answers to Questions — The Executive Office

Maurice Bradley (DUP, East Londonderry)

1. Mr M Bradley asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister for an update on the work of the COVID-19 task force. (AQO 2118/17-22)

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

The Executive's COVID-19 task force, chaired by the interim head of the Civil Service, meets regularly and reports to the Executive weekly. The task force has four work streams: adherence, protection, communications and recovery.

The adherence group is working on the development of a longitudinal survey, which is designed to give more information on individual adherence and influence policy development, as we continue along our pathway out of restrictions and remain reliant on people to make safer choices to contain the virus. In communications, as we have moved away from the "Stay local" message, relaxed guidance within the common travel area and adopted the green list for international travel, we are focusing our message on the behaviour of the individual. That will be designed to inform and enable people to make safer choices on how to keep themselves safe and reduce the risk of transmission. The protection work stream is led by the Department of Health and involves the great work on the roll-out of the vaccination programme. The recovery work stream continues to progress the development of a cross-cutting recovery strategy for delivery over the next 24 months.

The task force also runs the cross-departmental working group, which meets weekly to consider the proposals that have been submitted for the next set of relaxations. The next major review will be on 10 June, and the group is working through the proposals that will be submitted for consideration at that point.

Maurice Bradley (DUP, East Londonderry)

I thank the deputy First Minister for her answer. Are the solutions of the task force's four work streams of protection, recovery, adherence and strategic communication in line with those in the rest of the UK?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Obviously, we are very much focused on our own recovery and on trying to build a pathway out of restrictions based on being careful and being ambitious for the future. There will be a COVID summit, which will involve ourselves, Scotland, Wales and England sitting down together to discuss what comes next and plans for the future. Clearly, there is a huge job of work to be done on recovery and rebuilding, which is why we are very much focused on trying to come at it from a holistic point of view, tying in the Programme for Government commitments and short- and medium-term recovery interventions from a health, societal and community perspective, as well as jump-starting longer-term renewal with the Programme for Government work. We have a huge job ahead of us, but at least we have a road map to chart us through that.

Martina Anderson (Sinn Féin, Foyle)

I thank the Minister for that update on the COVID task force. Minister, can you give us an update on the roll-out of the vaccine, specifically its efficacy against new variants?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I thank the Member for her question. I express, probably on behalf of us all, our huge debt of gratitude to all those who have been involved in the vaccination programme. It has been strong work, dedication and commitment throughout the past year that has got us to this point. We are very grateful for that work. I can confirm that the vaccination programme continues to progress really well, with the prioritisation as recommended by the Joint Committee on Vaccination and Immunisation. More than 70% of the adult population have had their first dose and more than 40% have had their second dose.

People are concerned about new variants. There is limited information available on effectiveness of the vaccine against those, but we will continue to keep that under review. That is why it is essential that people continue to take up the vaccine. I encourage people who have not yet taken it up to do so, because it is our best protection alongside people's individual behaviour.

Mark Durkan (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

Rather than simply taking a punitive approach, what proactive work is the task force doing to help educate and inform businesses that may inadvertently be breaching rules and regulations?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

We have very much taken that approach the whole way through. That is the best way to proceed: to work with people and to provide advice. Guidance for a range of sectors has been developed, in tandem with the sectors, and we continue to keep that under review. If the Member wants to refer to any areas in particular, we will be more than happy to hear from him. As we build and plan to take ourselves out of COVID and into the recovery phase, it is important that we work with industry and businesses on the front line that are trying to rebuild from the devastating impact of the pandemic.

Clare Bailey (Green, Belfast South)

The task force was asked to look at the scenes that we saw in the Holylands, last September, during freshers' week and how to deal with that. What work has been done with the students' unions and universities to try to avoid a repeat of last year's scenes?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

It is important that we work on a cross-departmental basis as we prepare for that period, which is fast approaching, because a lot of people have a role to play. The council, for example, has to be involved. I have no doubt that the work that was done previously will be replicated in advance of freshers' week. I will seek an update on that at the Executive meeting on Thursday.

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

2. Mr O'Dowd asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister for an update on the implementation of their departmental commitments in New Decade, New Approach (NDNA). (AQO 2119/17-22)

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

The 'New Decade, New Approach' document sets out an ambitious package of measures covering a broad range of social, economic and cultural issues, and it is important that we deliver on all of them. Excellent progress has been made across a lot of Departments. Our Department, for example, has made progress in relation to providing support for victims and survivors of historical abuse, the conduct of Executive business, and EU exit. As we start to emerge from the Executive's focus on managing the COVID pandemic and to chart a path for recovery, we are committed to delivering NDNA and moving on all the things that have been delayed to this point. The Executive will have the opportunity to consider the totality of the proposals in the context of the ongoing work to bring forward the new Programme for Government.

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

I thank the Minister for her answer. Given the fact that these institutions were re-established on the basis of New Decade, New Approach, does she agree that it is time for not only the Executive but the British and Irish Governments to ensure that it is fully implemented?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

In its simplest form, yes, I agree with the Member. As we step out of the shadow of COVID-19, we need to see the delivery of the New Decade, New Approach political deal, which provided us all with the potential for a new beginning and a proper, inclusive, power-sharing Government. It provided a new context for politics to work for all our people on the basis of equality, respect and parity of esteem. That means that, when political agreements are made, the public, rightly and naturally, expect to see follow-through, with commitments being delivered by parties and Governments. As Members across the Chamber know, as do the Irish and British Governments, the commitment to an Irish language Act and strategy was a key component of the NDNA deal. That is why we need to see delivery on the language and culture pieces of legislation within this Assembly mandate. Any failure to honour those commitments is not a sustainable position, so there can be no stepping back on the commitments that were made. There can be no more false dawns.

Claire Sugden (Independent, East Londonderry)

Will the deputy First Minister provide me with an update on the work that has been done around the sustainability of the institutions, specifically on the commitment that provides for a 24-week extension period before an Assembly election is called in the event of political instability?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

The Member will be aware that that was part of the commitments that the British Government made. They are progressing legislation to bring that into line with the commitments that were made in the 'NDNA' document.

Cara Hunter (Social Democratic and Labour Party, East Londonderry)

What coordinated work are the Executive taking to address our waiting lists? We recognise that a cross-departmental approach will be necessary. What joined-up work is being undertaken?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I thank the Member for raising that point. It is something that I have been vocal about over the past number of weeks. I do not think that there is anyone in the Chamber who will disagree that our waiting lists are totally unacceptable. Likewise, it is unacceptable that people are struggling to get access to GPs. At the Executive meeting, last week, I made a proposal that we come together and apply the same approach to the waiting list situation as we have taken to fighting against the pandemic, because it has to be brought under control. I proposed that we have a health summit, or whatever you want to call it, that brings together all the political parties — we have to remove the politics from this very serious issue. Let us bring everybody together — the political parties, trade unions, patient representatives and policymakers — to make a plan, identify solutions and work together to transform the health service so that it delivers for everybody. That is what we all ultimately want. There is no doubt that the health service has been starved of funding for many, many years. We need to find solutions, get people access to the healthcare that they deserve and transform our health service.

Paula Bradshaw (Alliance, Belfast South)

Thank you, deputy First Minister. Last week, my colleague John Blair and I stood with the Irish language campaigners on the steps of Stormont. Of equal importance to me is the progression of the sign language Act. What is your office doing to proceed with that long-awaited Act?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I concur with the Member and have the same passion for seeing those things being delivered. The public rightly expects the NDNA commitments that were made to be delivered. There is no doubt that we have been sidetracked by having to deal with the pandemic. That has put a lot of things off the timeline in which you would expect to see them come through. As we come out of the COVID crisis, and hopefully into better days, it is time to focus our efforts on bringing forward all the other pieces of legislation that were committed to. There is a small window left in this mandate, and we need to move at pace to bring forward the maximum possible number of pieces of legislation.

Christopher Stalford (DUP, Belfast South)

The delivery of agreements, of course, requires a generosity of spirit and a spirit of respect. What message of respect is sent to the community that I represent by the fact that the party opposite vetoed an attempt to light up this building to remember innocent victims of terrorism? What message of respect does the vetoing of a memorial stone to mark the centenary of the foundation of this country send to the community that I represent? What message of respect does the vetoing of the planting of some flowers in the grounds of this estate send to the community that I represent? How does that petty disrespect convey anything other than contempt for the people that I represent?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I am very much committed to an inclusive society. In this Building, where we are all elected. we have been given a mandate by the public. It is really important that we see ourselves reflected. Unfortunately, there is an imbalance in this estate at this time, but let us work together to make it a more inclusive place. Let us find a way to have a conversation about how we do that so that we demonstrate respect. No one has anything to fear from demonstrating respect and no one has anything to fear from parity of esteem. I am committed to that. Why not join me in trying to deliver that?

Robin Newton (DUP, Belfast East)

3. Mr Newton asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister whether plans to redevelop the Maze/Long Kesh site will be progressed swiftly as part of the COVID-19 recovery plan. (AQO 2120/17-22)

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

We recognise the economic, historical and peacebuilding potential of the Maze/Long Kesh site and will endeavour to find a way forward that will maximise that potential. The timeline for redevelopment and the matter of whether that redevelopment can contribute to recovery in the immediate term will depend on the detail of any resolution reached.

Robin Newton (DUP, Belfast East)

I thank the deputy First Minister for her answer and I recognise that she recognises the strategic importance of the site for the economy of Northern Ireland. I understand, however, that there are a number of vacancies on the board. The board needs the expertise and the vision to move forward. It is also important that Lisburn and Castlereagh City Council, which has a strategic vision for the immediate area of the site, be represented on the board. Does the Minister agree that there is an urgent need to fill the vacant positions and to have local representation on the board?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I thank the Member for his question. He is right that there are currently six board members and one chair, with four board member vacancies. We recently agreed to extend the appointments of the chair and members for 18 months, until September 2022, to ensure that the site is effectively managed while we consider its future. We have also asked officials to start the process of filling the vacancies on the board, and we hope to have the new board members in place before March 2022. That will provide continuity when the current members reach the end of their term.

I am aware that there is to be a meeting on 2 June with the local council, and I have no doubt that the issue of representation will be raised. I am sure that there can be good engagement at that meeting.

Pat Catney (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Lagan Valley)

Does the Minister agree that spending £1·5 million every year simply to keep the Maze prison site ticking over is a complete a waste of money? That site is in my constituency of Lagan Valley, and it could be an economic driver on the corridor between Dublin and Belfast.

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Thanks to the Member for his question and comments. We all recognise the immense potential of the site, and there is so much that can be done there, so I hope that we can find a resolution that will see the site developed in a way that will maximise its potential. The board continues to keep under review the possible approaches to regeneration of the site, and that allows it to provide us with advice and options for the future. It is important that we carry out the ongoing essential maintenance and ensure that the buildings are safe, watertight, secure and that the site remains ready for development in due course. As I said, I hope that, going forward, there will be an agreement that allows us to develop the potential of the site to the max.

Linda Dillon (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Deputy First Minister, do you agree that the hospital wing on the Maze/Long Kesh site is important as a potential economic driver and in the context of our shared history here? I genuinely mean our shared history. Only last week, I spoke to a republican who brought people from what would be viewed as the other side of the community to the Long Kesh site when it was accessible. They really enjoyed the visit, and it started a conversation about reconciliation and how we need to work together.

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Thanks to the Member. I think that you are right when you talk about the shared history and the significance of the H-blocks and the site in our shared history. Across our community, the site evokes strong views and painful memories of loss and imprisonment. The story of Long Kesh provides a lens into our recent history and conflict, so preserving the history of the site while maximising its economic potential is a clear signal and a challenge that, together, the Executive can deliver for all our people. In 2021, we must together see the site as a gateway to opportunity. Let me again say that I see the potential for regeneration and revitalisation of the site, and we need to maximise the social, economic and reconciliation potential.

Jim Allister (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

After all the concessions that the Minister demands of others, why is she and her party still blocking the economic development of the Maze and making it subject to the glorification of terrorism?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

As I have said, I recognise the potential of the site, and I hope to find a resolution that will see the site developed. The societal, economic and reconciliation potential of the site is immense, and we should work together to deliver on that.

Pat Sheehan (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

4. Mr Sheehan asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister to outline their ongoing commitment to the implementation of the Stormont House Agreement legacy mechanisms. (AQO 2121/17-22)

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Since 2017, the NIO has led on implementing the Stormont House Agreement legacy mechanisms.

Pat Sheehan (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

Gabhaim buíochas leis an Aire as ucht a freagra. I thank the Minister for her response. It is all the more important in the context of the recent inquest findings in the Ballymurphy massacre case. I thank the Minister for her unwavering support for the Ballymurphy families. Does the Minister agree that the shocking and abject failings of the British state, as identified by the coroner, are symptomatic of the British Government's disgraceful attempts to block any and every process that would expose the truth of their role in the conflict here?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Thanks to the Member for that question. I acknowledge the bravery, determination and resilience of the Ballymurphy families. They have been vindicated in their pursuit of truth, and they now deserve to see justice.

It is clear that the British states fears accountability, and that is why it has unilaterally and, indeed, cynically abandoned its commitment to the Stormont House Agreement. Let me say that any amnesty proposals that seek to put state forces beyond the law are not only a real slap in the face to victims but a further statement that the British Government have clearly abandoned their Stormont House Agreement and NDNA commitments.

Colin McGrath (Social Democratic and Labour Party, South Down)

In a question for written answer to the Executive Office, I asked whether joint representations had been made to the British Government about their financial obligations. I was told that there had not been any, but the Justice Minister told us last week that there had. Will the Minister give us some clarity on whether any joint representations have been made to the British Government for them to fulfil their financial obligations under the Stormont House Agreement?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I assume you are referring to the pension. I have not seen what the Justice Minister said, so I cannot clarify it, but I will be happy to respond to the Member in writing. We have made joint requests for funding for the pension because they are policy decisions that were taken at Westminster, so, according to the British Government's statement of funding policy, they should fund the scheme. Given that we are not sure of the scale or quantum of the pension, we need that financial support. We have made that case.

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

To add a little balance, perhaps, to Mr Sheehan's framing of his question, does the Minister agree that tarring and feathering, so-called punishment beatings, the detonation of no-warning car bombs, the abduction, torture and killing of people and the hiding of their bodies — the so-called disappeared — and murder all represent gross human rights abuses?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I do not think it is a matter of balance; it is about a true reflection of a difficult and harrowing past. As the political leaders of today, we have to find a way to heal the wounds of the past, build bridges and help people to have access to truth and justice. The only way we will do that is by working together.

Maolíosa McHugh (Sinn Féin, West Tyrone)

5. Mr McHugh asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister for an update on the delivery of the Together: Building a United Community (T:BUC) strategy. (AQO 2122/17-22)

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I will ask junior Minister Kearney to answer the question.

Declan Kearney (Sinn Féin, South Antrim)

There has been significant progress in delivering the Together: Building a United Community strategy, with a number of headline actions having been fully achieved. Over 24,000 young people have taken part in T:BUC camps, and five Urban Villages areas have been established. Four shared education campuses have been approved and are progressing. Ten shared neighbourhoods have been completed, providing 483 new homes. Over 6,000 young people have participated in the Peace4Youth programme, and over 26,000 young people have engaged with the Uniting Communities Through Sport and Creativity programme. The number of interface barriers has been reduced by 14. We remain fully committed to building a united community, as demonstrated by the provision of £12 million of Executive funding in 2021-22.

Maolíosa McHugh (Sinn Féin, West Tyrone)

I am sure that the Minister agrees that the Together: Building a United Community strategy is crucial work in building a better and shared future. Will you detail the financial awards made in the current financial year to support good relations work?

Declan Kearney (Sinn Féin, South Antrim)

Gabhaim buíochas leis an Chomhalta as a cheist. I confirm that over £18 million has been allocated to the delivery of good relations work in 2021-22. That Executive investment represents our commitment to building a future defined by tolerance and respect for all identities and aspirations. It includes £12 million of Executive funding to replace Shared Future funding and £6 million of long-standing TEO baseline funding that contributes to the funding of the District Council Good Relations Programme (DCGRP) and fully funds the Community Relations Council (CRC) and the minority ethnic development fund.

In the Member's constituency of West Tyrone, that represents investment in four shared neighbourhoods, providing 48 homes, with total funding of around £642,000; delivery of good relations programming through the United Communities programme in the Derg district electoral area (DEA) since 2019; delivery in the Derg, Sperrin and Strabane Town DEAs of £74,889 in 2020-21 through the District Council Good Relations Programme; and funding of £413,000 in 2020-21 to local organisations through the CRC's core funding scheme and small grants scheme.

I set that out as evidence of the Executive's overall commitment to promoting good relations and embedding anti-sectarianism across all of our constituencies.

Briefly reverting to the Member's comment about the crucial work of T:BUC, I believe that we have to demonstrate and celebrate the value and diversity of equality. There is a saying:

"If you cannot see, you cannot be."

Our good relations priorities, our commitment to anti-sectarianism and anti-racism and our promotion of equality and social inclusion need to deliver. That is the acid test of our united community work.

Justin McNulty (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

Will the Minister detail how much money will be given to youth projects over the key summer months to mitigate sectarian tensions, some of which are being amplified and exacerbated as a result of certain parties' rejection of a protocol that, ultimately, they helped to cause?

Declan Kearney (Sinn Féin, South Antrim)

I thank the Member for his question. The planned intervention programme provides funding for community activity to divert young people from antisocial and potentially criminal behaviour during the summer period. That falls under the Department of Education's remit. In 2020-21, £290,000 was allocated to the successful delivery of 91 projects involving over 1,100 young people. Going forward, that work will be very important. It is essential that we reach out to our young people, that we provide the facilities and resources to ensure that they are diverted from the grip of criminal, antisocial and potentially paramilitary activity and that, during the summer months in particular, they are given the space to enjoy sport and their relations and to engage with one another. It is most important that they do so under the ambit of T:BUC so that we see many more young T:BUC ambassadors stepping forward to give good leadership in good relations.

Roy Beggs (UUP, East Antrim)

6. Mr Beggs asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister to outline how their Department has engaged with HM Government to ensure that Northern Ireland maximises opportunities from the UK's Levelling Up Fund. (AQO 2123/17-22)

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

The First Minister and I have written to the Westminster Government on behalf of the Executive. We have been seeking urgent clarification of the Executive's role in applying to the Levelling Up Fund and the assessment of applications. That clarity is urgently required, given that the closing date for applications is 18 June. In our response, we also set out that it is essential that the Executive's views and spending priorities are taken into consideration to ensure that there is maximum benefit and opportunities from that expenditure. The approach to the fund clearly does not build on existing and well-established structures in line with the Executive's agreed position, nor does it give the Executive or our Ministers their normal role in the funding of devolved functions. Whilst recognising those serious limitations, it is also important that applications are submitted to ensure that we do not lose out on any of the money that is available to us.

Roy Beggs (UUP, East Antrim)

I welcome the news that you have engaged with that potential new funding, particularly given the fact that the devolved Scottish Government have not invested significantly in the A75 and A77. Rather than individual Ministers grandstanding, I ask the Executive to engage in trying to improve that strategic transport network route to Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland; indeed, that route also serves the north of England. I ask the Minister to ensure that there is active engagement and that additional moneys are drawn down where possible.

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I thank the Member for his comments, and I will take that on board in our deliberations.

Caoimhe Archibald (Sinn Féin, East Londonderry)

The Levelling Up Fund needs to be explored, notwithstanding the concerns that the Minister has outlined. Most people will take Tory promises about levelling up our economy with more than just a pinch of salt. Does the Minister agree that a good start to levelling up would be restoring the huge amount of funding that has been stripped from our block grant by the British Government over the past decade and giving it back to the Assembly and the Executive to decide where it goes so that it aligns with our priorities?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I thank the Member. We are due to receive only about £20 million from the Levelling Up Fund for this year. It will not be transformative for our economic performance, particularly, as the Member referred to, when we have a standstill Budget from Westminster.

If the British Government were serious about a Levelling Up Fund, they would increase the Executive's Budget so that we could work to stimulate economic activity, rebuild public services, tackle waiting lists and everything else that we have, and recover from the COVID crisis and years of Tory austerity.

Alex Maskey (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

That ends the period for listed questions. We will now move to 15 minutes of topical questions.

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

T1. Mr Nesbitt asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister whether they agree that no Member of the House should do or say anything that would endanger the stability or future of the devolved institutions. (AQT 1361/17-22)

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Yes. Last January, we found a way in which to come back in, do business and share power together. It is important that everybody lives up to the political commitments that were made. We need to make politics work for everybody. We can do that only by working together.

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

Given that the coronavirus restrictions are renewed every three weeks through the Executive Office, can the Minister confirm whether, if there is no First Minister or deputy First Minister, those restrictions and regulations will fall?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

The Member, of course, is talking about something that may not occur. I hope that it does not occur and that we find a way forward to make politics deliver for everybody, so that all citizens feel as though their voice is heard in the Assembly and Executive. I am committed to power-sharing. I hope that others are, too. I am also committed to delivering on all the political commitments that were made.

Pam Cameron (DUP, South Antrim)

T2. Mrs Cameron asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister whether they agree that it is time to properly progress a sign language Act for Northern Ireland, given that although the implementation of the New Decade, New Approach (NDNA) deal is a regular topic for discussion in the Chamber and in the media, its commitment to our sign language community is often overlooked. (AQT 1362/17-22)

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Yes. The Member was probably not in the Chamber when I answered a question on that earlier. I absolutely agree with her that it is important that we get all the legislation to which we have committed through the Assembly. We have a short period left in the mandate. Now is the time for delivery, particularly as we move out of dealing almost solely with the COVID pandemic.

Pam Cameron (DUP, South Antrim)

I thank the deputy First Minister for her answer. Does she recognise that, for the deaf community, translation is not an added luxury to communication but simply provides the most basic access to information to which those of us who do not suffer from hearing loss have full access? Surely she agrees that it is completely unacceptable that those who cannot hear have no access to the public information to which they are entitled, including the proceedings of the Northern Ireland Assembly.

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Yes. That is important. We hope that we sent a strong message to the deaf community, particularly throughout the COVID crisis when we had sign language with our public announcements every day. We hope that that helped to go some way to bridge the communication gap. Obviously, we all have a responsibility to ensure that we bridge any communication gaps and do whatever we can to get our message out, because everybody in society is entitled to hear that message.

Emma Sheerin (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

T3. Ms Sheerin asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister whether they will reiterate the need to implement Irish language legislation, given that they will be aware that, just last week, the Irish language community once again protested outside this Building such is its frustration at the lack of implementation of the Irish language legislation that was agreed — it was an agreement, not a concession — in January 2020. (AQT 1363/17-22)

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Yes. Let me take the opportunity to commend An Dream Dearg again for its campaign and all campaigners on the Irish language for their determination to stand up for their rights. They have had a colourful and inspirational campaign. They celebrate the language and make it very clear that it has something to offer everybody in society. I commend them for that.

The commitment to the Irish language Act and strategy was a key component of the 'New Decade, New Approach' document back in January 2020, alongside many other commitments. We now need to see delivery on the legislation, because there is a responsibility on the Assembly and Executive to legislate to protect the rights of Irish speakers without any further delay.

Emma Sheerin (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I thank the Minister for her clear commitment to Irish language legislation. Does she agree that it needs to be implemented before the end of the mandate?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Yes. We are running out of time. We have a short window of opportunity left in the mandate. Therefore, it is important that we get on with delivery of the legislation now and that the public get what they expect, which is that the political agreements that were made are delivered on.

Jim Allister (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

T4. Mr Allister asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister, given that the republican movement has some experience in hostage-taking, whether, as the DUP attempts to put in place a new First Minister, Sinn Féin is in the business of holding the hapless DUP hostage on the filling of that post unless and until its demands for Irish language legislation are met. (AQT 1364/17-22)

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I have no desire to hold anybody hostage. I have a desire to make politics work. I have a desire to have political commitments that were agreed on delivered. I have a desire to see an Irish language Act, and nobody has anything to fear from that. I have a desire to see all NDNA commitments delivered, and I have a desire to see a more inclusive society. I encourage the Member to try, for once, to see his way to working with others to try to build a better society.

Jim Allister (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

I have a simple question: will Sinn Féin nominate a deputy First Minister if the DUP does not meet your terms? Is the reality of this absurd system that a party that has a vested interest in instability, even in a pandemic, can exploit the situation to its advantage?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

It is a matter for the DUP whom it decides to nominate and put forward. I am committed to power-sharing, and I hope that others are committed to power-sharing. Strong commitments have been made to deliver all the NDNA commitments, including those on the Irish language and the other culture and language pieces, and they must all be delivered. I expect every political party that sits around the Executive table and shares power to work together to make sure that all those things are delivered.

Pat Sheehan (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

T5. Mr Sheehan asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister, who will be aware of the recent historic vote in the Dáil, when TDs backed a Sinn Féin motion on the annexation of Palestinian land by Israel, whether they agree that it is important for political institutions and political leaders to take a stand against what is happening in Palestine. (AQT 1365/17-22)

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Yes, of course I do. I take the opportunity to congratulate my party colleagues in the Dáil for getting the motion to pass, which means that the Dáil now stands as the first legislature in Europe to state categorically and without equivocation that Israel has carried out the crime of annexation in the occupied Palestinian territories. Such solidarity is more than just symbolism, because, as the question states, it is important for democrats to speak out against the crimes that are being perpetrated daily on Palestine, not least the recent onslaught against Gaza, which resulted in such horrifying loss of life and destruction. International solidarity played a key role in defeating apartheid in South Africa. That same approach is needed to defeat apartheid in Palestine.

Pat Sheehan (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

Gabhaim buíochas leis an Aire. The ongoing actions of the Israeli state are in breach of international law and UN sanctions and run contrary to the principles of democracy. Will the Minister agree that, if a genuine peace process is to be built in the Middle East, the international community has to take a stand against the Israeli state and ensure that it does not continue to flout international law?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

As a post-conflict society, we have a responsibility to use our example to demonstrate that fundamental principles such as equality and human rights are key components of any successful peace process. As members of that international community, we also have a responsibility to demand that international law be upheld. At present, it is very clear that the Palestinian people continue to be denied equality and rights, while Israel continues to flout international law through its illegal occupation of the West Bank and the siege of Gaza. The UN and the EU should therefore uphold their own rulings by ensuring that Israel face sanctions for its actions.

Alex Easton (DUP, North Down)

T6. Mr Easton asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister for an update on the implementation of the Executive's COVID-19 recovery plan. (AQT 1366/17-22)

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

We are continuing to work our way through our recovery plan. It is broken down into three sections: the health response; the short-term things that we can do to try to boost the economy; and the longer-term plan that incorporates the Programme for Government. There is a lot of work going on as we speak across all Departments, because all Departments will have a role to play in the recovery piece. We intend to have a plan that will be implemented over a 24-month period. We have, as I said, a number of significant interventions. I think that 63 recovery interventions have been identified, all of which are cross-cutting. We believe that they will accelerate the recovery and benefit all our citizens. A number of key themes have emerged as a result of it: labour market recovery, tackling inequalities, the health of the population and green recovery and sustainability.

Alex Easton (DUP, North Down)

I thank the deputy First Minister for her answer. Does she agree that listening to businesses, stability and working together are vital for any COVID recovery plan to work for Northern Ireland?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Yes, I absolutely agree. It is so important that we work across Departments but also with industry, because it has been decimated. Whilst every sector has been hard hit, the tourism and hospitality sector has been particularly hard hit. It is really important that as we build for recovery, we do so in tandem, working with the sectors to address what they need, and then trying to find ways to deliver that for them.

Órlaithí Flynn (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

T7. Ms Flynn asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister for their response to the extremely worrying waiting list crisis that is facing our health system. (AQT 1367/17-22)

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Thanks for the question. Of course, we are all acutely aware of the enormous pressure that our health service is under, and the unacceptable, long waiting lists that many patients are facing. The difficulties in our system did not just arrive because of COVID. They have been building for some time. They are the direct result of years of underfunding and Tory austerity, and they have left our health service very much weakened. There is an onus on us all in political leadership to act now, decisively and collectively, to address this crisis in the health system, and to do all that we can to modernise and transform our healthcare system.

There cannot be any political point-scoring on this issue; it is far too important. This is people's health. We need to work to support the Health Minister, the health system, and all our healthcare workers, who we could not have got through the past 15 months without; they have just been amazing and outstanding.

Órlaithí Flynn (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

I thank the joint First Minister for her response. I agree that this issue certainly overtakes any sort of party politics right across the board. Is the Minister confident that the Executive can come together to formulate an Executive-wide response, similar to the work that was done in responding to COVID, to try to tackle the waiting lists?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Again, thanks. The COVID crisis and the battle against the COVID pandemic have shown the importance of collective action, and that that approach works. That is precisely the approach that we need to take to the issue of waiting lists. We cannot allow patients to be left facing such long and distressing waits to get the care that they need. It impacts on their physical and mental health, on their families and on their own well-being. I have already proposed at the Executive that we come together and make this a collective priority. That is crucially important if we are to get to grips with the situation in our health service right now.

Maolíosa McHugh (Sinn Féin, West Tyrone)

T8. Mr McHugh asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister for their assessment of the British Government’s proposal to introduce an amnesty to protect state forces from prosecution for crimes committed during the conflict. (AQT 1368/17-22)

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

The British Government's approach to legacy matters generally is a cause of deep and far-reaching concern. Placing themselves or their own forces above their own laws will have major implications for confidence in the rule of law, and in the administration of justice. It is also, quite significantly, a slap in the face for victims, many of whom have campaigned for decades to get truth and justice. The way to deal with the legacy of our past is not through the provision of amnesties but through mechanisms that were agreed and negotiated at the Stormont House Agreement. The Government need to stop blocking that process and start implementing it.

Maolíosa McHugh (Sinn Féin, West Tyrone)

Do you agree, Minister, that the British Government are pursuing a course that is in direct contravention of the democratically agreed position?

Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Yes. The majority of parties in this Assembly, as well as the wider public, broadly supported the Stormont House Agreement legacy architecture as the only way to deal with the legacy of the conflict. They also rejected at that time any form of amnesty or statute of limitations for state forces. The British Government are absolutely setting their face against that democratic will as they pursue what is an unacceptable, unilateral course of action.

Alex Maskey (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

Members, time is up. Please take your ease for a moment or two while we switch in the Chamber.

Oral Answers to Questions — Communities

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

1. Mr Blair asked the Minister for Communities how many placements for young people were created by businesses in South Antrim through the uptake of the Job Start scheme. (AQO 2133/17-22)

Deirdre Hargey (Sinn Féin, Belfast South)

Applications for funding for the Job Start scheme opened on 2 April 2021. Employers of all sizes, including those in the voluntary and community sector, can participate in the scheme. Applications are categorised by the Job Start team by council area. The South Antrim Assembly constituency takes in a large part of the Antrim and Newtownabbey Borough Council area.

By 21 May, 33 employers with a base in the Antrim and Newtownabbey Borough Council area had applied for funding to offer Job Start opportunities. Some of those employers have sought funding for multiple jobs. My officials continue to assess applications and to carry out due diligence checks in order to ensure that young people who take part in the Job Start scheme will receive a quality job opportunity, along with the support that they need to develop occupational and employability skills that will help them to achieve sustained employment in future.

My officials will continue to engage with a range of organisations to inform them about opportunities in the Job Start scheme. In addition, a multi-channel advertising campaign through different forms of media, including TV, radio, digital and social media, commenced on Monday 10 May 2021. That campaign will ensure that potential employers and young people are aware of the scheme and know where to access information on the nidirect and nibusinessinfo websites.

John Blair (Alliance, South Antrim)

I thank the Minister for that answer and for the specifics on South Antrim. What action is being taken in South Antrim and more generally, in addition to the measures that she outlined, to encourage young adults aged 16 to 24 to apply? Are any incentives being offered in order to enhance that encouragement to apply?

Deirdre Hargey (Sinn Féin, Belfast South)

We are trying to use social media outputs, working through councils, in relation to economic development and job skills opportunities. As our social security offices begin to ease out of restrictions, there will be greater opportunities there. We are trying to provide information to the voluntary and community sectors, not just so that they can avail themselves of job placements but as a way of spreading the word about those opportunities. If there are additional and more specific things that we can be doing in certain areas, I am keen to explore those with departmental officials.

Karen Mullan (Sinn Féin, Foyle)

I thank the Minister for her response and for her commitment to creating opportunities for our young people, particularly in constituencies such as mine. Can she outline how many job opportunities in total will be created throughout the Job Start scheme?

Deirdre Hargey (Sinn Féin, Belfast South)

Over 410 employers have applied to date, and 1,200 Job Start jobs have been applied for as part of that. To date, funding has been approved for 269 jobs as part of the scheme, and 68 of those jobs were advertised on JobCentre Online. Just over 1,000 additional opportunities are still outstanding for which young people can apply.

Matthew O'Toole (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

The Job Start scheme is really important in getting young people into work. We know that they face a crisis coming out of COVID. It is also important that we do not forget about older workers, who will also have faced huge challenges through COVID-19. Many will be on furlough or will have lost their jobs. What specifically is the Department working on to enable older workers who face those challenges to get back into work?

Deirdre Hargey (Sinn Féin, Belfast South)

To run alongside the Job Start scheme, we are looking at a similar scheme for older workers. We are in the middle of putting provisions in place to take that forward, and I am hopeful of making an announcement on that in the short time ahead.

Alan Chambers (UUP, North Down)

2. Mr Chambers asked the Minister for Communities how many people in North Down are on the Housing Executive waiting list to be rehoused. (AQO 2134/17-22)

Deirdre Hargey (Sinn Féin, Belfast South)

There are a total of 1,890 applicants on the common waiting list for the allocation of a social home in the North Down area as of 31 March this year. Of those, 1,319 were deemed to be in housing stress. While 275 homes have been allocated over the last year, I am acutely aware that there is a shortage in the supply of homes, and that needs to be addressed urgently. To do so, I have set out an ambitious long-term plan to increase the supply of social and affordable housing and reduce housing stress. However, these plans will take time to come to fruition, and, whilst I share the concerns about the numbers waiting on a home, the projected outcome of my plans is about ensuring that the supply of social homes meets the increasing demand going forward. Crucial to this is ensuring the protection of our existing social home stock. I am keen to consult about the right-to-buy scheme under the Housing Executive. We are looking at other opportunities through a housing supply strategy, working with the infrastructure barriers and the other practical barriers to housebuilding. The biggest issue is getting the Housing Executive to build again, and one of the critical issues is dealing with its investment challenges and ensuring that the structure is there so that it is able to borrow and that that money is not taken from the block grant. That is one of the barriers at the moment.

Through the social housing development programme, there is £162 million in social housing funding for this year and in the North Down area, over the next couple of years, we are earmarking a further 551 new social homes for development between now and 2025. I am happy to engage further on those issues in your specific area.

Alan Chambers (UUP, North Down)

I thank the Minister for her answer. Can she detail how many newly acquired properties the Housing Executive plans on making immediately available to North Down residents in the next 12 months?

Deirdre Hargey (Sinn Féin, Belfast South)

There are 18 new social housing units currently under construction in the North Down area. I am aware that several schemes have been proposed and we are doing the due diligence in working with housing associations over the coming period to try to bring those across the line as soon as possible. As I said, there is a target under the social housing development programme of a further 551 homes to be carried forward between now and 2025.

Carál Ní Chuilín (Sinn Féin, Belfast North)

The Minister will remember that a couple of years ago more homes were being built in North Down than in North Belfast, despite there being three and a half times the need in North Belfast. Can she give an update on her plans to bring forward not just social homes but affordable homes for all constituencies?

Deirdre Hargey (Sinn Féin, Belfast South)

This is part of the revitalisation programme with the Housing Executive to deal with its investment and borrowing challenges and to make sure that it is structured in a way that it can borrow finances that does not have an impact on the block grant. Currently, any money that it borrowed would be taken directly off the block grant, so that would defeat the purpose. We are looking at that. We dealt with the issue of corporation tax, and we are trying to recoup around £56 million that has been paid to the Treasury over the past number of years. We are in continuing negotiations about that. As I said, I am keen to bring forward a consultation on the future of the Housing Executive's house sales scheme, and this is primarily about protecting the current supply of social homes and what we are losing through that right-to-buy scheme.

I also want to look at co-ownership and other models of home ownership and to introduce an intermediate rent, to provide an additional, high-quality supply of housing.

We are making changes, and I will soon implement the review of the housing selection scheme and the points system to make sure that we assess people quickly and that they get the appropriate points. A housing supply strategy will be going out soon to consultation, and that will provide the framework for addressing the whole-system approach and details of the impacts on or blockages to delivery.

All of those will come together. I gave a commitment, as part of the ministerial team, which the Member who asked the question was part of in November, that those investment challenges and opportunities will be presented to the Executive by March next year.

Trevor Clarke (DUP, South Antrim)

My question follows from the Minister's last response on the housing selection scheme, which, she said, would be reviewed. There is no doubt about the need for houses in North Down, South Antrim, West Belfast or other constituencies. However, during this past number of years, housing associations have been building those developments. In my constituency, I can think of one development, Neillsbrook View, where nearly everybody who has moved into it has arrived under the shadow of darkness, because they had been put out of other estates. However, the police visit those new developments at least twice a week, and the fire and ambulance service do likewise. Most of those new developments, particularly in my constituency, have been dogged with problems. Is any work being done on that specifically, to make sure that those people are not moved from one development to another?

Deirdre Hargey (Sinn Féin, Belfast South)

Work is ongoing on the housing selection scheme. A consultation has taken place; obviously, the Assembly was down for a while. I was absent last year, when I was ill, and Carál Ní Chuilín, as Minister, brought forward 20 recommendations as part of that review. Some 18 of them were adopted by the Department and proceeded on. The Housing Executive, with the Department, set up internal structures to implement those recommendations. It will take one to two and a half years for that to be done, because new systems have to be put in place for the new points system.

Two areas have not been taken forward, and more work is being done on them. They are access to intimidation points and interim points. Other assessments are being done. Obviously, we were concerned about removing those right away. We had to look at issues of domestic violence, gender-based violence and intimidation. Victims have to have a place to go. However, that work is ongoing. Over the next short while, we hope to have clarity on the way forward on intimidation points. Work has already started on implementation of the remaining 18 recommendations.

Claire Sugden (Independent, East Londonderry)

3. Ms Sugden asked the Minister for Communities when indoor and outdoor live music will be able to recommence. (AQO 2135/17-22)

Deirdre Hargey (Sinn Féin, Belfast South)

I am pleased that live music, indoors and outdoors, can now be performed, though subject to a number of limits and specific exclusions in the interests of safety. From 24 May, the number of people permitted at indoor and outdoor gatherings was increased, supporting the return of arts and cultural activities, including live music. The maximum size of an indoor gathering is now based on the capacity of the venue, and up to 500 people can form an audience at an outdoor gathering. Risk assessments and social distancing measures need to be in place, and those new limits do not supersede specific restrictions contained in the legislation on live music in hospitality venues or at post-ceremony celebrations for civil partnerships and weddings. Those steps are welcome and take us a considerable way along the path to the reopening of our culture, arts and heritage sectors, with all the social and economic benefits they bring. However, it is vital that we continue to be careful and stick to the rules and guidance.

I recognise the importance of getting our arts and culture sectors up and running again. For that reason, I have established a culture, arts and heritage recovery task force, chaired by Rotha Johnston, with members drawn from across those sectors, including the music industry. I recently met Music NI to discuss some of the specific issues around music venues and events such as festivals.

I have asked the task force to consider what further support might be needed for those whose activities and livelihoods continue to be impacted by COVID.

The task force will look at measures to support reopening and recovery in the short term and will inform the longer-term work on the strategy for culture, arts and heritage.

Claire Sugden (Independent, East Londonderry)

I thank the Minister for her response. That will be welcome news, not least for the businesses that will depend on live music to aid their recovery. I also acknowledge the Minister's comments about being tentative moving forward.

Does the Minister have any concerns about some of the comments from the UK Government about potentially going into a third wave, particularly where big events are concerned? How is she preparing for that potential outcome?

Deirdre Hargey (Sinn Féin, Belfast South)

We are conscious that we moved at a different pace with reopening in our pathway to recovery, and I know that that drew some criticism. We have engaged on that on a weekly basis in the Executive, and I am sure that it will be raised again this week and next week as we start to look at the next phase of easing restrictions. On the one hand, we are moving well with the numbers that we are hitting in our vaccination programme, which is obviously having an impact. Assessments are still being done on the Indian variant and any other variants that may come into play.

One of the primary reasons for creating the task force was to start to work with the sector and those with expertise in managing events safely. Those people have done that for pretty much all their working lives, and it is part of the work that they do. We want to engage them. The task force has had meetings and has tried to meet individuals and groups over the last week or so in order that it can come back with firm recommendations on the way forward. I am hopeful that I will be able to make more announcements over the next few short weeks about getting music and events up and running again.

There have been pilots of some festival events in Liverpool, and measures have been introduced there. Via the Health Minister, we continue to engage with the Scientific Advisory Group for Emergencies (SAGE) and others on the learning and lessons from those events and how they can be used in what we do here. I will continue to keep Members up to date on that.

As I said, we are making those assessments. We are also working with the Department of Health to look at the cultural, economic and social impacts of keeping the current restrictions in place, but I hope that we can start to move to have music and events again in the short term.

With the release of the COVID moneys from the Budget, I now have financial support for the culture, arts and music sectors in the short term. That has been welcomed by those sectors.

Sinéad Ennis (Sinn Féin, South Down)

Minister, those who make a living from performing were obviously some of the most affected by the pandemic. Despite that, they have been to the fore of keeping public morale up by giving online performances. I commend them for that. I also commend the Minister for the supports that she put in place to support that sector.

The Minister outlined some of this in her response to previous questions, but does she recognise and agree that there will be a need for continued support for that sector as we progress through the recovery?

Deirdre Hargey (Sinn Féin, Belfast South)

Yes, there definitely will. That is why I was glad that my full bid for COVID moneys was met with the moneys that were allocated just over two weeks ago.

The situation with freelancers has been significant, as they have been directly impacted. That is why I made spaces available on the task force for freelancers. The nominations came from the sectors, and they nominated the people, they felt, could best represent them. Obviously, they are still being impacted, probably more so than other industries, as venues have effectively been shut and they have not been able to play music or participate in live events, festivals or gigs. As part of the COVID moneys for recovery and safe reopening, we continue to work through the task force to look at schemes that we can support them through until we are in the position where society and that part of the economy have fully reopened.

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

Minister, for clarity, I understand that Van Morrison is scheduled to appear at the Europa Hotel over four nights starting on 10 June. Are you saying that, if there is an appropriate risk assessment, those concerts can go ahead? Asking for a friend.

[Laughter.]

Deirdre Hargey (Sinn Féin, Belfast South)

Yes, as long as they keep within the regulations, which say that there will need to be an assessment of the venue size, recognising that venues have different capacities, and that a risk assessment will need to be conducted. There is an issue about how loud music can be in a venue, and they would need to adhere to that. As part of the task force's work, I hope that live music and how loud it can be played will start to be taken forward through more easements over the coming weeks.