Finance Bill

Public Bill Committee, 28 January 2025.

(Except clauses 7 to 12, schedules 1 and 2, clauses 15 to 18, schedule 3, clauses 47 to 53 and any new clauses or new schedules relating to the subject matter of those clauses and schedules.)

David Mundell (Conservative, Dumfriesshire, Clydesdale and Tweeddale)

Will everyone please ensure that all electronic devices are turned off or switched to silent mode? Tea and coffee are not allowed in the Public Bill Committee.

We are here today for line-by-line consideration of the Finance Bill. The selection list for today’s sitting is available in the room and on the parliamentary website. It shows how the clauses, schedules and selected amendments have been grouped together for debate. A Member who has put their name to the lead amendment in a group is called first. In the case of a Government amendment or stand part debate, the Minister will be called to speak first. Other Members are then free to indicate that they wish to speak in the debate by bobbing.

At the end of the debate on a group of amendments, new clauses and schedules, I shall call the Member who moved the lead amendment or new clause again. Before they sit down, they will need to indicate whether they wish to withdraw it or to seek a decision. If any Member wishes to press to a vote any other amendment in a group, including grouped new clauses and new schedules, they need to let me know.

David Mundell (Conservative, Dumfriesshire, Clydesdale and Tweeddale)

Copies of the written evidence that the Committee receives will be made available in the Committee Room.

I remind Members about the rules on declarations of interest as set out in the code of conduct. Does any Member wish to declare any interests? No. Then let us begin.

Clause 1 - Income tax charge for tax year 2025-26

David Mundell (Conservative, Dumfriesshire, Clydesdale and Tweeddale)

With this it will be convenient to discuss the following:

Clauses 2 to 4 stand part.

New clause 3.

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

It is a pleasure to serve on the Committee with you as the Chair, Mr Mundell. Clauses 1 to 3 impose a charge to and set the rates of income tax for 2025-26, and clause 4 maintains the starting rate for savings limit at its current level of £5,000 for the ’25-26 tax year.

Income tax is the largest source of Government revenue and helps to fund the UK’s schools, hospitals and defence, and other public services that we all rely on. In ’25-26, it is expected to raise around £329 billion. The starting rate for savings applies to the taxable savings income of individuals with low earned incomes of less than £17,570, allowing them to benefit from up to £5,000 of income from savings interest before they pay tax. It specifically supports those taxpayers with low levels of earned income.

As Committee members will be aware, both the income tax rates and the starting rate limits for savings must be legislated for each year. The Bill will not change the rates of income tax. We are confirming that they will remain the same, thereby meeting our manifesto commitment not to increase the basic, higher or additional rates of income tax.

Clause 1 imposes a charge to income tax for the year ’25-26. Clause 2 sets the main rates of income tax, namely the basic rate of 20%, the higher rate of 40% and the additional rate of 45%. These will apply to non-savings, non-dividend income of taxpayers in England and Northern Ireland. Income rates in Scotland and Wales are set by their respective Parliaments.

Clause 3 sets the default rates at the same levels as the main rates, namely 20%, 40% and 45%. These rates apply to the non-savings, non-dividend income of taxpayers who are not subject to the main rates of income tax, Welsh rates of income tax or Scottish rates of income tax. For example, they might apply to non-UK-resident individuals. The clause also sets the savings rates of income tax—again at 20%, 40% and 45%.

Clause 4 will maintain the starting rate limit at its current level of £5,000 for the ’25-26 tax year. The limit is being held at this level to ensure fairness in the tax system while maintaining a generous tax relief. In addition to the starting rate for savings, whereby eligible individuals can earn up to £5,000 in savings income free of tax, savers are also supported by the personal savings allowance, which provides up to £1,000 of tax-free savings income for basic rate taxpayers. Savers can also continue to benefit from the annual individual savings account allowance of £20,000. Taken together, as a result of these generous measures, around 85% of savers will pay no tax on their savings income.

Finally, I should mention the Government’s efforts to encourage those on the lowest incomes to save through the help to save scheme. We recently extended the scheme until 5 April 2027, and we have extended the eligibility to all universal credit claimants who are in work from 6 April 2025. I encourage Committee members to do what they can to promote the scheme to their constituents.

New clause 3 would require a review of how many people who receive the new state pension at the full rate are liable to pay income tax this year and in the next four tax years, and specifically what the tax liability of their state pension income will be. The Government consider the new clause to be unnecessary, given the information that is already publicly available.

His Majesty’s Revenue and Customs has published statistics for this tax year and past tax years that cover the number of income taxpayers, including breakdowns by marginal rate, tax, band and age, and the Department for Work and Pensions has published figures for pensioners’ average incomes. The Office for Budget Responsibility is the Government’s independent economic forecaster and most recently published projections of the number of income taxpayers for future years in its “Economic and fiscal outlook” at autumn Budget. Those projections include a breakdown by marginal rate.

Income tax is a vital revenue stream for our public services and the clauses will ensure that that remains the case in 2025-26, while also retaining the starting rate of savings at its very generous existing value. I therefore commend clauses 1 to 4 to the Committee, and I urge the Committee to reject new clause 3.

Gareth Davies (Conservative, Grantham and Bourne)

It is a great pleasure to see you in the Chair, Mr Mundell. This is one of many Finance Bill Committees that I have participated in. The subjects have changed somewhat each time, but something has remained consistent: the presence of the hon. Member for Ealing North. It is a pleasure to see him in his place, and I hope that his experience as the Treasury Minister in a Finance Bill Committee is as unpleasurable as mine when I was facing him.

As the Minister rightly set out, clause 1 imposes a charge to income tax for the year 2025-26, which is a formality. Clause 2 sets the main rates of income tax in England and Northern Ireland for 2025-26—the 20% basic rate, the 40% higher rate and the 45% additional rate—leaving them unchanged. Clause 3 sets the default rate and savings rate of income tax for the tax year 2025-26 for the whole of the United Kingdom. Clause 4 freezes the starting rate limit for savings at £5,000.

Of course, the Government’s big announcement on income tax in the Budget was that they would not extend the freeze to income tax thresholds beyond April 2028. Committee members will be aware that that announcement does not need to be legislated for, as the income tax personal allowance and the basic rate limit are subject to consumer prices index indexation by default, unless Parliament overrides that via a Finance Bill, and Parliament has not overridden indexation beyond the 2027-28 tax year.

As the current legislative framework did not allow the Government to enact their announcement on income tax thresholds at the Budget, we must take them at their word that they will keep their promise and not succumb to the temptation to override the thresholds in future. Given the possibility that rising borrowing costs have eliminated the Chancellor’s headroom under the Government’s own stability rule, I would be grateful if the Minister could reconfirm that they will allow CPI indexation to resume from 2028-29 and that they will not renege on that promise.

On a point of clarity, I would be grateful if the Minister could confirm whether the unfreezing of income tax thresholds in 2028-29 will involve an increase to the fixed portion of the income tax higher limit, which he will be aware of. The limit is set at £100,000 plus twice the personal allowance, and that £100,000 is not indexed to CPI by default. Should we expect the additional rate to rise only in so far as the personal allowance rises, or will that £100,000 be unfrozen too? I would appreciate an explanation on that.

I leave it to others to interpret what it says about this Labour Government and Budget that a non-binding commitment merely not to raise some tax thresholds in three years’ time is presented as a big win for the British taxpayer. On income tax, as with most of the Government’s more positive policy announcements, the benefits are prospective and entirely speculative.

Meanwhile the pain, as we have seen with national insurance contributions and in other areas, is very much immediate and certain. Pensioners left out in the cold by the Government this winter will recognise that all too familiar pattern. A pensioner who receives the full rate of the new state pension without additional income—whose income from April is roughly £12,000—is now in most cases no longer receiving the winter fuel payment. The Government have defended that decision by referring to the triple lock.

Will the Minister update the Committee on when the Government now project the full rate of the new state pension to exceed the income tax personal allowance, and how many pensioners they expect will be newly taken into income tax as a result of the development? If he cannot tell the Committee, perhaps he and his colleagues will vote in favour of new clause 3, which would require the Treasury to produce and publish forward projections for the number of people receiving the full rate of the new state pension who are liable to pay income tax, and specifically what the tax liability of their state pension income will be.

Pensioners cannot easily alter their financial circumstances, yet they were given less than six months’ notice of the withdrawal of the winter fuel allowance. They must not be blindsided for a second time by the taxman—especially not those who are just about getting by without additional income beyond the state pension. I urge Members and the Minister to vote for new clause 3 to prevent that from happening.

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

I thank the shadow Minister for the comments at the beginning of his speech, if not for all the questions subsequently. First, on the question about whether the £100,000 threshold will be unfrozen in due course, that threshold does not move, and it sets the personal allowance taper beyond that level.

The shadow Minister asked broader questions about the personal allowance and our decision to change the policy we inherited from the previous Government. In the many Finance Bill Committees that he and I served on before the general election, the personal allowance would routinely be frozen for more and more years into the future. That is what we have inherited: the personal allowance is frozen up until April 2028. We made clear that we would do things differently. As well as not increasing the basic higher and additional rates of income tax, as we set out, we did not freeze the personal allowance beyond April 2028, which means that it will continue to rise with inflation.

The shadow Minister asked specific questions about how the change affects pensioners, and referred to new clause 3, which I addressed earlier. I will repeat what I said: new clause 3 is not necessary because the data the shadow Minister requests is already in the public domain. We need to ensure that as the personal allowance begins to rise from April 2028, that will benefit not just people in work but pensioners, because they will see the personal allowance that applies to their pension income rising as well. That is underlined by the fact that we are maintaining the triple lock, which will see generous increases in the state pension as the bedrock of state support for pensioners.

Clause 5 - Appropriate percentage for cars: tax year 2028-29

David Mundell (Conservative, Dumfriesshire, Clydesdale and Tweeddale)

With this it will be convenient to discuss clause 6 stand part.

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

Clauses 5 and 6 make changes to ensure long-term certainty on company car tax by setting the rates for 2028-29 and 2029-30. The increases in the appropriate percentages will help to ensure that the tax system contributes to supporting the sustainability of the public finances. The effect of the clauses is to gradually narrow the differential between zero emission and electric vehicles and their petrol and diesel counterparts, while ensuring that significant incentives to support the take-up of EVs remain in place. The provisions also increase rates for hybrid vehicles.

Company car tax applies when a company car is made available to an employee or their family member for private use. Company car tax rates were confirmed by the previous Government up until 2027-28. In the 2024 autumn Budget, the Government set out the rates for 2028-29 and 2029-30, to provide certainty.

The Government recognise that the company car tax regime continues to play an important role in the EV transition by supporting the take-up of EVs and their entry into the second-hand car market. Although it is important to maintain strong incentives to encourage the take-up of EVs, the Government need to balance that against the responsible management of the public finances by gradually withdrawing them over time, as EVs become more normalised. That is why we have committed to raising the company car tax rates—or appropriate percentages—for EVs, hybrids, and petrol and diesel vehicles in 2028-29 and 2029-30, gradually narrowing the differential between EVs and other vehicle types, and bringing the treatment of hybrids closer to that of petrol and diesel cars.

The changes made by clauses 5 and 6 will set the company car tax appropriate percentages for the tax years 2028-29 and 2029-30. Appropriate percentages for EVs will rise by two percentage points per year, rising to 9% by 2029-30. Meanwhile, the appropriate percentages for cars with emissions of 51 grams of carbon dioxide per kilometre or over will rise by one percentage point per annum. By 2029-30, the appropriate percentages for petrol and diesel cars will rise to between 20% and 39%, depending on the car’s specific emissions. Together, the measures will gradually narrow the gap between EVs and their petrol and diesel counterparts, while maintaining a generous incentive for EVs.

On the changes to the hybrid appropriate percentages, I draw the Committee’s attention to recent research from the European Commission that has shown that the real-world emissions of hybrid vehicles are in fact three and a half times higher than previously thought. Consequently, the Government have announced that they will align the treatment of hybrids more closely with that of petrol and diesel cars.

Harriet Cross (Conservative, Gordon and Buchan)

On aligning hybrid cars more closely with petrol and diesel cars, what assessment has been made of the impact on the hybrid car market and the take-up of hybrid cars, if we are ultimately looking to move away from petrol and diesel in the long term?

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

Over the coming years we need to make the transition to electric vehicles. Hybrid cars obviously play an important part in the car market and car manufacturing in the UK. The clauses are about a plan over the next five years or so regarding what will happen to the appropriate percentages. This is not an overnight change. Actually, one of the important principles of our setting out the appropriate percentages now for some years in advance is to give car manufacturers and everyone interested in the car industry certainty about what will happen. That is why, as I have been setting out, the appropriate percentages for EVs will rise, thereby narrowing the gap between them and petrol and diesel vehicles, but there will still be a generous incentive to help to shift people towards purchasing EVs.

Hybrid vehicles obviously fit within the general scheme of appropriate percentages. However, as I was setting out, European Commission research shows that emissions from hybrid vehicles are in fact three and a half times higher than previously thought, so in setting the rates for 2028-29 and 2029-30, we have decided to reflect that fact in the appropriate percentages that we are legislating for. That means all cars with emissions between 1 gram and 50 grams of carbon dioxide per kilometre—those that largely fall in the hybrid category—will see their appropriate percentages rise to 18% in 2028-29 and to 19% in 2029-30. As I outlined to the hon. Member for Gordon and Buchan, by setting out the rates until 2029-30 we will give the industry and consumers certainty about the future rates.

The company car tax system offers generous incentives to encourage EV take-up and makes an important contribution to the EV transition. The Government, however, must balance incentives against responsible management of the public finances. We are announcing the rates for 2028-29 and 2029-30 to start to narrow the differentials between EVs, hybrids, and petrol and diesel vehicles. I therefore commend clauses 5 and 6 to the Committee.

Gareth Davies (Conservative, Grantham and Bourne)

As the Minister set out, clauses 5 and 6 set the appropriate percentage used for calculating the taxable benefit for a company car for tax years 2028-29 and 2029-30. In those tax years, the appropriate percentage for EVs will increase by 2% to 7% in 2028-29 and 9% in 2029-30. For most other vehicles, the appropriate percentage will increase by a further 1% in each year, up to a maximum of 39%. Hybrid vehicles are the standout exception. The effect of these clauses for vehicles capable of operating on electric power while producing between 1 gram and 50 grams of CO2 per kilometre is to introduce a steep increase in the appropriate percentage of as much as 13% in 2028-29 to reach 18%, before rising to 19% in 2029-30.

Whereas previously the appropriate percentage for cars with emissions between 1 gram and 50 grams of CO2 per kilometre would rise as the electric range reduced, from 2028-29 that system will be replaced with a single flat rate, regardless of the electric range. That means that hybrid cars with the greatest electric range, which are presumably the least polluting, will see the steepest tax rise. Any distinction between hybrid vehicles will be eliminated for the purposes of these provisions. Indeed, as the explanatory notes make very clear, rates for hybrid vehicles will align more closely with the rates for internal combustion engine vehicles, as the Minister just pointed out.

It will not have escaped Members that these new rates take us to 2030. The Government have confirmed their intention to ban the sale of new petrol and diesel cars by that date. What has not yet been confirmed is the future of hybrid vehicles. The Department for Transport is consulting on which hybrid cars can be sold alongside zero emission models between 2030 and 2035. The Minister, naturally, will not pre-empt the outcome of that consultation, but these measures effectively do just that. While the Department for Transport parses the differences between plug-in hybrid electric vehicles and hybrid electric vehicles, the Treasury is eliminating that distinction altogether by 2028, let alone by 2030.

Not only that, but the Treasury is effectively lumping all hybrid vehicles in with those powered by internal combustion engines. Treasury Ministers will be aware that the manufacturing of hybrid vehicles and engines supports thousands of British jobs, as my hon. Friend the Member for Gordon and Buchan alluded to, and car manufacturing firms operate on a multi-year investment cycle. The contradictions between the Bill and the Department for Transport’s consultation send a less than clear signal, which puts those jobs at risk. I would therefore be grateful if the Minister clarified the Government’s intention in making these changes, especially when the House of Lords Environment and Climate Change Committee has heard that these rates have been the single most effective intervention to date in changing consumer behaviour around different types of vehicles.

I would also be grateful if the Minister outlined what steps the Treasury and HMRC are taking to make the general public aware of these changes. I grant they are quite technical, but they could impose a significant additional tax bill on certain taxpayers with plug-in hybrid vehicles. The Chartered Institute of Taxation raised that as a key area of concern, which could confront unsuspecting taxpayers—those seeking to do the right thing by purchasing a less-emitting vehicle— with a massive and steep tax rise. A higher rate taxpayer on £51,000 whose company car is a plug-in hybrid VW Golf could face an additional tax bill of as much as £1,600 in 2027-28. That strikes me as neither fair nor proportionate.

It has been reported that this Labour Government ordered no fewer than 10 petrol hybrid Jaguars upon assuming office to supplement the existing departmental, chauffeur-driven pool cars. If the Minister is confident that the consequences of the changes have been communicated and fully understood, I am sure he will be able to inform the Committee of the extra tax liability in 2028-29 of someone on a salary similar to that of a Treasury Minister—£110,000—whose full-time work car is a plug-in hybrid Jaguar F-Pace valued at roughly £60,000 with an electric range of just under 40 miles.

As the Committee can tell, we have serious reservations about the communication of the changes, the unfair overnight tax hikes they impose on taxpayers just trying to do the right thing, and the mixed messages they send to vehicle manufacturers by contradicting other areas of Government policy and consultation. The measures concern the ’28-29 and ’29-30 tax years, so the Government have time to think again and to bring back a better calibrated policy in a future Finance Bill. For the reasons that I have set out, we will vote against the clauses.

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

I listened to the shadow Minister’s comments, and he must have a different definition of “overnight” from me. Legislating now for changes that will come in in 2028 does not feel like overnight. Some Budget changes come in on the day of the Budget—had he called one of those overnight, I might have had some sympathy with the description, but not for legislating now for changes that will come in in 2028, toward the end of this decade. Part of the point of legislating now for changes that will happen some years down the line is precisely to give that signal to consumers and manufacturers, to ensure that the consumers are aware of what is to happen and manufacturers know what is planned.

Harriet Cross (Conservative, Gordon and Buchan)

People might be buying cars now—that is, overnight—that they still have in ’28-29, when the changes come in. They will be making decisions now that will be caught up in future changes.

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

The hon. Lady makes a similar point to that made by the hon. Member for Grantham and Bourne, which is that the changes will come in further down the line, but they are critical of the fact that we are pre-announcing the changes now so that we give greater certainty and stability. I cannot understand that criticism, because I thought that giving as much forecasting, certainty and stability as possible would be welcomed by the industry and consumers. People expect taxes to change over time, and the greater the forecasting and advance notice they have, the better for consumers and for manufacturers. Without making this too political, I know that the Opposition were not a great fan of certainty and stability when they were in office, but we are rather different. That is why we are setting out the changes now.

The shadow Minister referred to the DFT consultation, and of course, he is right that I would not pre-empt its outcome. In combination, our giving information about what the appropriate percentages will be towards the end of the decade, thereby providing certainty and stability, will help us to work closely with other Departments to ensure that consumers are well informed about what is likely to happen towards the end of the decade and manufacturers have the certainty and stability that were so desperately lacking under the previous Administration.

Clause 13 - Charge and main rate for financial year 2026

David Mundell (Conservative, Dumfriesshire, Clydesdale and Tweeddale)

With this it will be convenient to debate clause 14 stand part.

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

Clause 13 sets the charge for corporation tax for the financial year beginning April 2026, setting the main rate at 25%; and clause 14 sets the small profit rate at 19% for the same period. As Members know, the charge for corporation tax must be set every year, so it is important to legislate on the rate for 2026 now to provide certainty to large and very large companies, which will pay tax in advance on the basis of their estimated tax liabilities. That is also why we have committed to cap corporation tax at 25% for the duration of the Parliament, as set out in the corporate tax road map published at the autumn Budget. The changes made by clause 13 will establish the right of the Government to charge corporation tax from April 2026. The clauses maintain the current rates of 25% and the small profits rate of 19%. Tax certainty is of great importance to businesses, and clauses 13 and 14 ensure that they continue to benefit from stable and predictable tax rules. I commend both clauses to the Committee.

Gareth Davies (Conservative, Grantham and Bourne)

As the Minister set out, clauses 13 and 14 set the charge and rates of corporation tax for financial year 2026. The main rate remains unchanged at 25%, with the standard small profits rate at 19%, and the standard marginal relief fraction remains three 200ths.

In Committee on the last Finance Bill, the Exchequer Secretary to the Treasury, who was then the shadow Financial Secretary to the Treasury—a great Opposition role—told the House that if Labour won the election, they would bring certainty back for businesses by capping the rate of corporation tax at 25% for the whole of the next Parliament. At that point, he spoke of capping corporation tax and publishing a business taxation road map as though they were two separate things.

This year’s Budget makes clear that there is no cap outside the road map, and once again, as with income tax, we must take Labour at their word that they will stick to a non-binding commitment, which is not legislated for in this Finance Bill. It is unclear how much certainty or stability such a loose commitment will bring, especially when the Budget blindsided businesses with a £25 billion tax hike. Not only that, but the corporate tax road map itself says that, while the Government are committed to providing stability and predictability in the business tax system, they cannot rule out changes to the corporate tax regime over the course of this Parliament.

Given the Government’s ongoing worries about headroom and the uncertainty and instability that has created, will the Minister reconfirm for the parliamentary record the Government’s commitment, first, not to raise the headline rate of corporation tax for the duration of this Parliament; secondly, not to raise the small profits rate or reduce the marginal relief currently available; and thirdly, to maintain full expensing and the annual investment allowance, as well as writing down allowances and the structures and buildings allowance without meaningfully altering their eligibility?

Less than a year ago, when he was still in opposition, the Exchequer Secretary, tabled an amendment to the last Finance Bill that would have required the Chancellor to assess how the current main rate of corporation tax affects investment decisions taken by businesses and businesses’ certain about future fiscal and market conditions. The amendment would also have required a further assessment of how maintaining the main rate across this Parliament would affect those two factors. Now that the hon. Gentleman is in government, I am sure that he has conducted such an assessment and would be glad to share his findings with the Committee.

The Minister cannot point to the OBR’s forecast, because it makes no comment on the impact of corporation tax on stability and certainty, and the corporation tax road map makes no serious assessment either. The OBR does, though, clearly state that the net impact of budget policies lowers business investment. On that score, even the current rate of corporation tax could be counted as a positive. It is clearly far outweighed by the burden placed on businesses by Labour through other measures, none of which are covered by the corporation tax road map, for it all is worth. As the OBR demonstrates, any distinction between corporation taxes and business taxes is a false one. Its report makes clear that corporate profits—a key driver of corporation tax forecasts—are lower than in our March forecast because the rise in employer NICs raises costs for firms across the country.

We are already seeing the forecasts come to fruition. Following its quarterly survey of chief financial officers, the chief economist at Deloitte said that

“in the wake of the Budget, CFOs have trimmed expectations for corporate investment, discretionary spending and hiring in the next 12 months.”

The Bill lays bare Labour’s rhetoric. On corporation tax, the best offer the Government can make to British businesses is to do nothing, while harming them in lots of other places. All the indications are that they will be back for more, so for the sake of stability and clarity, which have already been so badly shaken in such a short period of time, I hope the Minister will unequivocally rule out any future increases in rates and any reductions in thresholds or allowances.

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

I was expecting a series of amendments from the Opposition; I was not expecting the shadow Minister to quote back at me an amendment I tabled several years ago. It is a new, although interesting, approach to opposition to rely on what I tabled in opposition and quote that back at me. I am sure it was an excellent amendment, although I cannot remember its exact detail.

On the hon. Gentleman’s questions about corporation tax rates, I am sure he will remember from his time in the Treasury that it is standard practice to legislate the charge to corporation tax on an annual basis, even when the rates remain unchanged. That is a long-standing convention that applies to income tax as well. However, because we were so determined to give businesses stability and certainty, we published the corporate tax road map alongside the Budget. In that road map, we made clear our commitment to maintaining the main rate—or, indeed, to capping it—at 25% for the duration of the Parliament.

The small profits rate and marginal relief will also be maintained at their current rates and thresholds. Full expensing and the annual investment allowance are also guaranteed for this Parliament. When it comes to corporation tax, full expensing and the annual investment allowance, the various Finance Bills in this Parliament will be quite a different experience compared with those in the previous Parliament.

Harriet Cross (Conservative, Gordon and Buchan)

Although we of course welcome a road map as a way to give businesses confidence on corporation tax, we should not get mixed up in the smoke and mirrors of what business taxes are. Because of the Budget, businesses now face many taxes and the uncertainty that they bring. Will we also see road maps for things such as the national insurance rises, the increase in business rates, minimum wage increases and measures in the Employment Rights Bill, all of which have an impact on business?

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

The hon. Lady mentions business rates. I do not know whether she has read the discussion paper “Transforming Business Rates”.

Harriet Cross (Conservative, Gordon and Buchan)

indicated assent.

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

I am glad the hon. Lady has read it, because it sets out our approach to business rates in the coming year, from April 2026, and what we want to do over this Parliament. Businesses want stability and certainty from Government; they recognise that, over a five-year period, things will happen that cannot be predicted on day one, but they want that certainty and predictability. That is why, in the corporate tax road map, we give certainty on capping the main rate and on the small profits rate, marginal relief, full expensing and the annual investment allowance—everything on which we can give full certainty. However, where there are areas that we seek to explore or consult on, we are also clear about that. We developed that approach in partnership with business to make sure that we give as much certainty up front as we can, while also signposting those areas that we want to discuss.

Gareth Davies (Conservative, Grantham and Bourne)

Let us be clear: it is good when a Government set out a tax rate over a multi-year period; we accept that that is a good thing. However, does the Minister accept—to the point raised by my hon. Friend the Member for Gordon and Buchan—that although a road map has been set out on corporation tax, the Labour party has created uncertainty by saying, before the election, that it would not increase national insurance contributions and then, immediately after the election, hitting businesses with a £25 billion tax rise, including not only a rate change but a threshold change that brings many new businesses into the tax regime? Does the Minister accept that the problem is about more than corporation tax? It is about the entire business tax ecosystem. On that basis, the charge is very clear: his Government have caused great uncertainty and great damage to British businesses.

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

Although I am mindful that the clauses are on corporation tax, Mr Mundell, let me briefly respond to the shadow Minister’s comments. This Government were elected to bring an end to the instability that had become endemic under the previous Government. I like the hon. Gentleman a lot, but for him to imply that the previous Government had stability from day to day is for the birds. I was in the House of Commons Chamber so many times for debates on Finance Bills. I think we went through the entire introduction and repeal of the health and social care levy in the space of a few months. There was no stability under the previous Government, and that was a large part of what led people to vote for change at the last general election. They wanted us to sort out the public finances, get public services back on their feet and restore the economic stability that is the bedrock on which investment can rise and on which we can get the economy growing as we know it can, supporting British businesses, entrepreneurs and wealth creators to do what they do best.

To bring us back to the clauses, publishing the corporate tax road map shows our commitment to not just campaigning on the prospect of bringing stability but delivering it in our very first Budget. The corporate tax road map clearly sets out our approach to corporation tax, related allowances and other areas we will look at. I may have discerned support for it in the shadow Minister’s comments; it was bound up in other comments but, reading between the lines, I think he supports the publication of the corporate tax road map. He is welcome to intervene if he disagrees.

Gareth Davies (Conservative, Grantham and Bourne)

I will intervene anyway. As I said, any certainty that can be provided to businesses regarding the tax system is a good thing. The point I am trying to make—I will try again—is that corporation tax is just one tax paid by businesses. They also pay national insurance contributions. They also use reliefs such as the business rates relief the Minister talked about—by the way, the Government have cut that from 70% to 40%, although I am not sure that it was clear before the election that they would do that. The uncertainty has been caused by all the things that the British public were told would not happen, but that then did happen.

We are talking about corporation tax today, and I can see that you are, quite rightly, about to bring us back in scope, Mr Mundell. I will leave it here by saying that British businesses pay more than just corporation tax, and what they need is certainty across the board. We have a corporation tax road map, but why do we not have a holistic, comprehensive business tax road map that includes national insurance, business rates and other taxes borne by businesses? That is my point.

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

With your indulgence, Mr Mundell, I would like to briefly address—

David Mundell (Conservative, Dumfriesshire, Clydesdale and Tweeddale)

As long as it is contextual.

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

Yes. In the context of this discussion on corporation tax, I will address the comments about other taxes. The shadow Minister again mentioned business rates and business rates relief, but he might want to recall the situation we inherited on business rates relief. This year it is operating at a 75% discount for retail, hospitality and leisure properties, up to a cap of £110,000, and it was due to expire entirely in April 2025. What we inherited was not just instability, but a cliff edge—it was going to go entirely in April this year. I notice that that part of the story is conveniently erased from the shadow Minister’s account of history.

Business rates relief was going to expire entirely in April 2025, so we were keen to ensure that we continued it, while being mindful of the public finances. Our decision to continue it for a further year at 40% was the right thing to do while we ensure that we are ready from April 2026 to have permanently lower tax rates for retail, hospitality and leisure businesses with a rateable value of below £500,000. That is the stability that businesses so badly need. Frankly, the shadow Minister, who is talking about business rates in the context of corporation tax, overlooked that fact entirely. Under the previous Government, the reliefs were extended one year at a time, with the rates going up and down, which provided no stability for businesses trying to make investment decisions. From April 2026, with our permanently lower rates, we want to provide exactly that stability.

To return to corporation tax, which is the subject of these two clauses, one of the conversations that I had many a time with businesses while in opposition was about their desire for certainty on corporation tax and the system of allowances. I recall challenging the shadow Minister, when he was a Treasury Minister himself, about the number of changes there had been to full expensing, the annual investment allowance and indeed to the super-deduction, which came and went entirely within one Parliament. That instability is what prompted our desire to provide stability for businesses, and publishing the corporation tax road map and these clauses begins to implement the commitments we made.

Clause 19 - Pillar Two

David Mundell (Conservative, Dumfriesshire, Clydesdale and Tweeddale)

With this it will be convenient to discuss the following:

Government amendments 1 to 3, 21 to 23, 4 to 11, 24 to 29, 12 and 13, 30, 14, and 31 to 37.

Schedule 4.

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

Clause 19 and schedule 4 introduce the undertaxed profits rule—the third and final part of the internationally agreed global minimum tax known as pillar two. They also amend the existing legislation on multinational top-up tax and domestic top-up tax to incorporate the latest international agreements and stakeholder feedback.

It is essential that multinationals pay their fair share of tax in the UK. Pillar two protects the UK tax base from large multinationals shifting their profits overseas to low-tax jurisdictions, by requiring multinationals that generate annual revenues of more than €750 million to pay an effective tax rate of 15% on their profits in every jurisdiction in which they operate. Where their effective tax rate falls below that, they will pay a top-up tax.

More than 135 members of the OECD inclusive framework have signed up to pillar two and agreed that it will achieve that objective through three rules respectively: a domestic minimum tax, the income inclusion rule and the undertaxed profits rule. First, the domestic minimum tax ensures that multinational enterprises operating in the UK will pay at least an effective rate of 15% to the UK and will not be charged pillar two taxes by a foreign jurisdiction.

Secondly, the income inclusion rule, which is known as the multinational top-up tax in the UK, means that groups headquartered in the UK but operating in other jurisdictions that do not apply domestic minimum tax, will pay top-up tax here in the UK. Thirdly, the undertaxed profits rule, or the UTPR, is a backstop, which means that any top-up tax not collected under the first two rules will still be collected. For instance, if a multinational is headquartered in a jurisdiction that has not introduced pillar two, the UTPR-implementing countries in which the multinational group operates will share the top-up tax between them.

Those three rules together ensure that a group will be subject to pillar two taxes on worldwide activities, as long as it has a presence in at least one implementing country. The OECD expects that to apply to 90% of multinationals in 2025. The UK has already introduced the first two rules and is legislating for the UTPR in the Bill. The staggered introduction is in line with OECD recommendations, and consequently on the same timeline as in many other jurisdictions, and it is intended to help businesses transition into the new regime.

The Government are also legislating for amendments to the UK’s adoption of the income inclusion rule and the domestic minimum tax, which took effect in the UK from 31 December 2023, as they did in a host of countries around the world. Multinational enterprises are preparing to submit their first tax returns and to pay any top-up tax due in mid-2026. In their preparations ahead of that, groups have identified elements of the rules that require additional clarification or adjustment—essentially, software updates to the rules. These points are discussed in an international forum, with the UK and more than 135 members of the inclusive framework agreeing solutions. The OECD then publishes guidance that implementing countries may add to their domestic legislation. The Bill incorporates many of those updates that have been agreed multilaterally in the past year and includes clarifications to the existing legislation, in addition to implementing the UTPR.

I will now turn to the changes made by clause 19. The clause details the calculation that groups must use to determine how much top-up tax the UK will collect through the new UTPR, which is in proportion to the UK’s share of the assets and employees of the group. Special rules are set out for groups with a joint venture group ringfenced from the ordinary members of the group.

The legislation also includes a simplification known as the UTPR safe harbour, which applies until December 2026. Groups are excluded from the UTPR in the headquarter jurisdiction if the headline tax rate there is at least 20%. In many cases, a group will be subject to the UTPR only in the headquarter jurisdiction, and those jurisdictions may implement a domestic minimum tax by December 2026, in which case the UTPR will no longer apply. The safe harbour prevents groups from having to undertake detailed compliance obligations in relation to the UTPR in the intervening period.

Another simplification measure helps multinational enterprises that are in the earliest phase of their international expansion. It excludes groups from the UTPR for five years if they have a presence in six or fewer territories, with tangible fixed assets of €50 million or less, outside of their primary country.

I will now turn to our amendments to clause 19, which are technical in nature. The most significant are as follows. First, we are introducing an anti-arbitrage rule—announced in a ministerial statement last year—that prevents multinationals from entering into avoidance transactions to exploit a temporary simplification in the rules known as the country-by-country reporting safe harbour. Secondly, we are making an improvement to the domestic minimum tax-charging mechanism to ensure that members of a group are allocated the right amount of a group’s top-up tax. Thirdly, there are updates to rules on flow-through entities, blended controlled foreign company regimes, cross-border allocations of tax and the country-by-country reporting safe harbour, in accordance with the latest OECD guidance. Fourthly, we are enabling HMRC to specify qualifying pillar two taxes by regulation when they have passed the peer review process. The legislation provides that, prior to the completion of the peer review process, groups can assess whether a tax is likely to be qualified, allowing them to prepare their accounts on that basis. Fifthly, there are technical amendments that will take effect for accounting periods beginning after 31 December 2024, except for the anti-arbitrage rule, which applies from the date it was announced via written ministerial statement, in March 2024.

Taxpayers can make an election so that a certain group of amendments will apply retrospectively from the introduction of the pillar two taxes on 31 December 2023. The amendments contain some measures that are likely to be helpful to most taxpayers, and others that may not be helpful to all. No taxpayer is forced to accept the retrospective application of a potentially detrimental measure, but taxpayers wishing to secure a retrospective application of measures helpful to them will also have to accept the retrospective application of measures that may not be. If no election is made, the amendments will apply only on a prospective basis. Certain other amendments cannot be detrimental to taxpayers in any circumstances. These are not part of the election and will automatically have retrospective effect from 31 December 2023.

Amendments 1 to 14 and 21 to 23 ensure that the legislation works as intended, by making small corrections to it, as well as two additions to align with the latest internationally agreed advice. The two additions clarify when and how groups need to override values in financial statements when calculating their liabilities and how a group recalculates its pillar two liability in respect of a previous accounting period, meaning that additional tax is due. Amendments 31 to 37 reflect comments received from stakeholders since the publication of the Bill. Collectively, they deliver a less onerous administrative process for groups wishing to elect for certain changes in the Bill to apply retrospectively to them.

In conclusion, clause 19 and schedule 4 introduce the important undertaxed profits rule backstop to pillar two and make technical amendments to existing legislation. I therefore commend them, and Government amendments 1 to 14 and 21 to 37, to the Committee.

James Wild (Conservative, North West Norfolk)

It is a great pleasure to serve on the Committee under your chairmanship, Mr Mundell. As we heard from the Minister, clause 19 and schedule 4 amend the parts and schedules of the Finance (No. 2) Act 2023 that implement the multinational top-up tax and domestic top-up tax. Part 2 of schedule 4 introduces the undertaxed profits rule into UK legislation, and part 3 makes amendments to the multinational top-up tax and domestic top-up tax. These taxes represent the UK’s adoption of the OECD pillar two global minimum tax rules, and we are supportive of the measures before us.

In October 2021, under an OECD inclusive framework, more than 130 countries agreed to enact a two-pillar solution to address the challenges arising from the digitalisation of the economy. Pillar one involves a partial reallocation of taxing rights over the profits of multinationals to the jurisdictions where consumers are located. The detailed rules that will deliver pillar one are still under development by the inclusive framework. As the Minister said, pillar two introduces a global effective tax rate, whereby multinational groups with revenue of more than €750 million are subject to a minimum effective rate of 15% on income arising in low-tax jurisdictions.

The multinational and domestic tax top-ups were introduced in the Finance Act 2023, as the first tranche of the UK’s implementation of the agreed pillar two framework. Measures in the Bill extend the top-up taxes to give effect to the undertaxed profits rule. That brings a share of top-up taxes that are not paid under another jurisdiction’s income inclusion rule or domestic top-up tax rule into charge in the UK. The undertaxed profits rule will be effective for accounting periods beginning on or after 31 December 2024.

Following discussions with the Chartered Institute of Taxation, I have a number of points to raise with the Minister. First, as the institute points out, there is an open point around the application of the transitional safe-harbour anti-arbitrage rules. The OECD’s anti-arbitrage rules for the transitional safe harbours are drafted very broadly, and may therefore go further than originally anticipated. Will the Minister clarify HMRC’s view of the scope of those rules?

There are also questions about taxpayers’ ability to qualify for the transitional safe harbours. A transitional safe harbour is a temporary measure that reduces the compliance burden for multinationals and tax authorities. There has been some uncertainty as to whether a single error in a country-by-country report could disqualify all jurisdictions from applying the transitional safe harbours. HMRC has recently indicated that it would be open to permitting re-filings of country-by-country reports where errors are spotted. Can the Minister provide further clarity on HMRC’s proposed approach?

The UK’s legislation will need to be updated regularly to stay in line with the OECD’s evolving guidance. What steps is the Minister taking to ensure that clear guidance is provided in a timely manner? The new top-up taxes and undertaxed profits rule are complicated. Schedule 4 runs to over 40 pages and includes an eight-step method to determine the proportion of an untaxed amount to be allocated to the UK. It is important that the Government minimise the cost of implementation and compliance. How will the Minister ensure that it is kept to a minimum?

While I welcome the work the UK is doing at a global level, there are still significant issues. I was interested, as I am sure the Minister was, to see that one of the first actions of President Trump, just hours after he took office, was to issue a presidential memorandum stating:

“This memorandum recaptures our nation’s sovereignty and economic competitiveness by clarifying that the global tax deal has no force or effect in the United States.”

It states in clear and unambiguous terms:

“The Secretary of the Treasury and the Permanent Representative of the United States to the OECD shall notify the OECD that any commitments made by the prior administration on behalf of the United States with respect to the global tax deal have no force or effect within the United States absent an act by the Congress adopting the relevant provisions of the global tax deal.”

The OBR estimates that pillar two is expected to generate £2.8 billion by the end of this Parliament. What impact could the US position have on the future operation of pillar two and the UK’s ability to levy top-up taxes on multinationals as planned? The same memorandum issued by President Trump notes that

“a list of options for protective measures”

will be drawn up within 60 days. What action are the Government taking to engage with the US Treasury and to prepare for such actions? Has the Chancellor raised this with her opposite number?

The Minister referred to the more than 30 Government amendments that have been tabled to schedule 4, which correct errors in the calculation of the multinational top-up tax payable under the UTPR provisions that would have resulted in an excessive liability; secure that eligible payroll costs and eligible asset amounts are allocated from flow-through entities in a manner that is consistent with pillar two model rules; and ensure that multinational top-up tax and domestic top-up tax apply properly in cases involving joint ventures. They are all perfectly sensible, but the number of amendments tabled underlines the complexity of the issue.

As I mentioned, this is a two-pillar system. The corporate tax road map confirmed the Government’s support for the international agreement on a multilateral solution under pillar one and the intention to repeal the UK’s digital sales tax when that solution is in place. The digital sales tax raised £380 million in 2021-22, £567 million in 2022-23 and £678 million in 2023-24. I would welcome an update from the Minister on pillar one and the future of the digital sales tax.

The Opposition will not be opposing the clause, but I look forward to the Minister’s response to the specific points I have raised, including those on developments under the new Trump Administration and on implementation.

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

I thank the shadow Minister for his support for the provisions before us and our general approach.

First, it is the case that we are amending the Bill in Committee, but that is because, as his colleagues may remember from their time in government, these are complex rules and it is important that pillar two rules work as intended. This is a complex international agreement and it represents one of the most significant reforms of international taxation for a century. It is to a degree inevitable that revisions would be needed as countries and businesses introduce pillar two and set it in progress. It is complex, but we should not forget that pillar two applies only to large multinational businesses, and the reason it is being introduced is to stop those businesses shifting their profits to low-tax jurisdictions and not paying their fair share here in the UK. The rules need to respond to that, and we need to make sure that they work for all sectors and all types of businesses.

The shadow Minister is right that, although we are talking about pillar two, there is of course a pillar one as part of this package. The Government are committed to implementing both pillars. In pillar one, there is amount A and amount B. Amount A reallocates taxing rights over part of the residual profits of the largest and most profitable multinationals. That has been substantively agreed. A small number of jurisdictions have issues with amount B, which looks to simplify aspects of transfer pricing for baseline distribution. The Government are hopeful that those issues can be quickly resolved to allow the pillar one package to be delivered. He will know that the Government maintain the commitment to cease the digital services tax once pillar one comes into play.

The shadow Minister asked about safe-harbour anti-arbitrage rule. We acknowledge that the rule is imperfect and applies in cases where we would prefer it did not. It reflects an internationally agreed position and any failure to implement it faithfully could have prejudiced recognition of the UK’s taxes as qualified, with serious detrimental effects. That having been said, the rule is not a taxing provision. It limits the availability of an administrative easement, the safe harbour, rather than charging tax. It was introduced to combat structures that would have allowed groups to qualify for safe-harbour status in jurisdictions with very low tax rates, which would have been a material threat to the integrity of the pillar two project. In that context, we do not think it was unreasonable for the drafting to err on the side of breadth. If the opportunity arises, though, it is our intention to seek agreement to improve the rule in the light of the extensive stakeholder comment that it has drawn.

The shadow Minister also asked about errors with country reporting. I reassure him that we are committed to simplifying the rules. HMRC will seek to apply the rules in accordance with the information given out through the OECD model rules and proportionately, wherever possible within the law.

Finally, the shadow Minister asked about the international context. I will not give a running commentary, but it is worth saying that pillar two is—I am sure he would agree—a historic and important initiative in countering multinational base erosion and profit shifting, and it helps to ensure a fair approach to how countries compete for cross-border investment. It has been agreed by 140 countries and has been implemented or is in the process of being implemented by the UK, the EU member states, Canada, Australia, Japan, New Zealand, South Korea and more. The UK will, of course, be open to discussing concerns and ways to alleviate them that uphold the policy aims of pillar two and can be supported by all members of the inclusive framework.

Schedule 4 - Pillar two

Clause 20 - Offshore receipts in respect of intangible property

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

The clause repeals the offshore receipts in respect of intangible property legislation, known as ORIP, which was aimed at disincentivising large multinational enterprises from holding intangible property in a low-tax jurisdiction if the intangible property was used to generate income in the UK. Such enterprises could thereby gain an unfair competitive advantage over those that held intangible property in the UK. The policy is no longer required, because pillar two—the global minimum tax—will more comprehensively discourage the multinational tax planning arrangements that ORIP sought to counter.

As set out in the corporate tax road map, which we debated earlier, the Government are committed to simplification of the UK’s rules for taxing cross-border activities in the light of pillar two. Repeal will take place alongside the introduction of pillar two’s undertaxed profit rules in the UK from 31 December 2024, which we debated with clause 19. Clause 20 simply repeals chapter 2A of part 5 of the Income Tax (Trading and Other Income) Act 2005, and I commend it to the Committee.

James Wild (Conservative, North West Norfolk)

As we heard from the Minister, clause 20 repeals the ORIP rules, which are about ensuring that profits derived from UK consumers are taxed fairly and consistently, regardless of where the underlying intangible property is held. The previous Government announced in the 2023 autumn statement that they would abolish ORIP, so we support the clause.

The ORIP rules were a short-term, unilateral measure introduced in the Finance Act 2019 to disincentivise large multinational enterprises from holding intangible property—assets such as patents, trademarks and copyrights—in low-tax jurisdictions if it was used to generate income in the UK. Such multinationals could thereby gain an unfair competitive advantage over others that hold intangible property in the UK, as well as eroding the UK tax base. However, the legislation is no longer required, because the OECD/G20 inclusive framework pillar two global minimum tax rules will comprehensively discourage the multinational tax planning arrangements that ORIP sought to counter.

As the Minister said, the repeal will happen alongside the introduction of the pillar two undertaxed profits rule from 31 December 2024. Has he assessed how successful the ORIP rules have been since their introduction? HMRC’s tax information and impact notes state that this measure will have a negligible impact on around 30 large multinational groups and a negative impact on the Exchequer, peaking at £40 million in 2026-27. Can the Minister clarify why the repeal of the ORIP rules is having a negative impact on revenues to the Exchequer? I note that the Chartered Institute of Taxation has welcomed the measure and specifically said that

“any reduction in the legislative code to minimise overlap and unnecessary measures is welcome.”

We say amen to that.

As I have set out, we will not oppose the clause, but I look forward to the Minister’s response to my specific points about ORIP.

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

I thank the shadow Minister for his support for the clause. I think his question was about the impact of repealing ORIP. A fundamental point here is that pillar two, which we debated previously, will now tax the profits that were the target of ORIP. Pillar two is expected to raise more than £15 billion over the next six years, so ORIP is simply no longer needed. The Government believe that simplifying and rationalising the UK’s rules for taxing cross-border activities is important, and as such it is right that we use this opportunity to repeal ORIP.

Clause 21 - Application of PAYE in relation to internationally mobile employees etc.

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

I beg to move amendment 15, in clause 21, page 11, line 21, after “is” insert “or has been”.

This amendment makes it clear that new section 690 applies if an employee has been internationally mobile in a tax year, even if the employee is no longer internationally mobile.

David Mundell (Conservative, Dumfriesshire, Clydesdale and Tweeddale)

With this it will be convenient to discuss the following:

Government amendments 16 to 19.

Clause stand part.

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

I will briefly address clause 21 before explaining what the amendment seeks to achieve.

The clause makes changes to simplify the process for operating pay-as-you-earn where an employee is eligible for overseas workday relief. It relates to some of the reforms we are making around non-UK domiciled individuals, which we will return to later in Committee, because those clauses are in a different part of the Bill. More broadly, the context of this measure is that the Government are removing the outdated concept of domicile status from the tax system, and replacing it with a new, internationally competitive, residence-based regime from 6 April 2025.

Currently, where an employer makes an application to treat only a portion of the income that they pay to an employee as PAYE income, they are required to wait for HMRC to approve an application, which can result in delays. The changes made by clause 21 will mean that from 6 April 2025, an employer will be able to operate PAYE only on income relating to work done in the UK once they have received an acknowledgment from HMRC of their completed application, rather than having to wait for HMRC to approve it. That approach will simplify the operation of overseas workday relief for employers, while still allowing HMRC to direct employers to amend the proportion of income on which PAYE is operated, should it be necessary to do so.

Amendments 15 to 19 are needed in order to ensure that the legislation regarding the correct operation of PAYE works as intended. The Government are committed to making the tax system fairer so that everyone who is a long-term resident in the UK pays their taxes here. The new regime ensures this, while also being more attractive than the current approach, as individuals will be able to bring income and gains into the UK without attracting an additional tax charge. That will encourage them to spend and invest those funds in the UK.

James Wild (Conservative, North West Norfolk)

As we have heard from the Minister, clause 21 amends the process by which employers can operate PAYE on a proportion of payments of employment income made to an employee during the tax year. It is a welcome change. We will be supporting the clause and the simplification that it introduces.

By way of background, the clause amends section 690 of the Income Tax (Earnings and Pensions) Act 2003. Section 690 provides a mechanism for an individual or employer to seek a decision from HMRC regarding the tax treatment of certain earnings. The resulting determination under section 690 is an agreement between HMRC and a UK employer on the estimated percentage of duties that an internationally mobile employee expects to carry out in a tax year. Once that determination is provided, the employer can operate PAYE on only that percentage of the employee’s salary.

Unfortunately, that is easier said than done. According to the Institute of Chartered Accountants in England and Wales, historically HMRC has missed its four-month target to agree employers’ applications, and in some cases it has taken up to a year to obtain HMRC’s approval. This is just one example of the difficulty that taxpayers have in engaging with HMRC. I welcome the comments that the Minister made at Treasury questions last week about the work that he is doing—he chairs the board of HMRC, I believe—to ensure that HMRC delivers a better service for customers. We all wish him well on that.

Perhaps this is an opportune time to remind the 3.4 million people who have to submit self-assessment tax returns to do so before the 31 January deadline. Colleagues may wish to ensure that they have submitted theirs.

In the absence of an agreement, PAYE must be operated on the whole salary, meaning that the employee would be overtaxed and must claim relief after the year end. That is not a satisfactory outcome for anyone. These changes will allow employers to immediately operate PAYE on only the proportion of earnings that they believe relates to UK duties, rather than having to wait for HMRC to approve the application. This new process is a welcome step forward in dealing with an issue that HMRC has had in meeting its legal obligations under the current tax system.

The Chartered Institute of Taxation and the ICAEW have raised concerns that the reforms to section 690 make no reference to treaty non-resident cases. Will the Minister clarify whether there will be another process for treaty non-resident cases?

The ICAEW also considers that the Bill overlooks scenarios in which a section 690 determination will be required—for instance, where all the UK tax on foreign employment income is covered by foreign tax credits. Has the Minister considered amending the new section 690 so that the definition of an internationally mobile employee includes that scenario?

On the scope of the measures, I would be grateful if the Minister can confirm how many people the change is likely to impact, and to what extent it is expected to improve the timeliness of a determination. I would also be grateful if he can confirm what risks, if any, the change poses to tax compliance.

As I have set out, we support this change, but I would appreciate the Minister’s comments on how the amended process will work for certain groups. I recognise that this is a detailed issue, so he may wish to write to the Committee on the points I have raised.

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

I thank the shadow Minister for his support for the clause and the amendments. He rightly recognises that this is a simplification to make things happen quicker in the tax system, and we can all agree on that. He raised some specific points, and I will write to him on the detail of the operation of the clause so that he has a record of that. I endorse his call for anyone who has not already submitted their self-assessment tax return to be mindful of the deadline of the end of the month.

Clause 22 - Advance pricing agreements: indirect participation in financing cases

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

Clause 22 introduces technical amendments to provide certainty that advance pricing agreements are available for all financing arrangements covered by the transfer pricing rules, in line with the existing HMRC guidance.

The transfer pricing rules ensure that transactions between related parties, such as companies in the same multinational group, are priced as though they were between independent entities, in line with the arm’s length principle. This makes sure that each related party pays the appropriate amount of tax in the country in which it operates. That ensures a fair distribution of tax revenues across different jurisdictions and prevents companies from manipulating intra-group prices to shift profits to lower tax jurisdictions.

The UK’s advance pricing agreement legislation provides for agreements to be entered into between HMRC and businesses in scope of the transfer pricing rules, which determine the transfer pricing method that businesses should use to determine the arm’s length price. An advance pricing agreement is not special treatment for that taxpayer; rather, it provides improved certainty to taxpayers in areas where the correct application of the transfer pricing rules may be in doubt.

HMRC has recently become aware of a technical gap in the legislation that was contrary to its long-established statement of practice. The said statement of practice allows for an advance pricing agreement to be entered into where the parties are acting together in relation to financing arrangements. The changes made by this clause fix that gap and will ensure that HMRC can provide businesses with tax certainty in relation to the application of the transfer pricing legislation to all in-scope financing arrangements, in line with HMRC’s statement of practice.

The intention of this clause is to fix a technical gap in existing legislation and to ensure that HMRC can provide certainty in line with its existing published guidance.

James Wild (Conservative, North West Norfolk)

As we heard from the Minister, clause 22 makes amendments to parts 4 and 5 of the Taxation (International and Other Provisions) Act 2010 concerning the meaning of indirect participation in relation to advance pricing agreements. Once again, we welcome these changes. An APA is a procedural agreement between one or more taxpayers or one or more tax authorities on the future application of transfer pricing policies. Advance pricing agreements can help to provide certainty and avoid transfer pricing disputes.

HMRC recently became aware that there is a technical gap in the circumstances in which an advance pricing agreement may be entered into. Clause 22 aims to rectify that gap and provide clarity on what constitutes indirect participation in the context of APAs. The clause amends both the transfer pricing and APA legislation to ensure the validity of advance pricing agreements in cases where the parties to the provision are connected only by virtue of acting together in relation to the financing arrangements.

The clause will ensure the validity of advance pricing agreements with businesses in such circumstances and is intended to ensure that HMRC can provide businesses with tax certainty in relation to the application of transfer pricing legislation. We have spoken a lot during this Committee about the importance of certainty for business, so that is a welcome step.

By providing clarification on what indirect participation means, the Government are confirming the scope of advance pricing agreements, which should improve certainty and dispute resolution. The Chartered Institute of Taxation notes that

“this measure will be helpful for taxpayers that have applied to or want to apply to HMRC for APAs in relation to financing arrangements (such as Advance Thin Capitalisation Agreements) in circumstances where the UK’s transfer pricing rules are only in scope due to persons acting together in relation to those financing arrangements.”

The clause will likely improve the process both for businesses and HMRC. It is, however, a little hard to understand the real-world impact from the tax information and impact notes. Now that indirect participation has been defined and the scope of advance pricing agreements effectively broadened, will there be any extra enforcement cost? I would be grateful if the Minister could confirm how many businesses the change is likely to impact. It would also be useful to know whether the Government have calculated the economic benefits of advance pricing agreements and, subsequently, how the change will impact the Exchequer. As I have set out, we welcome this technical change, but I would welcome the Minister’s comments on the issues I have raised.

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

I thank the hon. Gentleman for his support for the clause. We are on a roll of him supporting clause after clause—may this continue throughout the rest of the Bill.

The hon. Gentleman rightly recognises that this is a simplification measure on which all Members can agree. As it is a simplification measure, it is non-scoring, so it does not have an Exchequer impact—it simply provides certainty on how the rules as intended will apply. It does not change how the rules apply or make a policy change to the Government’s approach; it makes sure that there is total certainty and clarity about how they will apply. Only a limited number of taxpayers will be affected, and we expect them to welcome the change because of this certainty.

I welcome the Opposition’s support for this clause, because I think we can all agree on giving as much certainty to taxpayers and businesses as possible.

Clause 23 - Expenditure on zero-emission cars

David Mundell (Conservative, Dumfriesshire, Clydesdale and Tweeddale)

With this it will be convenient to discuss clause 24 stand part.

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

Clauses 23 and 24 make changes to extend the 100% first-year allowances for qualifying expenditure on zero emission cars and plant or machinery for electric vehicle charge points by a further year to April 2026. The first-year allowance for cars was originally introduced for expenditure incurred from 17 April 2002 for low CO2-emission cars, including electric vehicles, and eligibility was later restricted to cars with zero CO2 emissions from April 2021. The first-year allowance for electric vehicle charge points was originally introduced for expenditure incurred from 23 November 2016. These first-year allowances were introduced to support the UK’s transition to cleaner vehicles and were due to expire in April 2025.

The changes made by clauses 23 and 24 will extend the availability of the capital allowances for a further year to 31 March 2026 for corporation tax purposes and 5 April 2026 for income tax purposes. This ensures that investments in zero emission cars and charge point infrastructure continue to receive the most generous capital allowance treatment. By extending the first-year allowances for zero emission cars and charge point infrastructure, the measure will provide continued support for the transition to electric vehicles.

Gareth Davies (Conservative, Grantham and Bourne)

As the Minister set out, clauses 23 and 24 extend the availability of the 100% first-year allowance for business expenditure on zero emission cars and for expenditure on plant or machinery for an electric vehicle charging point. Both allowances are extended for a single year from April 2025. In their current forms, both allowances were introduced by Conservative Governments. Although we will not oppose the clauses, there are a few questions that I would like the Minister to address.

The first relates to a point that has been highlighted by the Association of Taxation Technicians concerning clause 24. The ATT has queried why the specific allowance for charging points is being extended when this expenditure has been covered by both the annual investment allowance and full expensing since the Conservative Government made those reliefs permanent in 2023. That means that the allowance is really relevant only to unincorporated business—for example, a partnership or sole trader— that has already used its annual investment allowance in full, which is a scenario that the ATT considers to be quite rare.

According to the ATT, we should be able to tell how rare this is from the number of claims made for this specific allowance on tax returns. Will the Minister provide any information that he has to hand on that? HMRC has said it expects 6,000 unincorporated businesses to be impacted by clauses 23 and 24. Does the Minister have a figure for clause 24 alone and for specific unincorporated businesses that have exhausted their annual investment allowance? At the very least, I would be grateful if the Minister explained to the Committee the rationale behind that specific extension, given the context that the ATT has so clearly set out.

The cost to HMRC of implementing the clauses is a cool £1.2 million—a relatively high figure for the extension of a pre-existing allowance for a single year. If clause 24 is largely redundant, this hardly seems good value for money on HMRC’s part. I therefore ask the Minister to provide a clause-by-clause breakdown of the £1.2 million of taxpayers’ money that HMRC will spend to be able to execute the relief.

Turning back to clause 23, electric vehicles, unlike charging points, are not in scope of the annual investment allowance or full expensing, so I will not question the extension of that specific allowance, which we welcome. However, given the Government’s ambition to accelerate our transition to electric vehicles, I cannot help but wonder why they are putting a brake on the allowance after just a single year.

The Red Book states that the allowance will

“help drive the transition to electric vehicles”,

yet from April 2026, a business investing in these cars will receive relief only through annual writing-down allowances of either 18% or 6%, depending on the car’s emissions—those incentives are less generous and less immediate. At Budget 2020, we extended the EV allowance by four years to provide the support and certainty to businesses that the Minister says he so desperately wants. This Labour Government have declined to do the same, creating what some—not me—may call a cliff edge. As Labour increases the pace and the burden of the transition to net zero, they are also shifting the burden away from His Majesty’s Government and on to British businesses and British consumers. Once again, it is they who will pay the price for the Government’s obsession with decarbonising our grid and imposing net zero policies on the British public.

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

I thank the shadow Minister for his questions and his support for the clause. He mentioned a question that the ATT raised about the interaction between the extension of the 100% first-year allowance we are proposing, particularly for charge points, and the context of full expensing in the annual investment allowance. For businesses that are investing over the annual investment allowance limit, there may be circumstances where, if the first year allowance were not extended as it is by these clauses, some investment in EV charge point equipment would qualify for only a 50% first-year allowance rather than 100% full expensing. The Government want to support investment in EV charge point infrastructure by providing full relief for investment in equipment for EV charge points. That is why we have introduced this measure.

The shadow Minister asked for a specific figure. I do not have that to hand, but I am happy to look into what information is available and get back to him. More broadly, the 100% first-year allowance was due to expire in April 2025. This conversation has echoes of an earlier discussion we had around retail, hospitality and leisure business rates relief, and reliefs or allowances that we inherited and which are due to expire in April 2025. We have decided to extend this, and the reason why is to help support businesses and individuals who are buying or making electric vehicles and associated infrastructure. We see this as one of a series of measures to support the EV transition. It has come up in relation to a number of clauses, so I think it is clear to the Committee that the Government are pursuing a range of different interventions and policies to carefully calibrate the right level of Government support.

Blake Stephenson (Conservative, Mid Bedfordshire)

In the interest of providing certainty, would the Minister explain why the Government did not choose a multi-year allowance on this, rather than going for an extension of only one year?

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

As I was saying, we are seeking to calibrate the incentives carefully for the transition to EVs to support manufacturers and consumers and to give as much certainty as possible, while making sure that we have the right support in different parts of the tax system to provide value for money and support the transition in the right way. It is not a question of a single measure being responsible for supporting the transition. This relies on manufacturers and consumers playing their part, but the Government need to play their role, too, which is why this measure sits alongside others we have debated, including those that are not part of the Finance Bill but are part of the Government’s broader agenda. Collectively, they will support this transition.

Clause 25 - Commercial letting of furnished holiday accommodation

David Mundell (Conservative, Dumfriesshire, Clydesdale and Tweeddale)

With this it will be convenient to discuss schedule 5.

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

The clause and the schedule abolish the furnished holiday lettings tax regime from April 2025, removing the tax advantages that landlords who offer short-term holiday lets have over those who provide standard residential properties. Furnished holiday let owners benefit from a more generous tax regime than landlords of other property types, such as standard residential properties. The advantages of that tax regime include capital gains tax reliefs: FHLs can qualify for gains to be charged at 10%, unlike buy-to-let properties and second homes. FHLs also benefit from unrestricted income tax relief on their mortgage interest, rather than the 20% restriction on relief for standard lettings, and from capital allowance on furniture and furnishings. FHL profits are also counted as earned income for pension purposes.

The previous Government announced at the spring Budget 2024 that they would abolish the FHL tax regime to level the playing field with landlords of standard residential properties. We are now legislating for that measure and abolishing the FHL tax regime from April 2025, which will raise around £190 million a year by 2029-30 and thereby support the vital public services we all rely on. The changes made by clause 25 and schedule 5 mean that FHL landlords will be treated the same as other residential landlords for the purposes of income tax, corporation tax and capital gains tax.

Harriet Cross (Conservative, Gordon and Buchan)

Does the Minister recognise the difference between properties with a use clause compelling them to be used for holiday let accommodation and houses that do not, and that can therefore be used as residential properties? Those two things do not necessarily line up in terms of what the owner can use the property for.

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

If I understand the hon. Member’s question correctly, it might relate to clauses in the lease of the property, but I am not quite sure what her point was. I will come back to this if I have misunderstood her question, but clause 5 relates specifically to the tax treatment of these properties. It is about how FHLs, which can still operate in the same way as they have previously in terms of lettings, will be treated by the tax system to bring them in line with standard residential property tax treatment. This is about equalising the tax treatment of FHL landlords and standard landlords, rather than seeking broader changes, which may be what she was alluding to, but I am happy to return to it later in the debate if I have misunderstood her question.

This measure does not penalise the provision of FHLs; it simply brings their tax treatment more in line with long-term lets. It does that to remove the tax advantages that FHL landlords have received over other property businesses in four key areas. First, finance cost relief will apply in the same way as for long-term lettings, with income tax relief on their mortgage interest restricted to the basic rate. Secondly, it will remove the capital allowances rule for new expenditure and allow replacement of domestic items relief. Thirdly, it will withdraw access to reliefs from taxes on chargeable gains for trading business assets. Fourthly, FHL income will no longer count as earned income for pension purposes. After repeal, former FHL properties will form part of a person’s UK or overseas property business and be subject to the same rules as non-furnished holiday let property businesses.

However, the Bill does not equalise tax treatment entirely. Holiday lets, whether they qualify as FHLs or not, are subject to VAT, whereas longer-term, private rented sector accommodation is not. Withdrawal of finance cost relief will mainly affect higher rate and additional rate taxpayers, with basic rate payers largely unaffected. The Government have also introduced transitional arrangements. FHL properties will become part of a person’s overall property business and past FHL losses can be relieved against profits of that business in future years. Existing capital allowance claims can be continued, but new capital expenditure will be dealt with under the rules for standard residential let properties. The legislation also confirms that where a business has ceased prior to April 2025, business asset disposal relief may continue to apply to a disposal that occurs within the normal three-year period following cessation, which is in line with current rules.

Angus MacDonald (Liberal Democrat, Inverness, Skye and West Ross-shire)

Did the Minister consider the different legislation in Scotland, where we have short-term letting licences, visitor tax and a whole load of extra legislation coming in, which is making it difficult and reducing the amount of holiday letting available? How relevant is the proposal for Scotland?

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

The hon. Gentleman’s question goes slightly beyond the ambit of the tax measures we are discussing. As I understand, he is talking about the wider regulation and the approach to lettings in Scotland. To echo my response to the hon. Member for Gordon and Buchan, the measures really relate to the tax treatment of FHLs in comparison to standard property lettings, making them more equal. It does not make them entirely equal—VAT remains a point of difference—but it is about levelling the playing field between FHL landlords and the landlords of standard lettings in the tax system.

Angus MacDonald (Liberal Democrat, Inverness, Skye and West Ross-shire)

My point was really about the cumulative effect of many different taxes and restrictions making it more and more difficult for people in the letting business, which is crucial to the economy of tourist areas.

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

We know that in any local area there needs to be a balance between visitor accommodation and long-term accommodation. I am sure that the hon. Member and others recognise the tension inherent in getting that balance right. We need to ensure not only that we are supporting our visitor economy, but that the tax system supports long-term accommodation for people who live in those areas—not least because those who work in the tourism sector need somewhere to live near their place of work. It is about the balance between supporting visitor economies and long-term residential lets. We agree with the previous Government, who introduced the reform, on this point. The tax treatment of FHL landlords is better if brought more in line with standard residential lets.

I will briefly mention the anti-forestalling rule, which is also introduced as part of the Bill. It will prevent the obtaining of a tax advantage through the use of conditional contracts to receive capital gains relief under the current FHL rules. That rule applies from 6 March 2024.

In summary, the changes made by the provisions will make the tax system fairer by eliminating tax advantages for landlords who let out their properties as short-term furnished holiday lets compared with those who let out properties for longer periods. FHL landlords will now be treated the same as other residential landlords for the purposes of income tax, corporation tax and capital gains tax. We are grateful to all the stakeholders who have already fed in following the publication of the draft legislation and supporting documents.

Gareth Davies (Conservative, Grantham and Bourne)

As the Minister set out, clause 25 and schedule 5 repeal special tax rules relating to the commercial letting of furnished holiday accommodation. The changes were first announced in our Government’s Budget in March 2024, and we will not oppose them. However, it is important to view the measures in the context of the wider changes to the circumstances of the hospitality sector as a result of Labour’s Budget—most notably the hike in national insurance contributions.

Yuan Yang (Labour, Earley and Woodley)

Might it not be more appropriate to view the measure in the context of the housing crisis that our country is currently in, and the record proportion of under-35s living at home with their parents rather than being able to live in their own accommodation? Does the hon. Member agree that there should be no tax incentives for accommodation to be turned into short-term furnished lets as opposed to long-term living places?

David Mundell (Conservative, Dumfriesshire, Clydesdale and Tweeddale)

Order. Can we keep the discussion within the context of the clause and the schedule?

Gareth Davies (Conservative, Grantham and Bourne)

Thank you, Mr Mundell. I am grateful for the hon. Member’s intervention; we all want to see people able to get on the housing ladder, particularly younger people. There is much work to be done on that. However, I would say two things. First, I question how much of an impact the measures will have on that, but I am happy to see evidence and data from the Treasury to prove her point. Secondly, we cannot deny that the hospitality sector is in different circumstances to when the previous Government announced the measures in March 2024. As I will discuss, the measures will have an impact on the sector. I think the hon. Member would agree that it is important to support our hospitality sector, hear their concerns and for me, as the official Opposition spokesperson, to make remarks on their behalf.

As I was saying, this is not just about national insurance contributions, but the reduction in the secondary threshold for that tax, as well as the reduction in business rates relief, which has gone down from 70% to 40%. Each of those measures creates significant new costs for the hospitality sector, which is crucial to rural and coastal economies across the country. It is those same rural and coastal economies that will be disproportionately affected by the provisions of clause 25 and schedule 5.

The Professional Association of Self Caterers UK points out that traditional holiday lets businesses provide critical bedstock in visitor economies, and estimates that the holiday lets that will be impacted contribute some £9.3 billion in economic activity and support 230,000 jobs. Even Labour’s Environment Secretary has recognised the economic value of holiday lets. In his speech to the Oxford farming conference this year, he spoke about supporting farmers to “innovate and diversify” their businesses by making it easier to convert large barns into holiday lets.

Blake Stephenson (Conservative, Mid Bedfordshire)

Does my hon. Friend think that, by suggesting that farmers should diversify into holiday lets, the Environment Secretary intends that farmers should pay even more tax to the Treasury?

Gareth Davies (Conservative, Grantham and Bourne)

It is clear that the Government have launched an attack on farmers across rural communities in our country. The family farm tax is a disgrace. Farmers have protested and tried to make their voices heard, but still cannot get a meeting with the Chancellor of the Exchequer. I urge the Minister, who is very open to meetings, to have a word with his Chancellor, who is consistently in hiding and running out of the country when things get difficult as a result of her decisions.

Perhaps it is true that the Environment Secretary wants farmers to pay even more tax. Why else would he say to farmers in Oxford, “Convert your barns into holiday lets,” while over the road the Treasury is taking away these reliefs and making it more tax inefficient for them to do so? This is yet another area where the Labour Government seem intent on cancelling out genuinely pro-growth deregulation, which we welcome, with anti-growth taxation.

Yuan Yang (Labour, Earley and Woodley)

Will the hon. Gentleman give way?

Gareth Davies (Conservative, Grantham and Bourne)

Does the Labour Member who is about to intervene on me support holiday lets?

Yuan Yang (Labour, Earley and Woodley)

I am glad that we have returned to this topic, because I was about to ask the hon. Gentleman whether he might clarify the relationship between his remarks and the commercial letting of furnished holiday accommodation—[Interruption.] But of course I support the equalisation of tax measures provided for by the clause.

Gareth Davies (Conservative, Grantham and Bourne)

I am sorry, but there was a very loud cough when the hon. Lady intervened. Would she repeat her intervention?

Yuan Yang (Labour, Earley and Woodley)

I was simply hoping to get us back on to the topic of the commercial letting of furnished holiday accommodation.

Gareth Davies (Conservative, Grantham and Bourne)

Oh, so it was more of a heckle than an intervention, but that is very welcome too; it makes it a bit more lively for the very large audience we have today.

I would be grateful if the Minister could set out the policy of this Labour Government. Do they support holiday lets? The Environment Secretary clearly supports them and wants farmers to diversify into them, while at the same time the Treasury—yes, we announced the policy in March—clearly wants to tighten up the rules on taxation. It would be great to hear the Minister clarify that, but it seems that the answer depends on which Minister one talks to on any given day. Let us see what the answer is in this Committee, from this Minister, today.

Clause 25 also touches on a long-standing issue of whether letting constitutes a trading activity or a property business. The FHL regime created a clear distinction by deeming a letting business to be considered a trade for certain purposes. Some organisations, such as the excellent Chartered Institute of Taxation, are concerned that removing the regime removes this distinction and could open up a whole can of worms, leading to costly disputes for both the taxpayer and HMRC. Can the Minister clarify what defines a letting as a trading activity in the absence of the FHL regime, or at least commit to the publication of updated, clearer guidance for the industry on that subject? The Chartered Institute of Taxation is also seeking confirmation on the following points—

Rachel Blake (Labour/Co-operative, Cities of London and Westminster)

I am confused as to why a party that brought in the proposals is now arguing so vehemently against them—perhaps it is still attached to its chaotic approach to government. What I am not following in the hon. Gentleman’s remarks is the argument that the equalisation of the taxation could have negative consequences. Has the hon. Gentleman interrogated the evidence that has been brought forward by those people who are letting out their holiday lets, and does he really think that there would not be an economic benefit to supporting a change in use of those homes?

Gareth Davies (Conservative, Grantham and Bourne)

These sittings are long, but I did say at the beginning of my speech that we announced in March 2024 that we would bring in this same measure and that we will support it today.

I am not saying that we are against it, but I am saying two things. First, as I was saying at the beginning of my speech, the context in which the measure is being introduced is very different from the context in March 2024. The context today is that hospitality businesses across the country, but particularly in rural communities, are being hit by a series of taxes that they did not ask for, did not vote for and were told would not happen. That is the context in which we find ourselves.

Secondly, His Majesty’s official Opposition have a duty to communicate the concerns of the British public and the sectors that will be directly impacted by this measure. It is vital that His Majesty’s Opposition scrutinise whatever policies are put in front of us, with a forward look at how that will economically damage or benefit communities. As you can tell, Mr Mundell, and as the hon. Member for Cities of London and Westminster can tell, I take a constructive tone. When we do support measures, we will say so, and when we do not, or we feel that additional scrutiny is needed, Members better believe that I will be there. That is what I am doing today. I hope that addresses the intervention from the hon. Member for Cities of London and Westminster.

In the interests of scrutiny on behalf of the many thousands of people that will be impacted by the measure and in a context of a wider hammering through the tax system by this Labour Government, let me continue my questions on behalf of the Chartered Institute of Taxation.

First of all, I seek confirmation from the Minister that an FHL disposal must be made before 6 April 2025 in order for a qualifying replacement asset to be eligible for roll-over relief, even though the replacement asset itself can be purchased up to three years after FHL disposal. Secondly, I seek confirmation that lettings must cease altogether before 6 April 2025—not just furnished holiday lettings, but even unfurnished long-term rentals—for an FHL disposal to qualify for business asset disposal relief. Thirdly, I seek confirmation that married couples or civil partners who jointly own an FHL must make an election if they are to continue to split the income unequally, rather than reverting to the normal 50:50 rule, and make a declaration to HMRC before 6 April 2025 if this is to have effect in the 2025-26 tax year. I ask those questions constructively, on behalf of the Chartered Institute of Taxation, and if the Exchequer Secretary is not able to answer them, of course I will take a written answer by way of letter following this sitting.

In addition to the confirmation on those three points, I would be grateful if the Minister could provide reassurance that HMRC guidance has been specifically and sufficiently clear on these points, so that those affected are aware of the implications of the changes. It is important to remember that when the Government make changes and when we made changes, we were very conscious—I am sure he is too—that the public are aware. He should take all measures possible to ensure that people are aware of these changes, but I appreciate his guidance on what measures are being taken.

Finally, on the case of joint ownership—

David Mundell (Conservative, Dumfriesshire, Clydesdale and Tweeddale)

It is finally, because we are at 25 minutes past 11, and the Committee will now adjourn.

(Afternoon)

Commercial letting of furnished holiday accommodation

David Mundell (Conservative, Dumfriesshire, Clydesdale and Tweeddale)

I remind the Committee that with this we are considering schedule 5.

Gareth Davies (Conservative, Grantham and Bourne)

I will pick up where I left off by asking the Minister to provide confirmation on the three points I listed, and to provide an assurance that the guidance from His Majesty’s Revenue and Customs is sufficiently clear on those points that those affected are aware of the full implications of the changes.

Finally, in the case of joint ownership, the Chartered Institute of Taxation is calling for an administrative easement to allow declarations to be backdated. Has the Minister considered the possibility of such an easement being implemented? I have not been able to raise all of the many points that the institute has raised with me, and I apologise to it for that. I am sure the Minister is engaging with the institute. I know that in opposition he spent a lot of time with it, as he will be doing with industry. I encourage him to speak to the Chartered Institute of Taxation and get its guidance and input, as I have tried to lay out in my remarks.

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

I start by putting on the record my thanks to the Chartered Institute of Taxation. It was a great support to me in opposition and continues to be an important stakeholder for us in government.

I will try to respond to some of the shadow Minister’s points. First, he raised concerns articulated by the Chartered Institute of Taxation about trading and property income boundaries. There are established principles that underline what is trading and what is income from property. The bright-line tests that have been put forward distort those principles rather than clarify them. Whether activity is income from property depends on the nature of the activity undertaken, and specifically how the profit is derived. If the profit is derived from the exploitation of land, the income is taxable as property income. The furnished holiday let rules provided for specific reliefs, but for tax purposes it has always been property income, not trading income. Categorising some property income arbitrarily as trading would give more reliefs than FHLs previously had.

The shadow Minister also raised concerns about how the repeal of the FHL rules will apply practically to landlords and how that may affect them. I reassure him that HMRC has already published guidance on the changes and will be publishing more ahead of April, when the changes come into effect. We have also engaged with the industry since the announcements to ensure that we are aware of its reaction.

On the shadow Minister’s other points in relation to business asset disposal relief and roll-over relief, we have considered the impacts of the changes on those two reliefs. It will depend on an individual’s personal circumstances, but broadly each person would need to dispose of the whole or part of an FHL business, or dispose of assets that were used for the purposes of an FHL business that has ceased, before April 2025. We have been fair in our approach not to restrict relief where someone has had an FHL before repeal. Individuals should consult online guidance or a tax adviser before making any decisions.

The shadow Minister asked about married couples. We have considered the impact of the changes on married couples and civil partners. The removal of the FHL rules will mean that a married couple is subject to the same rules as other landlords. For married couples, income is assumed to be split 50:50 unless a declaration is made to split the income in a different proportion, which must be the same as the proportion of ownership between the couple. If they want to change the proportions, married couples will have to make an election for joint ownership arrangements as per the usual process. There will be a deadline of April for married couples to adjust to the changes as we cannot backdate such elections. That was already set out online following the consultation on the draft legislation. Further online guidance will be available.

I hope I have covered most of the shadow Minister’s points. I conclude by recognising my gratitude to him for not opposing the provisions; it would be noteworthy if he had changed his mind since he was in government. I am not sure whether all his colleagues are on exactly the same page as him, but I will not pry at this stage of our consideration of the Bill. Perhaps his slightly caveated response to the clauses reflects some of the discussions happening among Members on the Opposition Front Bench. Notwithstanding whatever is happening behind closed doors, I welcome their support for the clause.

Clause 26 - Films and television programmes: increased relief for visual effects

David Mundell (Conservative, Dumfriesshire, Clydesdale and Tweeddale)

With this it will be convenient to discuss clauses 27 and 28 stand part.

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

Clause 26 makes changes to maximise the potential of the UK’s world-class visual effects industry, and clauses 27 and 28 make changes to ensure continuity for companies claiming expenditure credits for film, TV and video game production, by aligning the legislation with equivalent provisions in the previous tax reliefs.

The UK is a strong performer in visual effects production and is home to several Oscar-winning companies, but in recent years there have been reports of visual effects activity moving overseas. Stakeholders report that that is because of the 80% cap on qualifying expenditure relating to the audiovisual expenditure credit, or AVEC. Currently, companies can receive AVEC on up to 80% of their production costs, including visual effects costs. Visual effects work is done virtually, so companies may place 80% of their production costs in the UK and place their visual effects costs overseas, particularly in countries such as Canada and France, which offer special tax incentives for visual effects.

In November 2023, a call for evidence on the visual effects industry was published. It provided substantial evidence that visual effects work was moving overseas because of the 80% cap and because of increased competition from countries that offer targeted visual effects tax incentives. Separately, previous tax reliefs for film, TV and video game production are being phased out and will be fully replaced with expenditure credits from 1 April 2027. Indeed, companies can already claim expenditure credits instead of the tax reliefs if they wish.

The changes made by clause 26 will increase the amount of AVEC awarded to UK visual effects costs in film and high-end TV production by 5 percentage points, to a total credit rate of 39%. The changes remove AVEC’s 80% cap on qualifying expenditure for visual effects costs, so that all those costs, including those that are above the 80% cap, may receive the enhanced 39% rate of relief. Around 1,300 companies claim film or high-end TV tax relief and stand to benefit from the changes, and the additional tax relief is expected to cost £75 million per year from 2028-29.

Clause 27 sets out that the previous tax reliefs and the new expenditure credits both require companies to provide cultural certificates from the British Film Institute to support their claims for relief. HMRC requires the certificates to be in force at the time a claim is made. The new expenditure credits legislation is less clear on that requirement than the previous tax reliefs legislation; it requires certificates to have effect at the end of each claim period, rather than only at the time the claim is made. The changes made by clause 27 will therefore align the expenditure credits legislation with the tax reliefs legislation, to clarify that cultural certificates must be valid when claims are made, and ensure continuity of treatment between the previous tax reliefs and the new expenditure credits.

On clause 28, the previous tax reliefs and the new expenditure credits both have rules on the treatment of expenses that are not made within four months of the end of the accounting period in which they are incurred. The tax relief rules allow for such expenses to be deducted from profits, but do not allow additional relief on them until they are paid. The expenditure credit rules prevent the expenses from being deducted from profits at all—that is, until they are paid. The changes made by clause 28 will align the expenditure credit rules with the tax relief rules, so that the unpaid amounts can be deducted from profits that are still ineligible for relief until they are paid. This will ensure continuity for companies that are used to the treatment of unpaid amounts under the previous tax reliefs.

In conclusion, the changes to the audiovisual expenditure credit will boost the UK’s offer in visual effects in an increasingly competitive international environment, and incentivise more visual effects work on UK productions to be done here in the UK. Furthermore, the changes to the expenditure credits legislation will align it with the more familiar tax relief provisions, ensuring continuity for film, TV and video game companies. I commend the clauses to the Committee.

Gareth Davies (Conservative, Grantham and Bourne)

As the Minister set out, clauses 26 to 28 create an additional relief for video effects expenditure while making administrative changes to align audiovisual and video games expenditure credits with older reliefs for film, TV and video games.

We announced the additional relief for VFX expenditure at the spring Budget 2024, as part of a wider package to support our world-leading creative industries—which, by the way, grew at more than one and a half times the rate of the wider economy between 2010 and 2019, a remarkable success for any sector. The consultation we launched on the design of the policy directly informs the clauses, and we will not oppose them.

However, one suggestion raised in the consultation that the Government have not chosen to take forward was to allow companies that claim the independent film tax credit to also claim the additional tax relief for visual effects. The Government have said they do not believe this exclusion will have an adverse impact on companies, but it would be helpful to hear from the Minister what assessment was made of the benefit to smaller visual effects studios had the scope of the relief been widened in the way in which many suggested as part of the consultation.

The spring Budget 2024 also announced a 40% relief from business rates for eligible film studios in England for the next 10 years. My understanding is that this has not yet been implemented by the new Government, and has in fact been referred to the subsidy advice unit. I understand that in the last couple of hours, over lunch, the unit has reported its findings. I would be grateful if the Minister could update the Committee on what those may mean for the future of the measure and the expected timeline for delivery.

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

I thank the shadow Minister for his comments and for setting out some important context around the tax reliefs and expenditure credits, and around why they are so important in supporting growth in the UK economy.

On his question about the independent film tax credit, as he I am sure understands, films that claim the independent film tax credit will receive a 53% rate of audiovisual expenditure credit on up to 80% of production costs. That includes visual effects cost. The independent film tax credit therefore provides generous support for visual effects costs within independent films. Separating the additional tax relief for visual effects from the independent film tax credit helps to ensure that both schemes are simple and easy for companies to understand.

On the publication that the shadow Minister says happened in the last few hours, that is so hot off the press that I am not even authorised to speak about it yet. I have not been briefed on it because I have been getting ready for this Committee. I am sure that if it has been submitted, the right officials and Ministers will look at it as soon as possible.

Clause 29 - Research and development relief: Northern Ireland companies

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

Clause 29 makes small changes to the rules for enhanced support for research and development-intensive companies with a registered office in Northern Ireland. At the spring budget 2023, the previous Government announced an enhanced rate of relief within the R&D small and medium-sized enterprise scheme applying from 1 April 2023. Separately, from April 2024 slightly different rules applied for R&D-intensive companies with a registered office in Northern Ireland, allowing them to continue claiming relief on a wider range of overseas expenditure than companies in Great Britain, while introducing a cap on the amount of relief that can be claimed.

Clause 29 amends the rules introduced last April to reflect the particular market conditions in Northern Ireland and ensure consistency with the UK’s international obligations. This will introduce some additional requirements around the cumulation of aid and reporting, which will apply to claims made on or after 30 October 2024 by eligible companies with a registered office in Northern Ireland. A very small number of claimant companies in Northern Ireland are expected to be affected, while the vast majority will continue to be better off compared with their counterparts in Great Britain. This is because their claims are too small to be affected by the cap, but they will still be able to claim on overseas expenditure, as before.

The Office for Budget Responsibility has certified this measure as having a negligible impact on the cost of the relief. The Government are committed to supporting R&D investment across the UK through the R&D tax reliefs, which play a key role in supporting the mission to kick-start economic growth. The changes will ensure that the R&D reliefs reflect the particular market conditions in Northern Ireland and ensure consistency with the UK’s international obligations. I commend the clause to the Committee.

Gareth Davies (Conservative, Grantham and Bourne)

As the Minister set out, clause 29 amends the measure in Northern Ireland to set in law a new cap of €300,000 on a three-year rolling basis, alongside other sources of relevant aid. The existing cap of £250,000 is currently defined in regulations. Will the Minister inform the Committee why the provisions have been moved from regulation into law? What are the implications of the change?

HMRC notes that when claiming enhanced R&D-intensive support, companies with registered offices in Northern Ireland now need to take into account other relevant aid that they have received. What steps have been taken to ensure that those companies are aware of this change and are equipped to satisfy the new requirement?

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

I thank the hon. Gentleman for his questions. It is worth emphasising that this is a small change compared with the rules that already applied from April 2024. In practice, we expect a very small number of companies to be affected by the change, with very few claims to be made before April 2025. Since the change will be a key qualification to the tax rules for a part of the UK, it should be legislated for in the Finance Bill and as part of the Budget process. I hope that helps to explain the process we are taking to implement the changes and reassures the hon. Gentleman that they are small and will affect a very small number of companies.

Clause 30 - Research and development intensity condition: transitional provision

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

The clause makes small changes to the higher rate of relief available for R&D-intensive SMEs to ensure that the R&D reliefs remain fit for purpose while providing clarity to businesses. The Government recognise the important role that R&D plays in driving innovation and economic growth, as well as the benefits it can bring for society. The R&D tax reliefs play a key role in this. That is why I was pleased to announce in the corporate tax road map published at the Budget that the Government are committed to maintaining the generosity of the rates in both the merged R&D expenditure credit scheme and the enhanced support for R&D-intensive SMEs to increase certainty for companies when making investment decisions.

In the Finance Act 2024, the R&D intensity calculation for the enhanced rate of relief did not take account of any expenditure for which a company was entitled to claim research and development expenditure credit. That meant that some companies that were supposed to qualify as R&D-intensive might not meet that threshold. The change made by clause 30 will therefore ensure that research and development expenditure credit-qualifying expenditure is included in the calculation of the R&D intensity ratio, as was always intended.

This change will apply to all claims for the enhanced rate of relief from its introduction in April 2023, and to all expenditure incurred from 1 April 2023 in an accounting period that began before 1 April 2024. It will affect some small and medium-sized enterprises that have a high R&D intensity and claim the enhanced rate of SME-payable R&D tax credit relief. This is a small technical change and so it is not anticipated to have any Exchequer or economic impacts.

The Government are committed to supporting R&D betterment across the UK through the R&D tax reliefs, which play a key role in supporting our mission to kick-start economic growth. The changes made by this clause will ensure that all companies originally intended to benefit from the higher rate of relief will now be able to do so. I commend clause 30 to the Committee.

Gareth Davies (Conservative, Grantham and Bourne)

The clause amends the transitional provision, clarifying that expenditure that would qualify for R&D expenditure credit is relevant R&D expenditure when calculating the R&D intensity ratio, which determines eligibility for enhanced R&D intensive support, as was always intended. This provision has a retrospective effect, and I would be grateful if the Minister could therefore tell the Committee what steps the Treasury is specifically taking to ensure that all those who missed out on the relief, but may now be eligible, are aware and equipped to claim this new support.

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

I reassure the shadow Minister that, as Ministers and Treasury officials, we are routinely in conversation with the industry and those companies that benefit from R&D support. We will ensure that all changes to legislation and all opportunities available for us to support the industry are communicated with clarity, and we will ensure that everyone is aware of what support we can offer for their economic growth ambitions.

Clause 31 - Employee-ownership trusts

David Mundell (Conservative, Dumfriesshire, Clydesdale and Tweeddale)

With this it will be convenient to discuss the following:

Government amendments 38 to 43.

Schedule 6.

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

The clause and the schedule make changes to the taxation of employee ownership trusts to prevent opportunities for abuse and to ensure that the regime remains focused on encouraging employee ownership. The Government are committed to supporting employee ownership as a viable and sustainable business model. Employee ownership gives employees a greater stake in the business in which they work, improving working conditions and in turn driving productivity and growth.

Tax reliefs are currently available for company owners who transition their companies into an employee ownership trust, which is set up to hold and manage the company for the benefit of all employees of the company, rather than for individual shareholders. This model has proven successful, with over 1,500 UK companies held by employee ownership trusts today, improving the working conditions of some 200,000 employees. However, while the success of the employee ownership model is to be applauded, the Government are concerned that the tax regime is vulnerable to exploitation. We are therefore determined to close loopholes to ensure that the reliefs are available only to those who are motivated by a genuine desire to transform their companies into employee ownership trusts.

The changes made by clause 31 and schedule 6 therefore amend the conditions for obtaining capital gains tax relief on disposing of a company to the trustees of an employee ownership trust to ensure that the former owners cannot retain control of the company following disposal. The trustees must be UK residents and they must take reasonable steps not to pay more than the fair market value for their shares. These changes are necessary to prevent opportunities for abuse and to protect the long-term integrity of these reliefs.

Individuals will also be able to provide additional information to HMRC at the point of claiming the relief, and the period of time within which HMRC can take action, if the relief conditions are breached post-disposal, will be increased. HMRC will be given additional powers to monitor the reliefs and to take action when non-compliance is identified.

Lastly, this measure makes technical changes to provide clarity on the tax treatment of contributions paid to the trustees from the company in order to meet costs associated with purchasing the company from the former owner, and also adjusts the conditions for income tax relief on employee bonus schemes. Overall, these changes will simplify the process of setting up and operating employee ownership trusts.

Government amendments 39 and 41 confirm that the relief is available only with respect to contributions paid to the trustees from a company for the purposes of meeting the trustees’ acquisition costs. In doing so, they clarify the policy intent and remove any potential ambiguity within the legislation as drafted. Government amendments 38 and 40 ensure that the distributions relief is available in circumstances where the capital gains tax relief was not claimed because the vendor was a company, rather than an individual, provided that the conditions for obtaining the relief were otherwise met.

Government amendments 42 and 43 expand the scope of the costs that qualify for the relief to include other expenses that may reasonably be incurred by trustees in connection with the acquisition of the company. These amendments make technical clarifications and address the concerns expressed by key stakeholders that the scope of the relief as announced at the autumn Budget was too narrow to reflect the reality of how employee ownership trust acquisitions are funded.

Overall, the clause protects the future of employee ownership in the UK by ensuring that the tax reliefs available to encourage it continue to operate effectively and by preventing opportunities for abuse. I commend clause 31, schedule 6 and Government amendments 38 to 43 to the Committee.

Gareth Davies (Conservative, Grantham and Bourne)

Clause 31 and schedule 6 alter the conditions for obtaining tax reliefs for employee ownership trusts. The current regime was introduced by a Conservative Government, following the independent Nuttall review in 2012, which set out the many strengths of the model and how it could become more widespread in our country.

Since the current regime was implemented in 2014, its tax incentives have achieved great success in encouraging the creation of employee ownership trusts, which have become the predominant model for employee ownership. Today, more and more companies are making the transition to that model. I was pleased to hear the Minister tell us that there are about 1,500 examples in the country. In 2023, we launched a consultation to review the regime, and it has fallen on this Government to respond to it.

The package of changes that the Minister has set out aim to prevent opportunities for the relief to be abused while ensuring that employee ownership continues to be incentivised and supported. We share those objectives, and we warmly welcome these measures, which largely reflect the recent consultation. We will not oppose them but, as hon. Members would expect, I have a few questions.

I would be grateful if the Minister can explain why a few suggestions put forward during the consultation have not been taken forward. For instance, a large number of respondents asked for the tax-free bonus limit for employees to be increased from the current level of £3,600. Had that kept pace with inflation, the maximum today would be close to £5,000. The Government have made it clear that they have no plans to increase the tax-free bonus amount, but they have not said why. A little more detail would be welcome, as would some reassurance that the Government will keep that element of the regime under review so they can react speedily if the weakening of the incentive begins to undermine the overall policy goal that we all share.

Another point raised in responses to the consultation was the issue of double taxation upon the sale of an EOT-owned company to a third party. In that event, trustees would be liable to pay capital gains tax on the disposal, and employees would be charged income tax on their share of the net proceeds. When responding, the Government did not acknowledge that point about double taxation, which the Chartered Institute of Taxation also highlighted. We understand that that concern must be weighed against the main abuse that the Government are rightly trying to prevent with these measures: the exploitation of EOTs by company owners to reduce their CGT liability when ultimately selling their business to a third party.

Surely the second layer of taxation—the income tax charged to employees—does not act as a major disincentive to that kind of behaviour, however, especially in the context of the additional restrictions being introduced in part 1 of the schedule to prevent such abuses. I would therefore be grateful if the Minister can address that point or write to me later with clarification about why that was not taken forward.

The Minister will be aware of concerns about the implementation of the statutory relief for distributions in part 2 of the schedule. As originally drafted, the schedule allowed for only specific costs—for example, payments made by companies to the EOT to fund the share purchase, interest on outstanding considerations, and stamp duty—to be tax deductible, a process which previously would have taken place through a non-statutory clearance request to HMRC.

That had the effect of excluding other costs that many thought would be reasonable to cover. I am glad that the Government have listened and have tabled some amendments to widen the scope of the relief, and I thank the Exchequer Secretary for his letter setting them out—it was a great read. Other costs, however, such as payments to cover the fees of professional trustees and advisers for ongoing services, unfortunately remain excluded. Moreover, HMRC has limited flexibility to provide relief for any excluded cost, now that the relief is on a statutory footing.

I would be grateful if the Minister could elaborate on the thought process behind the fine lines being drawn and, in some cases, redrawn in this area. On what basis are the Government determining what should and should not attract relief? As I said, we will not oppose these measures, but I would be grateful for reassurance that in the pursuit of a noble goal—preventing this important regime from being abused—the Government are not unintentionally undermining its attractiveness.

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

I thank the shadow Minister for his broad support for the changes we are making and for recognising the benefit that these measures can bring in supporting the integrity of employee ownership for the future. Where schemes become liable to abuse, it undermines support for them and their longevity. Making sure that the tax reliefs are well designed is important for making sure that this beneficial structure can continue into the future.

The shadow Minister asked a specific question about the level of restrictiveness on the relief for distributions from the company and why various decisions and conversations were had on extending the relief to other costs that may be incurred by the trustees. I can tell him that since the autumn Budget, officials have met stakeholders such as the Chartered Institute of Taxation, which raised concerns about the scope of the distributions relief as initially announced.

The CIT was concerned that that relief was too narrow to reflect the reality of how employee ownership trust acquisitions are funded. In fact, as the shadow Minister referenced, we accepted those concerns, and tabled amendments 42 and 43 to expand the scope of distributions relief to cover all other expenses reasonably incurred by the trustees in connection with their acquisition of the company. As always, I am grateful to the Chartered Institute for Taxation for the constructive engagement it has given to my officials in discussing these issues.

More broadly, the shadow Minister asked a series of questions about policy choices. Of course, the Government keep all policy under review, but it is a question of finding the right balance when calibrating policies such as this to ensure that they use tools of public policy in a targeted way to achieve the right outcome. As I made clear, we were open to feedback from the CIT when it felt that the terms of certain aspects were too restrictive, so we tabled these amendments.

Many of the key changes being introduced now were, to give the shadow Minister credit, the subject of a consultation held by the previous Government in 2023, which sought views on proposals to reform the tax regime. We are now putting those into play today. Our proposals, which were initially contained within that consultation, were met with broad support from respondents. They actually form the core of the changes that we are implementing today, notwithstanding the subsequent changes we have made.

Our relationship with the Chartered Institute of Taxation and other relevant stakeholders in this space helps to inform the policy decisions we are putting in law today, as well as any future changes to the scheme we might consider. We want to ensure that this opportunity continues into the future and that it succeeds. Making sure that we take proportionate measures to avoid tax reliefs being abused is fundamental to ensuring their longevity.

Schedule 6 - Employee-ownership trusts

Clause 32 - Overseas transfer charge: pension schemes in EEA state or Gibraltar

David Mundell (Conservative, Dumfriesshire, Clydesdale and Tweeddale)

With this it will be convenient to discuss clauses 33 and 34 stand part.

Emma Reynolds (Labour, Wycombe)

These clauses make changes to pension schemes established in, or administered by, persons resident in European economic area states and bring them in line the rest of the world.

Currently, individuals can transfer some or all of their UK pension savings to an overseas pension scheme, provided it is a qualifying recognised overseas pension scheme. Certain transfers to such schemes are subject to the overseas transfer charge, which is a 25% tax charge on the value of the transfer. However, provided they do not exceed the overseas transfer allowance, UK or EEA residents are excluded from this charge for transfers to qualifying overseas pension schemes in the EEA and Gibraltar. That exclusion was introduced to comply with EU fundamental freedoms that were in place at the time. As a result, some pension scheme members can benefit from double tax-free allowances by taking tax-free entitlements from both their UK scheme and their qualifying overseas pension schemes.

The changes made by clause 32 remove that exclusion from the overseas transfer charge for transfers from 30 October 2024. As a result, transfers will be subject to the overseas transfer charge unless another exclusion applies—for example, if the transfer is to a scheme established in a country where the member is a resident. That will reduce the number of tax-free transfers made and help to keep up to £1 billion of pension savings in the UK over the next five years.

Clause 33 concerns the requirements for schemes to be considered as overseas pension schemes and recognised overseas pension schemes. When the UK was a member of the EU, the requirements for schemes based in the EEA were different from those for schemes based in the rest of the world.

The changes made by clause 33 mean that a non-occupational pension scheme established in the EEA must be regulated by a pension schemes regulator in that country—provided there is such a regulator—to be considered an overseas pension scheme. If there is no such regulator, the scheme provider must be regulated for the establishment and provision of the scheme.

Furthermore, to be considered a recognised overseas pension scheme, a scheme based in the EEA must be established in a country with which the UK has either a double tax agreement that allows for exchange of information or a tax information exchange agreement.

The changes will take effect from 6 April 2025. They will align the requirements for schemes in the EEA with those for the rest of the world, and bring the requirements for non-occupational schemes in line with those for occupational ones.

Clause 34 concerns the requirements on administrators of UK registered pension schemes. Under the existing rules for such schemes, the scheme administrator can be a resident in the EEA, which can make enforcement of tax debts from the scheme difficult and costly for HMRC. The changes made by clause 34 would mean that, from 6 April 2026, all scheme administrators of UK registered pension schemes will need to be UK residents. That requirement will support HMRC’s enforcement activities, as there will be a UK resident for it to engage with.

In conclusion, the changes made by these clauses will bring the tax treatment of transfers to EEA and Gibraltar pension schemes, the conditions that EEA overseas schemes need to meet, and the requirements for EEA administrators of UK schemes in line with the rest of the world. I commend the clauses to the Committee.

James Wild (Conservative, North West Norfolk)

As we have heard from the Minister, clause 32 reduces tax-free transfers from UK tax-relieved pensions by removing the exclusion from the overseas tax charge. The Government have also announced linked tax maintenance measures in the other clauses. Clause 33 makes changes to the conditions for overseas pension schemes and recognised overseas pension schemes established in the EEA, so that from 6 April this year, they must meet the same conditions as schemes established in the rest of the world.

Clause 34 makes changes to the requirements for pension scheme administrators for registered pension schemes so that they must be UK resident. The OTC was introduced in 2017 to prevent individuals reducing the UK tax due on their pensions by transferring them overseas, particularly to low-tax income jurisdictions, while still benefiting from UK pension tax relief. The 25% charge applies on transfers overseas, unless there is an exclusion from that charge at the point of transfer.

At the Budget in the autumn, the Government announced that they would remove the exclusion from OTC of transfers to qualified pension schemes established in the EEA and Gibraltar where the member is resident in the UK or an EEA state. Aligning the treatment to transfer made with those to the rest of the world will deal with the risk of a double tax-free benefit. The tax information and impact note states:

“Aligning the treatment of transfers to QROPS established in the EEA and Gibraltar with that of transfers to QROPS established in the rest of the world... reduces the risk of around £1 billion of UK tax-relieved pension savings being transferred overseas across the scorecard.”

Could the Minister confirm how many individuals use the current exclusion and at what cost? It would also be useful to know how much has been raised by the OTC since it was introduced in 2017.

Clause 32 brings to an end the exclusion that can currently be used to transfer to schemes in the EEA. According to the Society of Pension Professionals, in doing so, individuals can benefit from a double tax-free allowance of more than £2 million. The tax note acknowledges:

“There will be operational impacts on HMRC caused by removal of the exclusion… HMRC will need to make some changes to forms, guidance and processes to support this.”

Would the Minister provide an update on how far HMRC has got in preparing for those updates and changes?

As the Minister said, clause 34 provides that the scheme administrator must be resident in the UK. That means that, ahead of 6 April 2026, schemes will need to check whether their current scheme administrator will remain valid from this date. Again, the tax information and impact note confirms:

“Changing the rules on who can be a scheme administrator for a registered pension scheme, could mean that some individuals might not be able to pay further funds into a scheme if the pension scheme does not appoint a UK resident pension scheme administrator and is deregistered.”

How many individuals does the Minister estimate this will impact, and what guidance will HMRC provide to prevent individuals from falling foul of the rule change? Again, the Society of Pension Professionals has pointed out that it would be useful if the memorandum indicated how this could impact on schemes where all of its trustees act as the scheme administrator but some are EEA based and some are UK resident. I would be grateful if the Minister could provide some clarity on that point. As I have set out, we support this change, and I look forward to the Minister’s response to the technical questions I have raised.

Emma Reynolds (Labour, Wycombe)

I thank the shadow Minister for his questions. I hope to answer all of them and, if I do not, I promise to write to him with clarification. He asked some questions about the number of individuals. I can tell him that in 2023-24, there were 7,100 transfers to qualifying recognised overseas pension schemes, and the value of those transfers was £1.14 billion. There is an increasing risk that these transfers were being made tax free and that some of these individuals would have been benefiting from the double tax-free allowances. I note the hon. Gentleman’s support for eliminating the risk of that and not allowing people to benefit from double tax-free allowances, which is obviously the main intention of these clauses. He asked about HMRC being prepared and the operational challenges that it might face as a result of the changes. Treasury Ministers and officials work very closely with HMRC—we are in the same building—and these changes have been drafted and consulted on with HMRC, so I suspect that I can reassure him that everything is in order.

The hon. Gentleman asked whether individuals will still be able to pay funds into a registered pension scheme if they do not appoint a UK-resident scheme administrator. Some individuals might not be able to get tax relief on further funds paid into pension scheme if the scheme does not appoint a UK-resident pension scheme administrator and if the scheme is subsequently deregistered. However, we do not expect many schemes to be affected by this issue, because the process for changing scheme administrators is established and, as the hon. Gentleman will have seen in clause 34, we are providing a longer lead-in time—until early April 2026—for the establishment of the UK administrators.

I may not have answered all the shadow Minister’s questions, but I promise that I will write to provide clarification on any that I have missed.

Clause 35 - Alternative finance: diminishing shared ownership refinancing arrangements

David Mundell (Conservative, Dumfriesshire, Clydesdale and Tweeddale)

With this it will be convenient to discuss schedule 7.

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

The clause and schedule make changes to alternative finance tax rules for refinancing, and will promote financial inclusion for those who choose to use alternative forms of finance, for either religious or other reasons.

Alternative finance is a method of raising finance that characteristically involves the sale, purchase and renting of assets in circumstances in which conventional financing would involve lending at interest. Currently, a capital gains tax or, in some cases, corporate tax or income tax liability can arise when entering into alternative refinancing arrangements; this would not occur if conventional financing arrangements had been used.

This issue mostly affects properties that do not qualify for capital gains tax private residence relief, such as rental properties, second homes and commercial properties. The changes made by clause 35 and schedule 7 will ensure that, where qualifying alternative finance provisions are used, individuals and companies will not be liable to capital gains tax, corporation tax or income tax on the transfer of part of the beneficial interest in the asset to a financing institution in order to raise finance.

The Government are committed to the continued strength of the UK Islamic finance sector and to it providing access to alternative finance to anyone who seeks it. These measures deliver on this commitment by putting alternative and conventional financing on a level playing field in relation to their tax treatment when refinancing. As a result, those who choose to use alternative finance will receive broadly the same tax treatment as those using conventional financing arrangements. I therefore commend clause 35 and schedule 7 to the Committee.

James Wild (Conservative, North West Norfolk)

As the Minister set out, clause 35 and schedule 7 make changes to the tax rules that apply to alternative finance. They ensure that, where an existing asset is used to raise finance using alternative finance, the tax outcome is broadly the same as it would be had conventional financing been used. The measure aims to level the playing field, and we will not oppose it.

Currently, the refinancing of a residential or commercial property using alternative finance triggers a potential capital gains tax liability on any inherent gain. By contrast, no potential capital gains tax liability arises when a conventional mortgage is used. The policy objective of this measure is one that we support and acted on in government in other areas: to ensure a level playing field across conventional and alternative forms of finance. This issue affects properties that do not qualify for capital gains tax private residence relief, such as residential properties, and will apply to refinancing entered into on or after 30 October 2024.

Once again, I echo the thanks given to the Chartered Institute of Taxation for its work and advice on scrutinising the Bill, as well as for the discussions I have had with it about the clause. The Chartered Institute of Taxation has suggested that the clause could be amended to exempt taxpayers from the liability on inherent gains that were raised on alternative finance transactions before 30 October 2024. They recognise that making such a retrospective change would be unusual. However, they suggest that a retrospective change in circumstances where there is an anomaly in the legislation that is both inconsistent with Government policy during the time the anomaly exists and adversely affects taxpayers, particularly those with protected characteristics, would meet the high bar.

I would be grateful if the Minister could say whether he has considered that point, and what approach HMRC will take to taxpayers who have already incurred a capital gains liability. Can the Minister confirm how many taxpayers using alternative financing will likely benefit from this change? I would also be grateful if he could set out what steps HMRC is taking to deal with any potential for fraud. As I say, we support this measure, and I would be grateful if the Minister would respond to my questions.

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

I thank the shadow Minister for his support for these clauses, and for what we seek to do through them: as he said, level the playing field between alternative finance and conventional finance. He asked whether the changes can be applied retrospectively. As he is aware, the Government do not generally apply tax changes retrospectively. The changes to alternative finance tax rules announced in the autumn Budget will apply from 30 October last year. The Government appreciate that some alternative finance customers will have already paid capital gains tax on refinancing arrangements, which is where this question arises from. However, to provide taxpayers with certainty over their tax position and to ensure that the law is applied in the way intended, the Government do not generally apply tax changes retrospectively and will not be doing so in this case.

More broadly, the shadow Minister asked whether we will be taking measures to ensure there is no fraud. It should go without saying that, as with any measures the Government take, we will ensure there is no fraud. That does not apply any more or less to this measure than it would to any other; we want to make sure there is no fraud in the way that any tax measures we take are used. That will be on our radar, as it would be with any other tax changes that we make.

In terms of the number of people affected, I know that the previous Government’s consultation on the alternative financing tax rules published in January last year, which closed in April, received 22 responses, including from alternative finance providers, representative groups, tax and legal professionals, academics, and consumers. This is, of course, a sector that we want to grow. It is one of the many sectors of the UK economy that will drive economic growth.

Clause 36 - Statutory neonatal care pay

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

The clause makes a consequential amendment to the shared incentive plan—SIP—to take account of the introduction of statutory neonatal care pay in the Neonatal Care (Leave and Pay) Act 2023. SIP is a tax advantage share scheme through which a company can award free shares to employees, or enable them to purchase partnership shares through salary deductions authorised by the employee. The SIP legislation requires an employer, when entering a partnership share agreement, to provide notice to inform the employee of the possible effect of salary deductions on their entitlement to social security benefits, such as statutory sick pay or statutory maternity pay.

The Neonatal Care (Leave and Pay) Act 2023 introduced provisions to enable parents whose babies require specialist care after birth to take additional paid time off work. The share incentive plan legislation must therefore be updated accordingly to reflect the introduction of statutory neonatal care pay, which may also be impacted by salary deductions. As a result of the changes made by clause 36, statutory neonatal care pay will be included in the notice that employers must provide to employees when entering partnership share agreements alongside other existing statutory payments. The clause will ensure that employees understand the potential impact of salary deductions as part of a SIP agreement on their entitlement to statutory neonatal care pay. I therefore commend the clause to the Committee.

James Wild (Conservative, North West Norfolk)

It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Mundell. As we heard from the Minister, clause 36 confirms that statutory neonatal care pay is taxable as social security income. The measure will take effect from 6 April 2025, and we support it.

It is important to understand the context in which we are discussing today’s changes; since at least 2014, there have been calls to extend parental leave and pay for parents who have premature babies and would seek neonatal care. I was pleased to stand on a manifesto in 2019 that committed to legislating to allow parents to take extended leave for neonatal care to support those new mothers and fathers who need it during the most vulnerable and stressful days of their lives.

In 2019, the previous Government launched the good work plan proposal to support families, which included proposals to do just that—introduce neonatal care leave and pay. The Government responded to that consultation, which led to the Neonatal Care (Leave and Pay) Bill, introduced as a private Member’s Bill supported by the Government. That new right, confirmed from 6 April, is expected to benefit around 60,000 new parents. It is absolutely right that these measures address some of the difficulties parents face when their baby is in neonatal care.

The impact assessment for that Bill notes that the estimated annual costs to the Exchequer of the care leave paid at statutory flat rate would be around £14 million a year on average. I wonder if the Minister has an update on whether those estimates are still correct. It also suggested that the one-off cost to businesses of familiarising themselves with the new legislation was around £4.7 million, with the resulting annual cost to business estimated at £22 million. Does the Minister have updated figures on the impact of introducing those measures?

The measure we are discussing here is technical and confirm the tax treatment, but it is important—as the Minister said—that employers make clear the implications to their staff members. Can the Minister confirm what action the Government are taking to communicate proactively about the changes? As I have set out, we support this right to neonatal care and pay, and I look forward to the Minister’s response to the specific questions.

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

I thank the shadow Minister for his support for this measure. If I understood his comments correctly, he asked a series of questions about the Exchequer impact and estimated costs of the measure itself, whereas the clause we are talking about here is really a consequential and relatively minor technical change to what employers have to say when they notify employees who are taking part in share incentive plans. I could try to look into those questions for him after this Committee sitting, but the information that we are discussing today—the scope of this clause—is actually much more limited than his questions suggest.

Clause 37 - Claim for relief on foreign income

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

I beg to move amendment 20, in clause 37, page 31, line 21, at end insert—

“12A

So much of any amount of income treated as arising to an individual under section 633 (capital sums paid to settlor by trustees of settlement) for the tax year as falls within the foreign amount of income available up to the end of the tax year.

The foreign amount of income available up to the end of a tax year is the amount that would be determined, in accordance with sections 635 to 637 (amount of available income), as the amount of income available up to the end of the tax year if all income arising under the settlement from a source in the United Kingdom were ignored.”

This amendment provides for income treated as arising to a settlor of a trust as a result of a capital payment made by the trustees to be eligible for relief to the extent that the deemed income arises from foreign income.

David Mundell (Conservative, Dumfriesshire, Clydesdale and Tweeddale)

With this it will be convenient to discuss the following:

Clause stand part.

Clause 38 stand part.

Government amendments 44 to 54.

Schedule 8.

Clause 39 stand part.

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

Clauses 37 to 39 make changes to ensure that from April 2025, individuals moving to the UK who have not been tax resident in the UK for the 10 previous years will not pay tax on their foreign income or gains for the first four years of UK residence.

For context, the Government are removing the outdated concept of domiciled status from the tax system and replacing it with a new, internationally competitive, residence-based regime from 6 April this year. Currently, where a non-UK-domiciled individual moves to the UK, they are able to access the remittance basis of taxation, under which foreign income and gains are not taxable unless they are brought into the UK. Similarly, when undertaking work abroad, newly UK resident, non-UK-domiciled individuals are able to access overseas workday relief, which means that overseas employment income is not taxable unless brought into the UK. The arrangements create a disincentive to invest in the UK and are being changed as a result of these measures.

The changes made by clauses 37 and 39 will provide full tax relief on foreign income and gains for new arrivals to the UK for their first four years of tax residence, provided that they have not been UK tax resident for 10 years before their arrival. To align with the new regime, clause 38 and schedule 8 extend the period of overseas workday relief to four years, and decouple overseas workday relief from domiciled status to align it with the new foreign income and gains regime. Claims to the relief will be capped at the lower of £300,000 or 30% of an individual’s total employment income. Furthermore, the removal of the remittance basis means that it will no longer be necessary to keep income offshore to benefit from relief.

Government amendment 20 amends clause 37 to add an additional category of income to the list of eligible incomes, which will ensure that all eligible income for relief is referenced correctly. Government amendments 44 to 53 have also been tabled to schedule 8 to ensure that the relief on travel costs for qualifying newly resident employees in the UK functions as the legislation intended. Furthermore, Government amendment 54 amends schedule 8 to clarify that it is a general direction made by HMRC, rather than a public notice.

The Government are committed to ensuring that everyone who is long-term resident in the UK pays their taxes here. The new regime ensures that that will be the case, while also being more attractive than the current approach as individuals will be able to bring income and gains into the UK without attracting additional tax charges. That will encourage people to spend and invest those funds here in the UK.

I commend clauses 37 to 39 and schedule 8, along with Government amendments 20 and 44 to 54, to the Committee.

Gareth Davies (Conservative, Grantham and Bourne)

Currently, a person who is UK resident but not UK domiciled pays tax on any UK income and gains but can choose for their non-UK income and gains to be taxed on a remittance basis. Part 2 of the Bill provides for the abolition of non-domiciled status from April 2025, as the Minister points out, and for its replacement with a new regime for the taxation of foreign incomes and gains on the basis of UK residence. It therefore terminates the current tax regime for those who are resident but not domiciled in the UK, while creating a temporary repatriation facility for historical foreign income and gains to be brought into the UK over the next three years. Those changes will also be applied to trusts under the Bill and inheritance tax will also be brought into the new, residence-based system.

Although the shape of the overall package is much the same as the one the Conservatives announced in the spring Budget 2024, there are a few notable differences on the detail. Before I move through the chapters—we will spend a bit of time on that, starting with chapter 1—I will first provide some context by noting that, net of the reforms we announced in March, Labour’s adjustments to the new regime are forecast to raise £12.7 billion over the next five years. This means the measure we are considering is the second biggest revenue-raising new policy in this entire Budget. Labour’s adjustments to the temporary repatriation facility alone account for £10.6 billion.

These are significant sums, but also highly uncertain, according to the OBR. There is significant uncertainty in particular around the behavioural responses and the size of the tax base, according to the OBR’s assessment. The OBR also says it is unclear to what extent inflows to the temporary repatriation facility are additional over the long term rather than bringing forward disposals which would otherwise have attracted full rates of taxation.

When the second biggest revenue-raising new policy in a Budget is so uncertain, according to the OBR, bond market jitters come as no surprise. The emphasis Labour has placed on this policy, which makes up a massive chunk of the Bill, is compounding its conundrum ahead of the OBR’s March forecast. It exacerbates fiscal instability by adding to the risk that revenues will not be as high as anticipated. This brings us back to the same old questions we have been asking, including in the Chamber today: which taxes will Labour have to raise if there is a shortfall, or which services will they have to cut? The Minister will say that we need to wait for the OBR’s revised forecasts, but will those include an update on these highly uncertain figures?

Turning specifically to chapter 1, clauses 37 and 39 introduce the new four-year 100% relief on eligible foreign income and gains for those arriving in the UK who have not been UK tax residents in the 10 tax years immediately prior to their arrival. I acknowledge that that mostly mirrors the proposals we put forward in the March Budget 2024 but would be grateful if the Minister could none the less address the following points.

Yuan Yang (Labour, Earley and Woodley)

The hon. Gentleman raises the question of estimates around the level of revenue that would be generated by this important measure. Is he familiar with the work of Andy Summers and Arun Advani at LSE and the University of Warwick? Three years ago, in 2022, they modelled the effect of the 2017 tax reforms on non-doms and used that as a basis for statistical estimates for the proposal before us. While economics is a science that does to the best it can with the data available, I think there are some quite substantial measures available on the table for this proposal.

Gareth Davies (Conservative, Grantham and Bourne)

I am afraid I have not taken the time to read the academic reports, but I greatly value and emphasise the work of the OBR, which the Conservatives established in government. The new Government have taken it forward and are already seeking to bolster its impact on the Treasury’s work. If the hon. Lady will forgive me, it is the OBR’s work that I look at, and that work says that this budgetary measure is highly uncertain. As I was pointing out, that leaves questions for markets and for the Labour parliamentary party when it comes to which taxation will have to go up and what spending will be cut if that figure is not met. I will leave that to the Minister to address.

Harriet Cross (Conservative, Gordon and Buchan)

Regardless of the uncertainty, we know from the projections that, although the tax intake should peak at about £6 billion, it tails off by the end of the period to £95 million—a huge difference. By the time this spending and the costs have been worked into the system, no matter what happens in terms of uncertainty, at the end of that tax period there will be a huge amount of money that was in the system, but which now has to be filled. This policy, if implemented, will mean that there is a hole in the system at the end of the ’29 period that will need to be filled in some way.

Gareth Davies (Conservative, Grantham and Bourne)

That is a very good point—if only I had included it in my speech. That is a classic example of an intervention that adds to the content of the debate on behalf of all those who will be impacted by this measure. It is important to look at the projections over the five-year period on a year-by-year basis. It will be no surprise to the Minister that I look at them very carefully. I look at the timing of when the measures generate revenue, and when they do not. I could provide lots of examples of places where questions need to be asked of this Budget—indeed, we have been asking them today.

In claiming the 100% relief on foreign income and gains, an individual forfeits their eligibility for a whole host of allowances available to normal UK taxpayers, including the personal allowance'; yet even those who were previously taxed on a remittance basis for non-UK income and gains would still pay tax on their UK earnings, just like everybody else. That was surely an uncontroversial element of the old regime, which did not require any attention, so why have the Government taken it upon themselves to make the tax treatment of UK income less favourable as a condition of claiming the new 100% relief—which we of course welcome?

The biggest concern that has been raised with me regarding these new reliefs by the likes of the now-famous Chartered Institute of Taxation, which many of us have referred to, is the requirement to itemise and actively claim each income and gain. As far as I can recall, the technical note that we produced alongside our proposals in March 2024 did not insist on that level of specificity and detail, which is quite onerous on those applying. As a basic matter of fairness, it seems wrong that the window for making a claim is so much less than the 12 years available to HMRC to issue a compliance check, and even more so when the ability to make a consequential claim to correct an error is restricted.

The Budget claims to introduce a regime that is simpler and internationally competitive, as the Minister outlined in his speech, but those two requirements are neither of those things. I would be very grateful if the Minister can explain what exactly the benefit of doing things in that way are.

The main departure from our proposals comes with clause 38 and schedule 8, which introduce financial limitations for overseas workday relief. Is that to compensate for the additional year in which the relief will now be claimable? How significant does the Treasury expect the impact of the alteration to be? I would be grateful if the Minister can indulge me by outlining an explanation on those points.

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

I thank the shadow Minister for his comments. I was going to thank him for his support for these measures, but I do not know whether he explicitly said that. I think he nearly did, so I will take it as support unless he jumps in to correct me.

One of the key measures that the shadow Minister highlighted in our package of legislative measures that is the subject of clause 37 is the temporary repatriation facility, an important feature of the system we are seeking to introduce. What it does—I say this so that all Members are aware—is to introduce a reduced tax rate for remittances to encourage individuals to bring their capital to the UK and to spend and invest it here. The fact that it will raise considerable revenue is beneficial to the public finances, but it is also critical to recognise that that is a consequence of people bringing money into the UK to spend and invest here, which is something I am sure the Opposition side of the Committee will welcome as well.

The overall scheme in relation to which the TRF operates is the four-year foreign income and gains regime; I set out the details of that in my earlier remarks. It is important to emphasise that this four-year foreign income and gains regime is a competitive regime, focused on getting the best talent and investment we possibly can from around the world into the UK. The restriction on four-year foreign income and gain regime claims that can be made during a check of a tax return is to encourage compliance with UK tax obligations, because obviously that would be an inherent part of the new system we are proposing.

The hon. Gentleman asked further questions about the other reliefs that those claiming the four year foreign income and gains relief would qualify for, and why they are being asked to report their foreign income and gains to HMRC. He made a point about his concern that the reporting requirements were too onerous. However, that information will help the Government to evaluate whether the regime is providing value for money and ensure that the relief supports the aim of encouraging talented people from around the world to come to and invest in the UK.

Having that information will enable HMRC to identify any avoidance risks and to ensure compliance within the new regime. It means that, because all UK taxpayers must report their foreign income and gains, there should be no difference for individuals who make a claim for the foreign income gains regime—because all UK taxpayers would be in that position. Additionally, failing to request information could be considered to run contrary to the UK’s international information-sharing obligations, something we would want to avoid.

I hope the hon. Gentleman can appreciate that the foreign income and gains regime is a competitive one. It is one that explicitly sets out to be internationally competitive to attract people from around the world to come to the UK, to invest their money here, to work to grow the UK economy and to create jobs and wealth here in the UK. We want to make sure people have an attractive regime that they can benefit from when wanting to be part of our mission for economic growth.

I hope the hon. Gentleman also appreciates the important role that the temporary repatriation facility plays, because the shape of the income from the temporary repatriation facility that he spoke about over the scorecard period is intentional. It is by design. If we look at the tax rates charged in the different years, they are 12%, 12% and 15%. That is deliberately to encourage people to make use of the temporary repatriation facility and not leave it all to the last year—to try to ensure that people make use of it across the three years for which it operates. The key reason behind that, although of course the support for public finances is also welcome in terms of balancing the books and supporting our public services, is encouraging people who are currently non-doms to bring their assets to the UK, to spend and invest them here in our country.

Obviously we had plenty of political debates around this in the previous Parliament where the previous Government introduced some of the measures, I would argue under pressure from us, although I am sure the shadow Minister would have a different recollection of how that transpired. The package of measures that we have suggested amend the proposals that we inherited to strengthen them and to make them internationally competitive.

Gareth Davies (Conservative, Grantham and Bourne)

To clarify, the point I am trying to make is that the Minister is rightly trying to ensure that this new regime makes the UK as competitive as possible so that assets flow into our country and we derive revenues from that. The first question I have is, why remove the personal allowance for those who seek to do so? The second is that although the point about the reporting is valid in terms of monitoring, does the Minister accept that that in itself could make the system more complicated and onerous to those who may consider moving their assets to this country? That may result in less money coming through the door, which is exactly why the OBR has rated this as highly uncertain revenue generation. That is the point that I am trying to make.

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

I thank the hon. Gentleman for his further comments. To address his point regarding the OBR, we seek to strengthen that institution, inspired not least by some of his colleagues’ views of the OBR having damaged trust in it under the previous Government. We wanted to make sure that that could never happen again, by strengthening its standing in law.

As the hon. Gentleman will know, when the OBR is looking at suggested tax changes, particularly when they are more complex than simply changing a rate—when they are more involved—it is a matter of course for degrees of uncertainty to be associated with that revenue from different measures.

The point about the design of the scheme is best answered by explaining that this is about striking the right balance. The hon. Gentleman asked whether the reporting requirements are too onerous. It is a balance between making sure that we minimise the burden on individuals, and of course the businesses that they work for—we want to make sure that we are not putting any onerous requirements on them to report information that is not needed—while, at the same time, making sure that we have the information to be able to evaluate the regime, to identify any avoidance risks and to ensure compliance. It is a constant tension within the tax system to make sure that burdens are as low as possible while ensuring that we have adequate information to prevent non-compliance and so on. Those are the judgments that we have to take as Ministers, but we want to take them in the way that achieves the best possible outcome.

To conclude, the overall package that we are proposing, with the foreign income and gains regime, where foreign income and gains will see no income tax for four years, is more generous—is more attractive—than the remittance basis that is currently in place, because it means that those foreign incomes and gains will not be subject to income tax.

Therefore, I hope that our proposed package is not only positive for public finances here in the UK, but serves as an attractive regime for people around the world with talent and with entrepreneurial spirit, who want to work and invest in our country and help our economy grow, and that they can see that the scheme will help them to do just that. I commend these measures to the Committee.

Schedule 8 - Relief on foreign employment income: consequential and transitional provision

Clause 40 - Remittance basis not available after tax year 2024-25

David Mundell (Conservative, Dumfriesshire, Clydesdale and Tweeddale)

With this it will be convenient to discuss the following:

Government amendments 55 to 58.

Schedule 9.

Clause 41 stand part.

Government amendment 59.

Schedule 10.

Clause 42 stand part.

Schedule 11.

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

These clauses and schedules also relate to the non-dom reform, which we just discussing in relation to the previous group of clauses. Clauses 40 to 42 and schedules 9 to 11 make changes to ensure that the remittance basis of taxation will no longer apply from 6 April this year. For previous users of the remittance basis, a temporary repatriation facility will be introduced, which we just discussed under the previous group of clauses. Individuals will be able to rebase their foreign assets to their value on 5 April 2017.

As we know well, the Government are removing the outdated concept of domicile status from the tax system and replacing it with a new, internationally competitive residence-based regime from April this year. Currently, where a non-UK-domiciled individual moves to the UK, they are able to access the remittance basis of taxation, under which foreign income and gains are not taxable unless they are brought to the UK. These arrangements can create a disincentive to invest in the UK.

The changes made by clause 40 and schedule 9 will remove the remittance basis of taxation from being claimed after 6 April 2025, and this clause clarifies how this legislation operates. Although no new claims can be made, foreign income and gains that have arisen through a remittance basis prior to 6 April 2025 will continue to be taxed at the prevailing tax rates if remitted to the UK on or after this date.

Clause 41 and schedule 10 will introduce the new temporary repatriation facility for individuals who had previously claimed a remittance basis, through which they will be able to designate and remit foreign income and gains that arose prior to 6 April 2025 at a reduced rate of tax. That will include unattributed foreign income and gains held within trust structures. That facility, as we discussed in relation to the previous group of clauses, will be available for a limited time period of three years from April 2025, with a rate of 12% for the first two years, rising to 15% in the final year.

Clause 42 and schedule 11 introduce a transitional arrangement for capital gains tax purposes. That will allow those who have previously claimed a remittance basis to rebase foreign assets they held on 5 April 2017 to the value at that date, when they dispose of them on or after 6 April 2025.

Government amendments 55 and 56 amend the wording of sections 56, 61G and 61R of the Income Tax (Earnings and Pensions) Act 2003 to ensure that those sections, which cover chargeability to tax in respect of deemed employment payment, no longer make reference to domicile, which has become redundant in light of the current reforms.

Government amendment 57 amends section 22 of the Finance (No. 2) Act 1931, section 154 of the Finance Act 1996 and section 174 of the Finance Act 1993 to ensure that an individual’s domicile is no longer a relevant consideration for Treasury securities issued with free of tax for residents abroad conditions. Government amendment 58 removes references to domicile in section 614 of the Income and Corporation Taxes Act 1988, relating to relief on income for investments of certain pension schemes, which have become redundant in light of the current reforms.

Finally, Government amendment 59 corrects an incorrect reference in schedule 10. Amendments have also been made to the associated explanatory notes to accurately reflect the legislation. The Government are committed to making the tax system fairer so that everyone who is long-term resident in the UK pays their taxes here.

Harriet Cross (Conservative, Gordon and Buchan)

I thank the Minister for listing the amendments before the Committee. At Davos last week, the Chancellor announced other amendments that will be made to non-dom status. It is disappointing that they have not been put before the Committee, where they can be scrutinised line by line. Why is that not the case, and when will either a Committee or the House get to see those amendments?

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

I am glad that the hon. Lady was paying good attention to what the Chancellor was saying at Davos. The Government will introduce, as the Chancellor set out, a number of amendments to the Finance Bill on Report, to make the temporary repatriation facility simpler to use and more attractive to those who want to benefit from it, while retaining the structure announced at the Budget.

More broadly, the new regime is more attractive than the current approach, because individuals will be able to bring income and gains into the UK without attracting an additional tax charge. That will encourage people to bring funds into the UK and spend and invest them here. That is good for the UK in terms of investment and spending coming into the UK, and in terms of the tax revenue, which we spoke about in relation to the previous set of clauses. I therefore commend clauses 40 to 42, schedules 9 to 11 and Government amendments 55 to 59 to the Committee.

Gareth Davies (Conservative, Grantham and Bourne)

As the Minister said, clause 40 and schedule 9 abolish the remittance basis of taxation for foreign income and gains from 2025-26. Clause 41 and schedule 10 create a temporary repatriation facility, or TRF, to allow former remittance-based taxpayers to bring historical foreign income and gains into the UK at a lower rate of tax. Clause 42 and schedule 11 allow for foreign assets to be rebased to their value in 2017 for capital gains tax purposes.

On the TRF, I gently point out to the Minister that, given that this is the single biggest revenue-raising part of Labour’s policy—offering a reduced rate of tax on income and gains for a limited time—the Government are not so much closing loopholes in the tax system, as the Labour party consistently said to us when it was in opposition, and as was claimed at the Budget, but creating new loopholes, by their own definition of debates past. As the OBR has stated, there is great uncertainty over how much of that revenue is truly additional. Tom Josephs, one of the three members of the OBR’s Budget Responsibility Committee, told the Treasury Committee:

“most of the revenue that we have scored in the forecast comes from what are…essentially, three years’ worth of lower tax rates…The steady-state impact of the reform is much lower.”

As is so often the case, there is a mismatch between Labour’s rhetoric and the policy reality.

The same would appear to be true for the “tweaks” to the temporary repatriation facility that the Chancellor announced on the slopes of Davos just last week. That indiscretion would be more problematic had there been any substance to the Davos announcement. We are still none the wiser, because the relevant amendments have not appeared, as my hon. Friend the Member for Gordon and Buchan said. This is the Committee stage of a Finance Bill, when we scrutinise the measures of the Government of the day, line by line. The Chancellor of the Exchequer made a conscious decision to get on a plane, fly to Davos and make the announcement—not in this House, but overseas. Then, when she had the opportunity to table amendments for the scrutiny of this Committee, she decided not to do so. I feel sorry for the Minister who has had to explain this, but it is not good enough. The Minister said that we will debate it on Report, but what stopped the Chancellor from tabling amendments today, in Committee? What was it about the line-by-line scrutiny that meant she could not do so? I would be grateful if the Minister could try to explain it, but I think the Chancellor should be explaining it to the House.

Those points aside, the main grievance, which others have raised, relates to the changes to definition of “remittance” in schedule 9. The Chartered Institute of Taxation says the changes are badly drafted, that they should not be retroactive and that, at the very least, implementation should be delayed to allow for them to be rewritten and consulted on. Otherwise, the Minister needs to explain why, under paragraph 5(8), lending foreign income to a foreign relative outside the UK, to be kept outside of the UK, should be treated as a remittance to the UK. Paragraph 5(11), which makes it so that anything that has ever been remitted to the UK without being charged to tax under previous rules should now be treated as if it was a chargeable remittance, is described by the ICAEW as “unacceptable”; it states that the provision “should be deleted”. This is a matter on which I am not particularly expert, but the ICAEW is. I would be grateful if the Minister could explain those points, or follow up in writing to me, so that I can provide these industry bodies with an explanation.

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

I am always happy to respond to queries from the Chartered Institute of Taxation—they were eloquently presented by the shadow Minister—and will I make sure that any responses to those queries are forthcoming.

However, I think the central point, which the shadow Minister focused on in his comments, is about the temporary repatriation facility and our changes to that. The Chancellor was very clear that these changes, which she mentioned at Davos, are designed to make the system simpler and more attractive. As he will know, Finance Bills are routinely amended both in Committee and on Report by the Government to ensure that the best possible legislation is in place before a Finance Bill gains Royal Assent.

The new temporary repatriation facility, which we are setting up under these clauses, includes rules concerning how income and gains in a trust structure are matched to beneficiaries. These are complex things and the amendments will simplify that process. To provide absolute clarity, the amendments to the temporary repatriation facility, which the Chancellor referred to, are separate from the amendments that we are debating today in Committee, which clarify specific aspects of the legislation and ensure that the policy works as intended.

Collectively, the Government amendments before the Committee ensure that the legislation works as intended, and the amendments the Chancellor mentioned at Davos are designed to make the system simpler and more attractive. If it is a win-win, where it does not have an impact on the income—

Blake Stephenson (Conservative, Mid Bedfordshire)

I think Opposition Members are somewhat confused. The Chancellor committed to bringing an amendment forward. I know that the Minister says it will be tabled at a later stage, but why is it so complex that it cannot be considered today, so that it can be scrutinised by the Opposition?

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

At the risk of repeating myself, amendments are routinely brought forward in Committee and on Report, and they are scrutinised at both stages of the Bill. The intention is to make sure that the legislation is in the best possible place by the time it gets to Third Reading and receives Royal Assent.

The focus for us is to make sure that this legislation works as well as possible. We are pragmatic about that; we want to make sure that it functions effectively. That is why we are making technical changes by way of Government amendments today, and why there will be further amendments on Report to make the system simpler and more generous, in the way that the Chancellor has set out.

This is about achieving a system that makes the tax system both fairer, in the ways that we have set out, and as simple and attractive as possible for people who want to come to the UK and bring their money to the UK, to invest and spend it here, which will help us to grow the economy.

Schedule 9 - Income Tax and Capital Gains Tax: Remittance Basis and Domicile

Schedule 10 - Temporary repatriation facilitySchedule 10

Clause 43 - Trusts: connected amendments, transitional provision etc

David Mundell (Conservative, Dumfriesshire, Clydesdale and Tweeddale)

With this it will be convenient to discuss the following:

Government amendments 60 and 61.

Schedule 12.

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

Clause 43 and schedule 12 make changes to ensure that the foreign income and gains arising within settlor-interested trust structures will no longer be protected from tax for non-domiciled and deemed-domiciled individuals who do not qualify for the four-year foreign income and gains regime, which we have been discussing in relation to earlier groups of clauses.

As we have established in previous debates in Committee, the Government are removing the outdated concept of domicile status from the tax system and replacing it with a new internationally competitive residence-based regime from April of this year. Currently, where a non-UK-domiciled individual settles an offshore trust, foreign income and gains arising within that trust are protected from UK tax, which remains the case even if the individual is later deemed domicile.

The changes made by clause 43 and schedule 12 will mean that from 6 April 2025, foreign income and gains arising in settlor-interested trusts will be taxed on the same basis as UK-domiciled settlors, unless the settlor is eligible for and claims the new four-year regime, regardless of when the trust was established. In addition, the trust protections will not apply to the legislation on the transfer of assets abroad. This will mean that all income arising in a settlor-interested trust or an underlying company can be taxed on a UK settlor as it arises if the transferor has the power to enjoy the income or receives capital sums from the trust or company.

Government amendments 60 and 61 ensure that the onward gifting provisions continue to operate effectively, as under the existing regime. These provisions ensure that taxpayers cannot avoid a liability to tax by diverting benefits to other persons not liable to that charge. The Government are committed to making the tax system fairer so that everyone who is a long-term resident in the UK pays their taxes here. The new regime ensures this while also being more attractive than the current approach, as individuals will be able to bring income and gains into the UK without attracting an additional tax charge. As we have debated already, this will encourage them to spend and invest these funds here in the UK. Therefore, I commend these provisions to the Committee.

Gareth Davies (Conservative, Grantham and Bourne)

Clause 43 and schedule 12 mirror the proposals that we set out in March 2024. The Minister will therefore be very pleased to hear that I have not picked up any significant murmurings of discontent on this clause, and I have no further comments.

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

I thank the shadow Minister and encourage him to respond in similar terms in future.

Schedule 12 - Trusts: connected amendments, transitional provision etc

Clause 44 - Excluded property: domicile test replaced with long-term residence test

David Mundell (Conservative, Dumfriesshire, Clydesdale and Tweeddale)

With this it will be convenient to discuss the following:

Clauses 45 and 46 stand part.

Government amendments 62 to 65.

Schedule 13.

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

Clauses 44 to 46 and schedule 13 make changes to replace the current domicile-based system of inheritance tax with the new residence-based system. Currently, an individual’s domicile status determines whether their non-UK assets are in scope of inheritance tax. The non-domiciled individual’s personal non-UK assets are not in scope until they become deemed domiciled. However, if such assets are placed into a trust they will remain out of scope in perpetuity, even if an individual later settles in the UK.

The changes made by clause 44 will mean that from April this year, an individual will be in scope for inheritance tax on their personal, non-UK assets if they have been resident in the UK for at least 10 out of the least 20 tax years. An individual will then remain in scope for between three and 10 years after leaving the UK, depending on how long they were resident in the UK.

The changes made by clause 45 will mean that, subject to transitional points, any non-UK assets that an individual places in a trust will be liable for inheritance tax charges when the settlor is a long-term resident. This will also apply to such assets treated as owned by a beneficiary who is a long-term UK resident. Although non-UK assets in existing protected trusts will be in the 10-yearly inheritance tax charging regime when the settlor is a long-term resident, it is important to note that those non-UK assets in existing protected trusts will be kept out of the settlor’s or beneficiary’s death estate. Any new assets put into trust will be fully in scope for trust charges or charges on a death whenever the settlor is a long-term UK resident. This matches the current treatment of people with UK domicile.

Clause 46 and schedule 13 make changes to the remaining inheritance tax areas to depend on a person’s long-term UK residence instead of their domicile, and to provide for commencement. For example, a surviving spouse or civil partner can elect to be treated as a long-term UK resident instead of electing to be treated as a UK domicile. This will have effect for 10 years.

Four minor amendments, 62 to 65, have been made to schedule 13 to insert a missing word, to correct cross-references to the new definition of excluded property in a settlement, and to ensure that all fiscal domicile definitions are removed unless they are needed for a double taxation convention to work.

The Government are committed to making the tax system fairer, so that everyone who is a long-term resident in the UK pays their taxes here. The new regime therefore ensures that individuals, in the future, will not be able to keep their assets out of scope of inheritance tax indefinitely. At the same time, our approach ensures that non-UK assets in existing protected trusts will be kept out of the settlor’s or beneficiary’s death estate. I therefore commend clauses 44 to 46 and schedule 13, alongside Government amendments 62 to 65, to the Committee.

Gareth Davies (Conservative, Grantham and Bourne)

As the Minister set out, clauses 44 to 46 and schedule 13 bring inheritance tax into the residence-based system so that it applies to non-UK assets owned outright or held in trusts. This was our stated intention in March 2024, subject to consultation.

As the Minister set out, non-UK assets will now be in scope for inheritance tax where an individual is considered a long-term resident—that is, if they have been resident in the UK for at least 10 of the last 20 tax years that immediately precede the chargeable event. This is subject to a tapered 10-year tail where a person who was resident in the UK for 20 years or more would no longer be considered long-term resident after 10 consecutive tax years of absence, whereas a person with 19 years of UK residence in the last 20 years would no longer be considered a long-term resident after nine years, and so on down to a minimum of three years for those with between 13 and 10 years of residence in the last 20 years.

As far as I am aware, there are no details of consultations which have taken place and nothing has been published on this. I am told by the likes of the Chartered Institute of Taxation that certain provisions such as the tapering of the 10-year tail were put forward during that process. I would be grateful if the Minister could confirm to the Committee the nature and extent of the consultation that has taken place by the Government to inform the creation of these clauses.

One point made by the Chartered Institute of Taxation is that there is now an anomaly whereby individuals who leave the UK before the new regime begins on 6 April are considered long-term residents when the legislation comes into effect, meaning they will incur an inheritance tax exit charge for trusts they have settled when their long-term resident status ends. As the Chartered Institute of Taxation points out, it seems unfair that a person who has already left the UK should face an exit charge due to legislation that comes into effect after their departure. I would be grateful if the Minister could explain that anomaly, which seems a little unfair. According to the Office for Budget Responsibility, these clauses raise very little revenue—I think it is in the range of £100 million a year on average—so the Government can afford to get this right. I would really appreciate a fuller explanation.

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

I thank the shadow Minister for his remarks. He asked about the consultation and how we developed these policies. It is worth pointing out that there has been quite extensive discussion about the legislation on non-domicile status. The Government published a technical note at the autumn Budget in October 2024 explaining the proposed changes to provide certainty ahead of the rules coming into force in April 2025. Officials have engaged extensively with interested specialists and individuals over the summer and throughout the development of this policy. Many elements, such as the tapered tail and the transitional arrangements, were proposed by representative bodies. Those representative bodies also told us that people want certainty about the proposed new rules as early as possible, which is why we published information ahead of the Finance Bill and discussed it with people who might be affected and have views to add.

I will write to the shadow Minister with details on the very specific question he asked, so he has that information for reference. The objective with this policy is to achieve our aim of making the tax system fairer while making the new regime as attractive as possible and internationally competitive to encourage people to come to the UK to invest here, work here, create jobs and wealth, and grow our economy. That is the balance that we seek to strike. We have done that in close consultation and discussion with those affected to get the legislation to the best possible place.

Schedule 13 - Inheritance tax

Clause 54 - Alternative finance: land in England, Scotland or Northern Ireland

David Mundell (Conservative, Dumfriesshire, Clydesdale and Tweeddale)

With this it will be consider clause 55 stand part.

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

Clauses 54 and 55 make changes to alternative finance tax rules to put alternative and conventional financing arrangements on a broadly level playing field for annual tax on enveloped dwellings. As with the changes made in clause 35, which we debated earlier, these changes promote financial inclusion for those who choose to use alternative forms of finance, either for religious reasons or otherwise.

The annual tax on enveloped dwellings is an annual charge payable by non-natural persons, such as companies, owning UK residential property valued at more than £500,000. It is intended to discourage non-commercial enveloping of residential property in a company in order to avoid other property-related taxes, such as stamp duty land tax. The charge is not intended to apply to individuals who use alternative finance to purchase residential property.

These clauses fix an issue whereby an unintended annual tax on enveloped dwellings may arise on individuals and financial institutions when using certain alternative finance arrangements. The changes made by clause 54 would ensure that an annual tax on enveloped dwellings charge does not arise just because alternative finance has been used to purchase the property. It does that by disregarding the financial institution’s interest in the property, so that the tax liability is assessed on the basis of the client of the alternative finance arrangement.

Clause 55 fixes an error with the existing legislation and ensures that the treatment for annual tax on enveloped dwellings is the same for those entering into alternative finance arrangements in Wales as it is for those in the rest of the UK.

These clauses, alongside clause 35, which we debated earlier, deliver on the Government’s commitment to the continued strength of the UK Islamic finance sector by putting alternative and conventional financing on a broadly level playing field in their treatment for annual tax on enveloped dwellings. I therefore commend the clauses to the Committee.

James Wild (Conservative, North West Norfolk)

As we heard from the Minister, these clauses extend existing alternative finance provisions to ensure that the ATED charge arises only where the client is a person within the scope of that charge. Clause 54 extends those provisions for land in England, Scotland or Northern Ireland and clause 55 does so for land in Wales.

As we discussed when debating clause 35, alternative financing is a method of raising finance involving the sale, purchase and renting of assets in circumstances where conventional financing would involve lending at interest. Although based on Islamic financing, it can be used by both followers and non-followers of that faith. These changes reflect the approach that we took in government, which the new Government have taken on, to ensure, where possible, a level playing field between conventional and alternative finance transactions. We support the changes.

The ATED is an annual charge payable by companies, partnerships with a company member, and collective investment vehicles that own residential property valued at more than £500,000. An enveloped dwelling is a property that is used or can be used as a residence—for example a house or flat—and that is owned through a corporate structure. The amount of ATED due is worked out through a banding system. The current chargeable amount for properties worth more than £500,000 and up to £1 million is £4,450. If a property is worth more than £20 million, the charge is £292,000. I would be grateful for any data that the Minister has on how much is raised by this tax every year, including any per-band figures. The tax information and impact note includes an annual £5 million negative impact on the Exchequer from 2025 through to 2030. Will the Minister explain what lies behind that? It would also be useful to know how many individuals using alternative finance will be impacted by these changes.

I am grateful to our friends at the Chartered Institute of Taxation for their comments on these measures. They have queried what they term the Government’s piecemeal approach to levelling the playing field for alternative finance arrangements. The CIOT has said that the current legislation does not provide for a look-through to the underlying buyer for stamp duty land tax reliefs such as charities relief, group relief and relief for acquisition by a house builder from an individual acquiring a new dwelling. The effect is that that relief is denied when alternative finance arrangements are in place. This is inconsistent with a policy of providing parity of treatment between alternative finance and conventional financing, and should also be addressed. Will the Minister confirm whether he will consider such changes and, when horizon-scanning, consider adopting a more consistent approach more widely to level the playing field? As I have set out, we support these changes. I hope that the Minister will respond, briefly, to my questions.

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

I thank the hon. Gentleman for his support on this matter. He asked about the receipts from ATED. The most recent figures are from 2022-23 and show £124 million of receipts from ATED overall. I hope that puts in context the small, £5 million impact of the changes that these clauses and clause 35 would introduce.

The hon. Gentleman also asked how many people are impacted by these changes. We recognise that they will benefit a small number of finance providers and individuals, and anticipate that the number of people who will benefit will be low. However, it is important to give this sector the confidence to grow and to ensure a level playing field. The shadow Minister agreed that it is important to ensure that the Islamic or alternative finance sector has that level playing field, so that it can contribute towards our country’s economic growth. These clauses, along with clause 35, seek to achieve that goal.

Clause 56 - Testing of FMI technologies or practices

Emma Reynolds (Labour, Wycombe)

Clause 56 introduces a power enabling changes to be made to stamp duty and stamp duty reserve tax in relation to financial market infrastructure sandboxes. The Government are committed to developing the UK’s capital markets and, as part of that, have announced that they will take forward the private intermittent securities and capital exchange system, known as PISCES. That power will be used to provide an exemption from stamp duty and stamp duty reserve tax for PISCES transactions. This will be a carefully targeted exemption, representing a cost-effective approach to boosting growing private companies and supporting our capital markets.

PISCES is a new type of trading platform that will allow private companies to have their shares traded intermittently, supporting private companies to scale and grow, and boosting the pipeline of future initial public offerings in the UK. Using powers from the Financial Services and Markets Act 2023, which was introduced by the previous Government, this Government will establish the regulatory framework for PISCES in a financial market infrastructure sandbox. That will allow the Treasury to temporarily modify or disapply certain pieces of legislation, to support market operators to trial new or developing technologies or practices, while still achieving appropriate regulatory outcomes. The Government published a response to the PISCES consultation paper at Mansion House on 14 November 2024. As part of this, the Government will lay a statutory instrument to establish the PISCES sandbox by May this year.

Clause 56 will allow the Treasury to make stamp duty and stamp duty reserve tax changes by statutory instrument, in connection with any exercise of the time-limited FMI sandbox power in the Financial Services and Markets Act 2023. The power will be used to introduce an exemption from stamp duty and stamp duty reserve tax for PISCES transactions, as announced at the autumn Budget. That exemption will boost the attractiveness of PISCES, incentivising investors and private companies to participate, and it demonstrates the Government’s commitment to the success of PISCES as part of our wider ambitions to reinvigorate UK capital markets and to deliver growth. The Government will introduce this exemption ahead of the first PISCES trading events. The effect of the exemption will be time-limited, in line with the duration of the PISCES sandbox.

Clause 56 introduces a stamp duty and stamp duty reserve tax power in relation to financial market infra-structure sandboxes that will be used to provide an exemption for PISCES transactions. This will increase the attractiveness of PISCES and demonstrates the Government’s commitment to ensuring its success. The announcement of the exemption has been welcomed by stakeholders.

James Wild (Conservative, North West Norfolk)

As we heard from the Minister, clause 56 introduces a power enabling the Treasury to make stamp duty and stamp duty reserve tax changes in connection with any exercise of the time-limited financial market infrastructure sandbox power. This power will be used to provide an exemption from stamp duty for PISCES transactions, and we warmly welcome these measures.

Like many other aspects of the Bill that we have discussed today, the PISCES trading platform was the previous Government’s idea, as part of our commitment to trial new or developing technologies and practices to help companies to scale and grow. While in government, we introduced significant reforms to the UK listings regime, supporting public markets and companies choosing to list in the UK. That included implementing Lord Hill’s listing review reforms. The PISCES consultation noted:

“A key challenge for private companies is that, at early stages in their growth, there are no standardised ways for shareholders to realise their gains…or to allow companies to rationalise their shareholder base by providing their early investors an exit route. Similarly, it is harder for investors to access companies that are not yet operating on public markets.”

PISCES provides a regulatory framework for the intermittent trading of private company shares on a multilateral system. I welcome the Government’s support for PISCES, which will form an important part of the UK’s offer to companies seeking to grow and list in the UK.

I would be grateful if the Minister provided an update on the impact that PISCES is expected to have by incentivising current and potential investors to buy shares on the system, bringing greater transparency and efficiency. I note that PISCES will run for an initial period of five years. Will the Minister commit to regularly updating the House on progress?

There will not be a public market-style market abuse regime; instead, the Financial Conduct Authority will be given rule-making powers over a disclosure regime. I am sure the answer will be yes, but can the Minister confirm that it is her expectation that the FCA will be properly focused on growth as it devises those rules, and that it will ensure that any new rules are proportionate to the objective that we are seeking to achieve?

The provisions of clause 56 relate specifically to exempting PISCES share transfers from stamp duty and stamp duty reserve tax, a measure that, in their response to the consultation, UK Finance and the Association for Financial Markets in Europe said

“should be strongly considered by HMT in order to help incentivise use of the platform”.

They added that it is important

“to generally reduce frictions for companies and shareholders using the platform as far as…possible,”

and the FCA rules are important in that respect.

Stamp duty and SDRT both tax transactions that transfer securities between parties in exchange for payment. In 2023, the then Government held a consultation entitled “Stamp Taxes on Shares modernisation” and proposed a mandatory single tax on securities instead of separate taxes for electronic transfers and paper instruments. It was suggested that that approach would reduce complexity, and it was widely supported in the call for evidence responses and by the working group that was established. In considering the application of both taxes, I would be grateful if the Minister provided an update on this Government’s view on the previous Government’s proposals, and whether she plans to bring forward any changes in the future.

As I have set out, we support the measures, but I would be grateful for responses to the points I have raised.

Emma Reynolds (Labour, Wycombe)

I thank the shadow Minister for the way he has approached this subject. He is correct, of course, that the previous Government consulted on PISCES in March last year. We responded to the consultation in November, alongside the Mansion House speech delivered by my right hon. Friend the Chancellor.

I am glad that there is cross-party agreement on these issues. When we were in opposition, we were very constructive in our feedback on such proposals. The shadow Minister is right that there are other reforms in this area, which came from the Lord Hill listings review and others—there were other reviews pertinent to capital markets when the Conservative party was in government.

The shadow Minister asked me a number of questions. On estimating the impact, it is really important to note that many stakeholders in the City and across financial services, not least the Investment Association, have welcomed this innovation. We know that investors and those in the market are interested in it, and I think there is great optimism about the demand for shares on PISCES. We still have to lay the statutory instrument, but the innovation is of interest to Members across the House, so I am very happy to update it on the development of PISCES.

On the shadow Minister’s questions about the FCA, we stress to the financial services regulators at every opportunity that any new rules should be proportionate, and I assure him that that is how I will approach my work with the FCA. On his final question, although I am quite new to this position, I am familiar with the demands for the simplification of stamp duty and stamp duty reserve tax—we might make it a little bit easier to say, let alone to pay. I will absolutely prioritise looking at simplification, because any kind of simplification is good for the market and helps to get things going. I am happy to look at that, but I cannot give the shadow Minister an exact answer now.

Clause 57 - Rate bands etc for tax years 2028-29 and 2029-30

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

The clause makes changes to the inheritance tax thresholds so that they continue at the current levels in 2028-29 and 2029-30. Subject to reliefs and exemptions, inheritance tax is payable if the net value of an estate exceeds the respective thresholds for two bands: the nil-rate band, for which the threshold has been £325,000 since 2009-10, and the residence nil-rate band, for which the threshold has been £175,000 since 2021. Those thresholds rise with the consumer price index each year, but have in recent years been frozen until April 2028, by the previous Government.

The changes made by clause 57 will fix the threshold at current levels for a further two years, until April 2030. This will raise £355 million in 2029-30.

Harriet Cross (Conservative, Gordon and Buchan)

We heard earlier that the thresholds for income tax will be unfrozen as of 2028; why will the thresholds for inheritance tax not be? What impact will that have on, for example, agriculture and business property reliefs? Have the Government done an assessment of the number of additional estates that will be brought into inheritance tax beyond 2028, and how many of those will be family farms?

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

Broadly speaking, the reason why we have had to take a number of decisions, including some of the more difficult decisions in the Budget, is the fiscal inheritance from the previous Government. I do not need to spend time in Committee rehearsing the arguments on that, because they are well known and widely accepted. We inherited a mess from the previous Government and had to take difficult decisions at the autumn Budget to fix that problem, put the public finances back on an even footing and get public services back on their feet. Extending the freeze for inheritance tax thresholds is one of many difficult decisions we had to take.

On the number of estates that will pay inheritance tax as a result of the freeze, fixing the nil-rate bands is forecast to increase the number of tax-paying estates by 1,400 in 2028-29 and by 2,900 in 2029-30. That means the proportion of all UK deaths subject to inheritance tax will rise by 0.2 and 0.4 percentage points in ’28-29 and ’29-30 respectively, when compared with the thresholds rising with CPI. If we look at all inheritance tax measures, the latest forecast indicates that 37,700 estates will have an inheritance tax liability in ’24-25, which equates to 5.8% of all estates. That will increase to 66,600 estates in ’29-30, which equates to 9.5% of estates. I hope that helps to put the measures in context.

We have debated the specific changes to agricultural and business property reliefs several times, and I have shared with the hon. Member for Gordon and Buchan the data on that, which shows the limited impact of the freeze in terms of the number of estates affected. Most estates will not be subject to any inheritance tax because of the way we have designed the reforms to agricultural property relief and business property relief. We have had several other debates on that issue in this place.

The hon. Member for Gordon and Buchan asked about one specific part of the system, but the two rates affected by clause 57 relate to the inheritance tax thresholds that apply to all estates. As I said in my response to her intervention, the reason why the Government are taking these decisions and taking forward measures like this is to repair the public finances, given our inheritance from the previous Administration. Fixing the inheritance tax thresholds for a further two years contributes to putting the public finances back on an even footing. I will defend at every possible opportunity our decision to restore economic stability to the public finances in the UK, because without economic stability, it is not possible to boost investment and growth in the way we are determined to do.

Gareth Davies (Conservative, Grantham and Bourne)

Clause 57 fixes the inheritance tax thresholds at their current levels for a further two tax years, as the Minister set out. The nil-rate band, which remains fixed at £325,000, has been unchanged since 2009. The residence nil-rate band, which comes into play when a person leaves a property to their direct descendants when they die, was introduced at £100,000 in 2017-2018 by a Conservative Government, before being increased by £25,000 in succeeding years. In reaching the current level of £175,000, we delivered on our manifesto pledge to create an inheritance tax threshold for married couples and civil partners of up to £1 million. Since then, the legislative default is for the thresholds to be increased in line with the consumer prices index, although Parliament agreed to override that provision in the aftermath of the pandemic and to maintain the current thresholds to 2027-2028.

Although we do not oppose the measures, HMRC has reported that the Labour Government’s decision to extend the freeze on the current thresholds for a further two years will, as the Minister just set out, increase the number of tax-paying estates by 1,400 in 2028-2029 and by 2,900 in 2029-2030. It was perfectly reasonable for my hon. Friend the Member for Gordon and Buchan to ask why this Labour Government have chosen to unfreeze income tax in 2028 but not inheritance tax. I am afraid the answer we got was not good enough in the context of a Budget and a series of measures that have spent £8 billion on GB Energy, an energy company that will not produce any energy or reduce any energy bills; £7 billion on a national wealth fund, which basically means repainting the UK Infrastructure Bank building; and £9 billion on union pay deals that came with no reform and no productivity gains, but massive pay rises that, by the way, the OBR has assessed as inflationary.

Oliver Ryan (Labour/Co-operative, Burnley)

The election last year was momentous: it was a landslide election for the new Government. I note the hon. Gentleman’s glowing impression of the inheritance from the previous Government; where did it go wrong?

Gareth Davies (Conservative, Grantham and Bourne)

Where it has gone wrong is that the Labour party said pre-election that it would not increase national insurance, but has now gone back on that. Labour said it would not hit farmers and would support them, but we now have the family farm tax. We are slightly veering off topic, as Mr Mundell will point out, but I say gently to the hon. Gentleman that although I hope he retains his seat at the next election—[Laughter.] The Chancellor, who is completely out of her depth, has made his life a little more difficult. He is laughing now but I am not sure he will be in four years.

In the context of more drastic changes to inheritance tax elsewhere in the Budget, and the changes to agricultural relief in particular, my hon. Friend the Member for Gordon and Buchan asked about the Government’s assessment of how many of the estates being brought into the regime as a result of the threshold freeze are family farms. I did not quite hear an answer. On behalf of all the farmers we all represent, I say it would be good to hear the Treasury’s estimate as to how many family farms will be impacted.

Ministers frequently cite the inheritance tax thresholds in mitigation of their decision to introduce the family farm tax, but that mitigation is being steadily eroded by inflation. By the time the family farm tax comes into effect next year, Labour’s excuses will be worth even less than they are today, not least because the OBR forecasts that inflation will be higher for longer under Labour. It has already gone up in this short period. It is a shameful exercise in how not to govern, and we will be holding the Government to account going forward.

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

That was a fairly wide-ranging response from the shadow Minister to what is quite a straightforward clause. I could not help but notice that he began by saying that he supported what we are doing in the clause, that he understood that we needed to take tough decisions and that he will not oppose the decision to extend the freeze to inheritance tax thresholds—which the Conservatives began—for a further two years. He then proceeded to explain why he did not support it. I know the Opposition have not made their policy on many things, but it seems that even individual Members have not made up their minds.

Gareth Davies (Conservative, Grantham and Bourne)

I was pointing out the discrepancy in how, as we covered earlier, the Government are unfreezing income tax—apparently, although they are not legislating for it—but keeping the freeze on inheritance tax, which I pointed out that we did, not least for public finance reasons. Not only that, but the freeze has also been used as a mitigation against the disgraceful family farm tax that has impacted many of our farmers. Every year that inflation goes up—and it is going up under Labour—that mitigation goes away. That was the point I was trying to make, and it would be great if the Minister could address it.

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

The shadow Minister alleges that there is some discrepancy on this side of the Committee; I feel like there is some discrepancy within his own views. I return to the central point that he seemed to begin by saying that he welcomed our measures—that he supports them and understands why tough decisions have to be taken—but then seemed to explain why he did not support them.

The shadow Minister asked why we decided to extend the threshold freeze for inheritance tax while not, for instance, increasing income tax rates; that is a political choice. It is a difficult choice, but it is a political choice. As a Government we have made the choice to make sure that we do not raise income tax. We went into the election saying that we would not raise taxes on working people, and we have kept that pledge through our policies on income tax, employee national insurance and the rate of VAT. We made those commitments and we are honouring them.

Angus MacDonald (Liberal Democrat, Inverness, Skye and West Ross-shire)

Will the Minister consider the fact that the increase in national insurance has harmed many companies that have really struggled? An increase in the top rate of income tax or capital gains tax would at least have hit organisations that are making proper profits and proper money.

David Mundell (Conservative, Dumfriesshire, Clydesdale and Tweeddale)

The debate is only in the context of the clause. If the Minister feels he can find a context, he can respond.

James Murray (Labour/Co-operative, Ealing North)

I will attempt to link that question to inheritance tax thresholds. I am thinking rapidly on my feet and struggling somewhat. With your permission, Mr Mundell, I will respond briefly to the hon. Gentleman’s point about the difficult decision—one of the toughest we took in the Budget—to increase employer national insurance contributions. We did not want to have to take that decision, but we had to take a series of difficult decisions because of the state of the public finances. We recognise that it was difficult for businesses as well. What is critical for businesses, and for the economy more widely, is having the public finances in balance, meeting our fiscal rules and ensuring that we have stability in the economy. As I said earlier, without that, the investment in growth that we are determined to pursue will not have the right foundations.

I will return to inheritance tax thresholds. I set out the number of estates that will be affected as a result of the thresholds. I do not know whether the shadow Minister is aware of the data that has been put out on the changes to agricultural property relief and business property relief. The number of estates affected that claim agricultural property relief, and agricultural property relief with business property relief, is estimated to be up to 530 in ’26-27. I have referred to that information in the Chamber several times, and it was in the letter that the Chancellor sent to the Treasury Select Committee.

To conclude, although the shadow Minister’s position is confusing, I welcome the Opposition’s support for the measures.

Written evidence reported to the House